affaire in France could not prosper if those of England did amisse this newes made a great impression in the Duke so as deputing the Earle of Warwicke who was but a little before come thither with 6000. men His Lieutenant in the Regency of France hee went together with his Wife to England and came to Lancaster where the Parliament was at that time called The first action hee did was to blame such Lords as had sided in this difference not naming his Brother or Uncle to whom his discourse tended who drawne by their venome had stir'd up the People to the danger of the King and Kingdome and utter subversion of the affaires in France hee exhorted them to lay aside their passions and take to them more moderate and civill thoughts Gloster did not forbeare for all this to present in full Parliament his complaints against the Bishop First that Richard Woodville Lieutenant of the Tower had by the Bishops instigation denyed him entrance Secondly that hee was resolv'd to lay hands upon the King and carry him from Eltham to Windsor without the Kings consent or consent of the Councell Thirdly that when as hee had resolv'd to hinder him herein Hee had caused the Bridge to bee shut up upon him caused the chaines to bee drawne and placed men armed with bowes arrowes and all other manner of weapons in the chambers windowes and corners neare about to hinder his passage and to kill him and as many as were with him Fourthly that hee had beene told by Henry the fifth as hee lay asleepe in the great chamber at Westminster in his Fathers time by the barking of a Dog a certaine man was discover'd behind the hangings who being question'd by the Earle of Arundel said that hee was placed there by directions from the Bishop of Winchester to kill the Prince in his bed and that being removed from thence hee was immediatly drowned in the Thames Fifthly that he had told him likewise that his Father in his latter times being troubled with grievous indispositions the Bishop should say unto him that since hee was no longer fit for governmrnt hee should doe well to transferre both the government and Crowne upon him The Parliament was not easily brought to beleeve the circumstances of this accusation especially when the Bishop gave in his answere To the first hee said that before the Duke of Gloster went to Hannault hee and the councell good reasons moving them thereunto had ordered that the Towre of London for the time to come should bee victualled and munition'd as other forts use to be That after his being gone to Hannault the Citie being in apparent danger threatned by libels and seditious speeches particularly against strangers the greatest part whereof were for this cause fled the councell fearing a rebellion had appointed Richard Woodville to be Lieutenant of the Towre who to boote with the great affiance the deceased King had in him was Chamberlaine and Councellor to the Duke of Bedford with directions that during this his charge hee should not suffer any one whosoever to enter therein that was stronger then himselfe without particular commandement from the King or order to bee given by the Councell that the Duke at his returne disliking this order would breake it Hee pretended to enter and inhabite there being offended that Woodville denied him entrance and that the Bishop had advis'd him so to doe the which hee did not deny his reason being that the Duke desiring Richard Scot Lieutenant of the Tower to deliver up into his custody one Randall a Frier convict of treason against the late King and who had bin some yeares Prisoner Richard not able to deliver him without order from the Councell nor to refuse his delivery without offending the Duke desired him to send him such a command as might serve for his discharge the which the Duke denied to doe saying his commandement might serve for a sufficient discharge so as the Bishop seeing him so farre exceed the limits of his authority and not knowing where it would end could not chuse but give Richard this advice so much the more for that after his returne from Hannault hee had not forborne to allure some of the People saying that if they had beene ill dealt withall in his absence as hee understood they had they should bee so no more now that hee was present and that as for the Tower which was reinforced to keepe them in awe as who should say they were not loyall Hee would find a remedy for that if they so pleased To the second that hee never had any intention to lay hands upon the King much lesse to take him from where hee was to governe him otherwise then till then hee had beene unlesse it were by the resolution of the Councell that such a thought could no wayes availe him but rather prove harmefull and dangerous to him the which hee offered to make good in time and place convenient To the third that hee denied not to have done as much as was alleadged but not to the end as was objected that hee had beene certainely inform'd ever since the last Parliament at Winchester of the great ill will the Duke bore him which made him resolve not to bee there to shunne the evils wherewithall hee was threatned that evident signes were seene of this that certaine people of base condition being assembled together on the Thames side where boates use to land were heard to say that if they should meete with the Bishop in that place they would throw him into the River and that the Sunday before All-Saints day the Duke being demanded by the Councell concerning his ill will to the Bishop hee said it is true and that it might bee his reasons should bee seene one day in writing that the next Munday by the Dukes commandement no reason being given for it the Citizens were all night in Armes saying injurious things against the Bishop that commandement was likewise given to the Courtiers to bee with the Duke by 8. in the morning armed that on Tuesday hee gave directions to the Major and Aldermen to send unto him 300. Horse-men to waite upon him whither hee was to goe which was as it was said to remove away the King without the Councels knowledge all which being manifest signes of this the Bishops danger hee resolved to prevent him as it is lawfull for every one to defend himselfe so as if he had fortified the Bridge to the end it might not bee forc't it was not done with any intention of damnifying the Duke or any others but to keepe himselfe from being damnified since hee was not the assaylant but the defendant To the fourth and fifth that hee had bin true and loyall to all Kings which if hee had not beene Henry the fifth a wise King would not have trusted him so much as hee did Hee offered to prove this the proofe to bee such as is wonted to bee granted to persons of his state and
held out for Talbot being come with 4000. Souldiers with full purpose to give the Constable battle who having fortified himselfe in the City did not stirre from thence though much provoked tooke a Fort placed in the Island neare unto the Market-place wherein hee slew 120. men tooke all the rest prisoners and forced Monsieur de Croy to abandon his quarter and got many barkes loaded with victualls so as having secured the besieged and furnished them with fresh Souldiers they did not withstanding forbeare to surrender themselves A few dayes after Sr. William Chamberlaine was their chiefe as saith Monstrelee and Sr. Thomas Abringant according to Chartier but whether of either it was where hee came to Roan hee was clapt up prisoner in the Castle and accused for having surrendred not necessitated thereunto since hee had men victualls and munition but how ever hee so pleaded for himselfe as he was set at liberty The Constable not content with this atchievement marched into Normandy besieged Auranches and at the comming of the Duke of Alansonne was by him reinforced with new troopes a part whereof tooke the City and Castle of Saint Susanna in Mayne through the treachery of an English Knight as saith Giles whom hee nameth not As for Auranches after three weekes siege hee was forced to rise from before it for Talbot came and countersieged him entring the towne in his very sight the Constable not being able to hinder him The Dolphins insurrection which hapned at this time did a little retard his fathers good fortune for thereby the English repossessed themselves of such places as they had lately lost hee was then just sixteene yeares old he lived at Loches under the tuition of Count de Marsh a gentleman of noble conditions but his authoritie grew lesse after his marriage and after that with the waight of the Corrazza hee liked well of millitary applause and the flatteries of such who hoped for advancement by reason of this rent the causes hereof were two the first for that Charles was alwayes governed by people of no great account the second the ambition of the Princes which hath at all times been prejudiciall to France for they pretend to that out of right which is onely due unto them by favour Charles gave occasion hereof by his ill conceived suspitions and the Princes laid hold thereof contrary to the lawes of nature by making the sonne disobedient to the father and to civill wisedome by putting dissention in the kingdome in a time when they should all have conspired to have set it free by expelling the enemy But suspitions were in Charles become inseparable and become naturall unto him by reason of his being become accustomed to his mothers persecutions and the enmity of Burgony and England so as affying onely in the meaner sort of people as those that were lesse apt to hurt him he made them insolent as mistrusting the great ones he gave them cause of offence by excluding them from his familiarity and affaires his sonnes discontents sprung from the same fountaine his father grew jealous of him seeing him grow in authority as in yeares and in the subjects expectation so as to keepe him under he treated him more frugally and held a stricter hand over him then his yeares his being married and his ambition could permit those who misled him were the Dukes of Burbone and of Alansonne the Counts of Vandome Chabanes the Dunnesse Charmount Tremugtie Boveant and Prie by the Bastard of Burbones meanes these bad him weigh the duty he ought his father and the welfare of the state that the former was to be preserved by the preservation of the latter but not contrarywise They shewed unto him the evill effects caused by his fathers bad government they ript up all from the murthering of the Duke of Burgundy even to the present time they enformed him that those who were of the greatest authoritie about him perswaded him to peace which could not be done without dismembring the kingdome which was to deprive him the Dolphine of his inheritance and patrimony for that their power being weakned by warre wherein Captaines and governours of provinces were onely to be used they could not tyrannize over the King Kingdome Princes and Dolphin unlesse they should exclude men of merit They told him how his being confined in so solitary a place might serve for an Argument to prove this since he was kept there of set purpose that being far from the Court and ignorant of affaires he might depend upon them that by taking upon him so generous a resolution hee could not displease his father since the effects would shew that such disobedience would redound more to his profit then any obedience could doe since thereon depended the preservation of the state father sonne and subjects I know not whether it were these reasons that prevailed with the Dolphin or else his owne contumatious inclinationâ—… his answer was hee was ready to doe whatsoever his quality obliged him unto That all the power lay in the Princes that hee would neither be wanting to himselfe nor them In briefe leaving Loches and the Count his governour he went to Monlius where the Duke of Burbone waited for him and whether the Duke d'Alansonne and Count de Dammartin came unto him and after them all the rest with a resolution not to part with him till such time as according to the common pretence of all seditious people disorders were reformed the authority of the Princes established and men of worth called into favour They used their best meanes to draw Philip to their faction but hee whose eyes were not dazled did not onely deny them but advised them to more wholesome resolutions since their enterprise was unjust full of danger and for which they had no ground hee protested hee would never seperate himselfe from Charles and said hee should bee able to doe the Dolphin better service by not siding with him then if hee should take his part this answer did displease the confederated finding themselves thereby deceived in their chiefest hope but they were much more displeased when all the Provinces did with horrour and detestation heare of this insurrection They all loved the Dolphin and offered to serve him but not against his Father who having admonished him of his duty and not prevailing went armed to Poictiers from whence hee sent to the Duke of Burbone commanding him to deliver up unto his Sonne and to the Duke of Alanson commanding him to surrender up Niorte and Saint Massence willing them both to come before him and give a reason for their insurrection but they obeyed not On the contrary Alanson sent word to Massence to defend it selfe upon notice whereof the City revolted and the Castle was besieged and taken by the Kings forces which suddenly flockt thither and the Commanders hanged Finally a totall agreement was made by an assembly held at Clarimont where the King being perswaded to pardon the Offendors if together with the
made them be brought out of Prison and being exposed to publike view as Traitors they were beheaded without any other manner of Justice He would not suffer them to speake least their innocency being made knowne and commiserated might make the Author thereof more odious These being ridde out of the way as likewise the Chamberlaine and Stanley being hurt and a Prisoner there remained no further obstacle every man looking to himselfe not troubling themselves with other mens affaires And say there had beene other rubbes they would have come out of time the designe being to be effected before they could be prepared to hinder it and though there was neither pretence nor least appearance thereof every shadow or colour would serve the turne for force if it be not able to make things be believed it is sufficient to make Beliefe be Fained 'T is dangerous for an unarmed man to dispute and worse to give the lie to one that is in the posture of striking But as the successe of things cannot bee represented upon a Theater without the concourse of severall personages requisite to the composure of the Story so did it behove him to make use of many others besides the above named to the weaving of this Treason Amongst the rest Sir Edmund Shaw Lord Major of London his brother Iohn Shaw and Pinker Provinciall of the Augustine Friers were some the first to draw the City to the Protectours will and to suppresse tumults a very fit personage for this purpose whose vanity did aspire to greatnesse though by what so ever precipitious way and whose ambition for the like cause did not detest the most enormous misdeed the second and third Doctours of Divinity and by the people esteemed famous Preachers chosen to give Authority and Fervour as is usuall in such like actions for such men pretending integrity of Profession and minding nothing lesse are the best meanes to seduce and irritate the People But had not the feare men stood in of the Protectour been of more force then their preaching little progresse would have been made in the businesse for by their endeavours they had raised so Universall a hatred against them that from the estimation they formerly were in they fell into such a Detestation as Doctour Shaw dyed for grief The knot of this businesse lay in finding out a meanes to exclude the heires of Edward the Fourth and though he made no great account of the Duke of Clarence his heires yet did he not altogether contemne them though they were but young without or Friends or Favour The pretences found out to this purpose were two the first that King Edward and the Duke of Clarence were both of them the issue of Adultery that they were not sonnes to the Duke of Yorke whose onely legitimate heire the Protectour was The second that Edwards children were not only Bastards as Children of a bastard but as borne in an illegitimate Marriage he having before hee married their Mother engaged himselfe by word to the Lady Lucy who if she did not make good her claime when shee was interrogated thereupon it was for feare so as the Dutchesse of Yorke Mother to them all three layd it afterwards to Edwards conscience therefore such Marriages being illegitimate before God did exclude all Children therein begotten from all pretences due to the lawfull Heires I write not the Particulars of this Matrimonall dispute because they have beene sufficiently spoken of in the Life of Edward the Fourth whereunto I referre the Reader These pretences were to be to Preachers the subject of their Sermons especially to Shaw the introducer of them and from the beginning partaker of the Counsell the Augustine Fryer was afterwards imployed therein both of them behaving themselves in it with so bare-faced flattery as they nauseated the eares of their auditors And because the First of these two points was out of measure scandalous the whole House of Yorke being thereby injured and the Protectours Mother in particular defamed they resolved not to Treate thereof in downe-right termes but by way of circumspection as if it should seeme to be done out of a feare of offending the Protectour In the second point they were not mealy-mouth'd but did at large expatiate themselves Shaw Preached at Pauls Crosse taking his Text out of the Wisdome of Solomon Spuria vitulamina non agent radices altas The bastard slippes shall take no deepe rooting Whereupon hee discoursed amply it being a subject plentifull in Examples Sentences and Apophthegmes taken out of both Holy and Profane writ and seconded by the agreeing diversity of Fathers Philosophers and Poets He shewed Gods blessings to such as proceeded from lawfull Matrimony his Curses to such as were Adulterously begotten the usurpation of Goods belonging to the lawfully begotten being an abomination in his Eyes that therefore God would replant the lawfully begotten and roote out the contrary Here falling upon the praises of Richard Duke of Yorke hee made a long Panegyrick repeating his Titles to the Crowne confirmed by Parliament and declared King after the Death of Henry the sixt that the now Protectour was his onely legitimate Heire as the onely issue discended from him King Edward and the Duke of Clarence being by such as knew the secret passages of the House not esteemed His that they resembled Others who were very well knowne more then Him and did likewise so farre differ from him in Vertue as they could not discend from Him That there was no dispute to be made of Edwards Sonnes they being the Issue of a Marriage contracted whilst the Lady Lucy His First and True Wife was alive so as the Protectour was the onely Legimate of-spring of that house in whom might easily be discern'd his Fathers manners Image and Valour that therefore he was onely to be looked upon as he on whom the Laws by Nature and the Heavens by Grace had conferred all their favours The further Order herein taken was that when Shaw should be entred into this Encomium the Protectour should appeare to the end that the People hearing these things said at the instant of his arrivall might thinke Shaw inspired by the Holy Ghost and might cry up Richard King but he comming somewhat late and the Preacher being past on to some other matter hee quitted it at His appearing turning disorderly and from the purpose to what he had formerly said This said he is that Noble Prince the mirrour of Chevalry this is hee that naturally represents the noble Duke his Father as well in the Lineaments of his Minde as Countenance this is his very Figure his true stampe his undoubted Image his full Resemblance whose memory will never die so long as this man lives Had hee who saies Vox Populi Vox Dei the Peoples voyce is Gods voyce seene how husht all the Auditory was hee would have said The Peoples silence is Gods silence for being amazed to heare such bold and shamelesse impudence they stood like so many Statues in so
Twelve years old had courage enough to oppose his Father therein a Good while It proved an unfortunate marriage miserable Changes and Troubles arose from the Divorce which thereupon ensued The marriage of the King of Scots with Princesse Margaret which was treated of some years past by the meanes of Bishop Fox was celebrated this year which together with the preceding yeare was remarkeable for two Marriages and two Deaths for the marriage of Prince Arthur and his Death the Preceding year and for the marriage of the King of Scotland and the Death of Queene Elizabeth this Present year the Queene dying in Child-bed and the Child dying likewise not long after This marriage was published in London in Ianuary for which Te Deum was sung in Pauls and great Joy was had in the Citie The cause of this long Dclay was by reason of the Princesse her tender age who at the Consummation thereof which was in August was not above Fourteen yeares old Besides many of the Counsell had opposed it for if the Second Prince should dye as did the First England was to fall under Scotland which they much abhorr'd but the King cleared this opinion for if it should fall out as was proposed the cleane Contrary was like to happen the King of Scotland would live in England the Lesser being to give way to the Greater which would not have hapned if this Princesse should have beene married to France and the succession should have fallen to her Children Every one being satisfied with this reason there was not any that opposed it And this is the match which hath given the lawfull succession of England to the Kings of Scotland which hath hapned without any opposition in these our dayes The King now finding himself at quiet on all sides his Neighbours being his Friends and having extinguisht all Intestine broyls hee fell to be exceeding avaricious so as those vertues which placed before in a Benigne aspect gave forth happy beams were by the Interposition of this vice found to be in the shadow of a prodigious Ecclipse Princes meet easilier with fitting Ministers for what is Bad then for what is Good Henry met with two pernicious instruments who Nourishing Covetousnesse in him did Increase it in him by unjust means and by drawing blood from the Purse-veins of Thousands of Innocent people These were Edmund Dudley and Richard Empson the first being borne a Gentleman did by his wickednesse obscure the splendour of his Blood the other being the Son of a Shoo-maker made good that from Filth and Mire nothing but Pollution and Stinch can be expected They were admitted to the Court being both of the same profession Lawyers and they by alike means got alike Preferment being Both made Privy Counsellours so as their Ambition being satisfied their Avarice remained to be so likewise which is the drift of Ambition in Basely-minded men but because Ingenuity and Justice though they may nourish the moderate cannot satisfie the Insatiate they would not make use of Them but of their Contraries that from the Rivers of Gold which sprung up in the Kings Coffers they might derive some Channels of the same metall which might run into Their Purses at the charge of King and Subject The Laws at that time either by reason of the Civill Warres or through the Negligence of the Iudges were either Forgotten or growne out of Use and the Patrimony of the Crowne enjoyed by many by vertue of Long-Leases being become almost as good as Fee-simple to the Enjoyers moved the King to look into them and these two who were thought the most Learned and best Practised in the Law were by him chosen to this purpose and had full Authority given them But ther was never any so Good or Wholsom Law which hath not been profan'd by Malice and Corruption They raised up many Accusers and the Accused being put in Prison and there kept the time appointed for their justification being maliciously Prorogued they were enforced to Purchase their Liberties with Great summes of Money Others being cited by Them or their Delegates the usuall course of Law not being observed were Condemned they abounded in False Witnesses and False Pretences whereby they impoverished the wealthy Wards was not suffered to enter upon their Lands without vast disbursements Such Iudges as swayed by Integrity resisted Their wils were either better Taught by Imprisonment or Ruin'd by Amercements Laws which had at sundry times been enacted by Parliament more for Terrour then Punishment a great part whereof were Repealed too were without any manner of remission rigorously put in Execution in so much that the King himselfe being a little before his Death told by conscionable men what Injustice had been done he left it in his Will that such as had unjustly suffered should have Ample Satisfaction made them Which he Himself ought to have done in his Life time but did not for when Covetousnesse hath once taken possession of a mans heart the Offices of Conscience have no Power the Law of the Flesh which opposeth the Law of the Mind doth captivate us under the Law of Sin where withall being ensnared we cannot get loose againe I recount not All that is written to this effect I will only relate One passage which may serve for all the Rest. The King as hee came to Henningham a Castle belonging to the Earl of Oxford one whom he was wont to make use of both in War and Peace he was there received and feasted with much Splendour and Magnificence all that by whatsoever title held any Land of the Earl came at that time to give their Attendance on him of the which many were Gentlemen many Yeomen these and the Gentlemen likewise wore all of them the Earles Blew-coats and Feathers in their hats of the Earles colours for the rest of their apparell they were all richly clad every man according to his Condition when he King came forth they placed themselves in two Rows making a gallant shew in the Great Hall He looking wistly upon them asked the Earl if they were All his Servants who smiling answered No for then he should be thought an Ill husband but that they were all his Tenants who were come upon this occasion to wait upon His Majestie the King having thanked him for his Good Entertainment said unto him that the Report of hospitality came short of the Truth but that he could not suffer his Lawes to be broken in his Presence without resenting it and that his Atturney generall should talke with him about it The Lords were then to give but a Certain number of Liveries or Blew coats which Law whether it stand still in Force or no I know not This busines cost the Earle Ten Thousand Pounds for for so much was he compounded with the Kings Officers besides the Charge he had been at in his Entertainment which was very Great and which might have Freed him from the Punishment he was run into had the Kings Gratitude been
Roman Empire Where luxury and vice increase their dominion decreaseth and together with the rigor of the mind civility it selfe which is not defined by ceremoniall complements but by the strong effect of a judicious understanding England then Albion and now Britaine a Country not fully knowne before Caeâ—…ars time from the entry of the Romans fell to be one of the most noted and most glorious Monarcnies of the world She did not send multitudes of people abroad for abounding in whatsoever is requisite to nature and that in some perfection she haa no need of other Colonies nay her owne abundance and fertility was such as invited her being oppugned whilst divided and under the command of many she remayned a prey to them that did assaile her I intend not to speake of her beginning so long a work sutes not with so short a life as is mine I will take my rise from her Civill warres which will shew unto us what evill effects states divided within themselves doe produce and how that nature to render this people valiant tooke from them the apprehension of death the onely thing which makes men base and cowards not that an inclination to peace bee not to bee numbred amongst the greatest hapinesses of mankind but for that the world being what it then was and what it will be to the end humblenesse and meeknesse ought only to be accounted amongst individuall vertues So as if people be not of themselves fierce they shall alwaies be subject to the neglect and injuries of such as esteeme a pleasing behaviour no vertue but a weaknesse of nature The praise of mansuetude in one or a few is not incompatible with valour but in a whole nation it is as much to be blamed as it is the occasion of harme For vertue or vice are not judged by Morall or Theologicall termes but by the good or bad effects which from thence may ensue The Brittans were not subject to such defects and though they made triall of many ebbes of fortune being miserably inforced if we may beleeve Gilda to invoke the Roman assistance it was for that they were divided in their forces and inclinations But being brought under one absolute King they appeared to bee all members of one solide body of force not to bee conquered and of minde alternatly disposed either to preserve their reputations or dye They have obtained famous victories though fewer in number by two thirds The battell of Cressi and Poictiers witnes this unto us but more particularly those that we are to meet withall in this our story their minds were at first wholy set upon liberty so as free from forraine feare they oftentimes would boggle at their own kings who though they were absolute bad not withstanding their Monarchy so well upheld by the Lawes that they could hardly fall from regall power to oppression And though the jealousie of this libertyhath sometimes been very great in these people even to the making of them headstrong and seditious yet inconveniences which doe incidently happen ought not to be of power enough to take from the substance of that government the title of a well governed Commonwealth And though it be not voide of faults heaven being the onely perfect Monarchy yet not such as are cause of mischiefe They are not taxed or oppressed without grievance or new impositions And whereas the Country people in other parts walke bare foot and bare legged with tattered cloathes and leane lookes beere well cloathed and well liking they in substance are and in apparell seeme to be honorable and wealthy Citizens But it is plainely seene by them that men are weary of well doing For ignorant of other mens miseries when they want their wonted warres and triumphes they thinke themseves miserable whilst in comparison of as many as I know they are the happiest nation in the world Nor is the authority of their kings lessened by this liberty when they are vertuous and frugall or else esteemed of for their victories and Trophees they have done with their people even what they pleased The two Henries the 5. and the 7 in this our story not to make use of any out of it are examples of this Nor do their meane revenues in comparison of those excessive ones of other Kings make them lesse rich for free from the extortion of great men from maintaining of Citadell Garisons borse confines not troubled with Switzers dependences correspondencies spies all necessary expences be it for the preservation of ones owne or the pretending to what is anothers they need not have any more They are secure at home having no dependency but on the King for abroad the Sea is their ditch their Citadell thier Bul-warke and their ships though their chiefest charge yet ordinarily are of no vast expence Besides upon any extraordinary occurrence their treasure is locked up in their subjects purses from whence it is drawen by the usuall way of Parliament without oppression or injury to any one and what by this meanes is raysed doth not as in many other states remaine a continuall revenue to the Prince By the testimony of Philip de Comines the revenue of France in Charles the sevenths time did not exceed one hundred and fourescore thousand pound sterling Vnder Lewis the leventh they came to foure hundred and seventy thousand pounds sterling the yeare 1608. under Henry the fourth three millions one hundred thousand pound sterling and at this present time under Lewis the thirteenth if the relation be not false it amounts to foure millions and five hundred thousand pounds Sterling or more Hence I inferre that the Kings of England walke in the eclyptique line of their government ruled by two just counterpoises regall authority which makes them be obeyed and the Lawes a just weight equally fitted to shape forth a well constituted Aristodemocraticall government The people enjoy their liberty provided for by the Lawes The Nobility such Honours and Offices as become their quality and the King his will in making warre or peace All confiscations and power of pardoning the Lawes not having debarred him of anything which appertaineth to an absolutely juridicall Prince I thought good to touch upon these few things for that necessary foreknowledge which may bee needfull to this our History And if they may appeare strange to such as are borne under Princes who know no other Law then their owne will they ought not to thinke it strange that governments to be good ought as all other sublunary things to bee composed of more elements then one and that their contrariety produeeth the unity which nature requires The Gentiles did not without some great mystery faine their Gods to bee bound by fate and by their swearing by the Stygian waters For Princes are these Gods their oathes by the Stygian waters the oathes which at their Coronation they take for the good of the people which would not be necessary for good Princes for goodnesse is a Law unto it selfe but as
at liberty they contented themselves with such sufficient security as he gave them Thirteen men were afterwards chosen who under the King should take upon them the government of the Kingdome of the which number were the two Uncles of Yorke and Gloster and the Earle of Arundell An Oligarchy at all times dangerous in a Monarchicall government and which first instituted in the reigne of Richard was afterwards as harmfull repealed But examples are not sufficient to ground Lawes upon when the injustice of the Prince is such as it receiveth Lawes from the subject when their injustice springs from their weaknesse and when their weaknesse proves the nerves of strength and veines of justice to the people whether being arrived commanding they are blind in doing of offence whilst being commanded they were Arguseyd in receiving offences every man cries out Liberty a pleasing thing and according to nature but to bring others into servitude is a vice in nature more in reason The tyranny of the Decemviri in Rome was more insupportable then that of Tarquin and the short government of these thirteen more inexorable then all Richards reigne so as if wee consider things aright we shall finde that evils have almost alwayes had just beginnings but contrary proceedings and ends hatred envie and revenge unmasking those vices which covered by the deceitfull cloake of Common-good were beleeved to be vertues The last businesse and the onely one which gave satisfaction to the King was the assigning over to the Duke of Ireland the thirty thousand markes paid in by the Admirall Clisson for the ransome of Iohn of Brettony Count of Pointivers his sonne-in-law This Iohn together with his brother Guy was taken prisoner by Iohn Shandois in the battell of Antroy the yeare 1364. The French seconding Charles of Bloys father to the two young brethren who died in that battell and the English Iohn Montford both of them pretenders to the Dukedome of Bretanny they gave unto him this money in colour that he should goe into Ireland to take possession of such lands as the King had there given him but in effect to separate him from him barring him of all delay they prefixt unto him Easter for his departure from England This was the price at which they thought to have purchased his absence but neither did he see Ireland nor was the King likely to lose his company if Fortune did not deprive him of it This Parliament ended with the giving of one Subsidy which was alotted to Richard Earle of Arundell to be spent at sea where having done considerable actions accompanied with the Earle of Nottingham he gave to the Duke and others further occasion of hatred whereby to suppresse those vertues which in well-governed Common-wealths use to be rewarded so to incite others to the service of their Countrey by the bait of emulation and honour a dismall signe of corruption the bringer in of vice and forerunner of ruine The Parliament was no sooner ended but the King returned to London retooke the Earle of Suffolke to his former favour who as one condemned ought not to have been permitted to have seene the King nor have come where he was he anuld all that was decreed against him conniving onely at this that the office of Chancellor should remaine in the Bishop of Ely upon whom it was conferred And to the end that matters of scandall might never be wanting to the favorites and that their insolencies might witnesse to the world the supreame power they had over him he suffered the Duke of Ireland to do one act of scandall the which distasted all men The Duke amongst the chiefest of his honours married Phillep the daughter of Ingram Guisnes Lord of Consi and Isabel daughter of Edward the third cosen to the King a great and noble Lady by her owne deserts as well as birth not moved thereunto by any inciting cause but his owne pleasure he resolved to repudiate her that hee might marry one Ancerona a Bohemian a Carpenters daughter who came into England in the Queens service It is to be beleeved that he had not taken her had not Richard adhered to him and the dispensation of Vrban the sixth had not been obtained without the Regall countenance there being no lawfull cause for the putting her away although it was the easilier gotten for that the Dutches Phillep being a Frenchwoman adhered to the schisme of Clement of Avignion So that it is no wonder if the King were not generally beloved of his people since that to second the Dukes unlawfull humours hee put no valuation upon himselfe The Duke of Gloster was herewithall soundly netled neither did he cloake his anger though to declare himselfe therein was not agreeable to the rules of wisedome for an open enemy puts himselfe to too much disadvantage Easter the prefixed time for the journey into Ireland was come and gone the world was to be satisfied He delayed the time under the colour of making preparations but not able to put it off any longer he departed and together with him the King who went as hee gave out to accompany him to the Sea side Being come to Bristow they did not put to Sea but leaving it on the left hand passed forward into Wales as if the people had forgotten the journey to Ireland Trickes and devices the more scandalous and unseasonable for that they argued some strange alteration The authoritie of the governours troubled his quiet and the advantage that they had got upon Regall authority threatned his ruine they coveted to secure themselves from them for neither did the Duke intend to goe into Ireland nor the King to part with him nor the Archbishop of York to stand the shock of universall hatred nor the Earle of Suffolk to return to the censure of the Parliament nor Trisillian nor Bambre to give an account of their past actions Whereupon finding themselves in great danger they agreed that it was impossible for them to subsist without ridding them out of the way who were onely able to undoe them A wicked resolution but now necessary since they were come to that passe as nothing but extreams could worke their safety The difficulty of the businesse lay in the making away of Gloster Arundell Warwicke Nottingham and Darby eldest sonne to the Duke of Lancaster who hitherto hath not been named though the first subject of our Story They had likewise proscribed many others with whom they might not have done amisse to have temporized but all delayes were to them dangerous and treacheries framed formerly against Gloster made it impossible for them to compasse their ends by the same meanes The law was thought the safest way and the more masked the safer Many there were who had followed the King not so much out of respect and to claw the favourite as for that the aire of London under the blast of the thirteene not tempered by the propitious breath of Regality was thought pestilentiall They all seemed to make
they should be judged The Lord Cobham and divers others were likewise made prisoners The meane while the King not knowing how his two Uncles would take this businesse furnished himselfe with Souldiers and commanded those of his side to come to the Parliament well attended The two Dukes hearing that their brother was taken and afterwards put to death were much afraid of themselves fearing lest the King being ill counselled might take armes likewise against them Whereupon having assembled together a great many of such as sided with them they came to London where they were affectionately received by the people who wanted onely a head to rise in rebellion But Lancasters ambition being long since blowne over and Yorke the same he ever was all things continued in their former quiet many Lords interposing themselves who perswaded them that the King would doe nothing for the time to come without their knowledge and consent the which he afterwards ill-favouredly performed When the Parliament was assembled the faults of those who were imprisoned were laid open To disguise the mystery commandement was sent to Callais to the Earle Marshall that hee should present the Duke Answere was made that he was dead of a violent feaver And as there was none desirous to sift further into the truth thereof so did they not demurre upon the condemning of him and the confiscation of his goods Arundel Warwick were sentenced to be hanged drawn and quartered as Traytors The formers punishment was remitted to a single beheading in respect to his bloud for he was the sonne of Elenor the daughter of Henry Plantagenet Earle of Lancaster who came from Edmund the second sonne of Henry the third The other his life being pardoned but not his goods was condemned to perpetuall prisonment in the Isle of of Man for confessing himselfe guilty which Arundell would not do he was referred to the Kings mercie The Archbishop of Canterbury accused for having obtained a pardon for his brother the Earle of Arundell a declared Traytor his defence unheard was condemned to a perpetuall banishment his patrimoniall goods confiscated and a new Archbishop obtained from Rome to supply his place in Church who held the place onely till the other was called home no mention was made of the conspiracie at Arundell Castle which is sufficient to make it bee supposed false since that alone had been enough to have condemned him False tales were framed to undoe the Archbishop whilst he might have beene found guilty of treason in the highest degree But the wonder waâ—… how the Duke of Lancaster who was made Lord high Constable for the present occasion had the heart to heare his brother called traytor and in the giving of his sentence to call him so himselfe whilst being formerly himselfe accused of treason by the Irish Fryer he was by Gloster more brotherly dealt withall The which surely happened either for that where private interest doth prevaile honesty and affection must give place or else for that men who are politickly wise had rather trust their honour to the talke of the vulgar than their goods and lives to the refined sense of supreame authority the one more plausible the other more secure The like befell the Earle of Arundell who observing that the Earle Marshall who was his sonne-in-law and the Earle of Kent his nephew assisted as well to the custody of his person as the solicitation of his punishment said unto them That others would hereafter be spectators of their misery as for the present they were of his whilst in reason it should least become them to behold such a spectacle The common people beleeved that hee died a Martyr that the King haunted with evill apparitions wished hee had never seene him and that his head was by miracle rejoyned unto his body the beliefe whereof grew to such a height as that the King caused him ten dayes after to be taken by night out of his grave commanding certaine Lords to goe see the truth of it They found his head as by the headsman parted from his body and caused his head body to be reburied in an unknowne place to the end that the people might commit no more such foolish superstitions The feast of the Nativity caused a prorogation of the Parliament which was adjurned to Shrewsbury where the King created five Dukes He made Darby Duke of Hereford Nottingham Duke of Norfolke Rutland Yorkes eldest sonne Duke of Aumerle and his two brothers Kent and Huntington Dukes of Surrey and of Exeter Margaret the daughter and heire of Thomas late Earle of Norfolke fifth sonne to Edward the first was created for her owne life Dutchesse of Norfolke He made the Earle of Somerset Marquis Dorset the Lord Spencer Earle of Gloster Lord Nevill Earle of Westmerland Lord Scroope Earle of Wiltshire and Lord Thomas Pearcie Earle of Worcester dividing amongst them the goods of Gloster Arundell and Warwicke the more to oblige them unto him The other prisoners were proceeded withall with lesse severity He anulled the Acts of Parliament made the eleventh yeare of his reigne He granted according to custome a generall pardon excepting fiftie to be by him named intending by this meanes to keep them all in their duties for every one was sure if they should fall into his disfavour to be one of the fiftie excepted so as having reduced affaires according to his owne will and rid his hands of those hee stood in feare of hee thought hee might now doe what hee list without feare of checke since there was none of so cleare a conscience who had not cause to feare himselfe The Duke of Hereford who from such actions apprehended danger of publicke hate finding a fit occasion to speak with the Duke of Norfolke told him that hee being a Counsellor and one whom the King did much affie in he was bound in duty to make him see that the small esteeme his Majestie made of the Nobility though lesse of himselfe suffering himselfe to be ruled by people of base condition and no worth might likely one day cause unto him some unlooked for inconveniencie since that the peoples patience was not long to be relied upon especially when it is transformed into desperation and fury Norfolke promised his service therein seeming well pleased with it though indeed hee no wayes liked it For considering that such like offices were unpleasing to the King and that his favour was not to be preserved by giving him good advice but by soothing him hee did in so detestable a manner relate Herefords discourse as causing him to be called for he would have Norfolke to make good to Herefords face what he had behinde his back affirmed of him the which the one affirming and the other denying the lye being given on both sides Hereford threw downe his glove which Norfolke readily tooke up the King appointing them Coventry for the place and Saint Lamberts day for the time of combat The two Champions failed not to appeare at the time
by them inclosed That when hee was come to Flint the Duke with all his Army came thither likewise That the Archbishop Arundel was the first with whom hee treated and that having gathered by what had befallen him that Lancaster was not so simple as hereafter to affie in him whom he had so highly offended That punishments pardons and reformations were but the songs of Syrens and that his aime was at the Kingdome hee offered to surrender it up unto him But however it was he was from Chester sent into the Tower of London And if in his taking water at Westminster had he not been waited upon by the Maior and his associates he was likely to have been slain before he could have got unto the Tower Lancaster on the contrary was received by the Citie and all the Companies thereof as King with processions applause and all expressions of joy A Parliament was called in Richards name The Duke took serious advice concerning this affair with his best friends particularly with his Uncle of Yorke who were all of one opinion That the resignation should be so done as that it might appeare voluntary nor that being sufficient since his imprisonment would argue an inforcement that his deposing might bee strengthened by act and authority of Parliament To effect the first of these divers were suborned who having formerly been his friends shewed unto him the danger wherein hee was if he did not purchase his life at the rate of the free resignation of his Kingdome The which being obtained they fell to the effecting it The chiefe Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall together with the prime Judges and Lawyers came all to the Tower to all which Richard with his Robes on his Crowne on head and Scepter in his hand presented himselfe and taking his Chaire after some few acknowledgements and excuses of his own misgovernment he himselfe read his Surrender affirming it to be freely done and without compulsion Hee moreover freed his subjects of whatsoever bonds oathes fidelity or homage renouncing all further claime authority dignity or title to the Crowne leaving it free for the time to come with all the appurtenances belonging thereunto This being done he subscribed it And then falling upon the praise of his cousin the Duke of Lancaster hee desired them to chuse him for his successor And made the Archbishop Arundell and Bishop of Hereford his substitutes to acquaint the Parliament with this his request and resignation And the more to witnesse his good inclination towards the Duke he tooke from off his owne finger a Ring wherein his Armes were ingraven and put it upon the Dukes finger giving him therewithall his Ensignes of Regality whereof he had disrobed himselfe All this he did as seeming desirous to lead a private life though in his disrobing he could not hide his inward griefe at the which there was no so hard heart as was not mollified The Trustees discharged their trust unto the Parliament which accepted the resignation And that there might remaine no scruple for such as should come after many Articles were framed wherein he was accused of extortion prodigality tyranny of having preferred men of base condition to the highest places of being cause of the imprisonment and death of the Duke of Gloster and Earle of Arundell against the rules of Law and Justice of having kept about him people to destroy him permitting unto them all insolences without correction They omitted not his lasciviousnesse perjuries falshood losse of reputation rapine Maximes of State able to ruine a State Principals contrary to the rights of a Crowne his cancelling of publicke writings his injurious proceeding against the Archbishop of Canterbury nor any thing else that might be objected to an apparant tyrant And as such a one he was by all the Judges deputed for this purpose declared incable and unworthy and by the votes of them all deposed from the dignity and title of a King Insomuch as not contented to bereave him of his kingdome they would likewise have him therewithall to lose his reputation Commissioners were deputed to acquaint him with the Act of Parliament and to renounce unto him all former tyes homage fidelity subjection or oath To the which he made no other answer save That not regarding these titulary circumstances he hoped his cousin would be his good friend and Lord. I have heard by some that the lower House did not give its consent to his deposition the which may very well be true but Writers doe not mention it In the interim of this inter-regnum the Duke of Lancaster made known his Titles by which hee laid claime unto the Crowne and was by generall applause cried up King and installed in his Throne by the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke Thus ended the reigne though not the life of Richard the second a Prince in many respects worthy to have reigned if he had not reigned The end of the first Booke THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY the fourth The second Booke HENRY the 4th a Prince naturally well given when he knew himself to be King began to differ in many things from what he formerly was for the usurpation of Kingdomes a vice in all times blamed yet pursued if it do not totally destroy vertue doth at least infeeble it or keep it in suspence It is impossible to contract Matrimony between the Regall Throne and Injustice unlesse it bee by unjust meanes and that the Dowry consist of any thing save cruelty and rapine All things here below have mediums conformable to themselves and in the order of Nature subordinate to their Genus the good to good the bad to bad So he while hee was in his prime innocency did nothing which was not praise worthy neither did his praise exceed his merit but being arrived to that where ambition doth its uttermost hee did more shamefully then miraculously metamorphose himselfe his nature though not changed but some wayes altered did by fits reduce him to what hee naturally was in the vehemencie of his forces revenge or command he did not out-goe his owne preservation or security so as though hee might deserve the name of an Usurper yet did he not deserve to bee tearmed a tyrant for were it otherwise since among the Roman Emperours there were few found who were not usurpers and yet of the number many good men the good could not have shunned the being reputed Tyrants Henry did not subvert the fundamentall Lawes he was sent for before he did insinuate himself the Kingdom was offered unto him before he did usurpe it He did better make good the office of a Prince to his subjects then did his subjects their duties unto him their Prince neither of them forgetting their peculiar natures he his innate goodnesse nor they their naturall wavering and inconstancie This may bee witnessed to us by what befell him while he was a private man hee did with temperance and modesty receive the praises due unto him
the respect of the King now living All the above-named were like so many paunes at Chesse which advancing too rashly were lost whilst the great men alike inconsiderately endeavouring to mate the King met with the like fortune There was not one in the whole Nobility who did not now desire a change of government but few that did resolve to endevour it For events founded upon the uncertainty of fortune are for the most part of certaine inevitable ruine Hatred as all things else hath its degrees he who is in the last degrees cares not much to hazard himselfe till such time as happy successe is of little use and unhappy successe of inevitable danger But who is in the first degrees of hatred and therein bathed in his own bloud hath bolder resolves revenge being an intense passion and an indefatigable egger on of the spirits in offended veines The Earle of Northumberland who had lost his brother and his son the Archbishop of Yorke who had lost his brother and Maubery Earle Marshall who had lost his father an exiled man in Venice all enemies to the King in highest degree conspired his ruine taking for their colour the ordinary pretence of reformation and ease of the people oppressed with strange taxes as if to represse the attempts of France Scotland and Wales in which service they were imployed had not beene necessary as indeed it was not according to their tenets for such repression did preserve authority and did establish together with the common good the reputation and awe of a Prince which they would have oppressed and undone though to the undoing of the kingdome The Lord Hastings Falconbridge Bardolf and many others did joyne in this conspiracy the order they therein tooke was to meet all at an appointed time with their forces at Yorke under the command of the Earle of Northumberland but the Archbishops impatiency broke this designe for being returned to Yorke together with the Earle Marshall hee thought to facilitate the enterprise by honesting it so as having framed certaine articles and sent copies of them into other countries he caused them be set upon the Church doores thereby inviting the people to take armes to reforme abuses introduced by the ill administration of the present government The Archbishop was of a pleasing countenance well read and indued with much vertue so as having till this present led a blamelesse life he was free from being thought to have any evil intentions but t is usual for man to fall back from well doing and hereupon at his first becke 20000. men came flocking to him an unseasonable diligence for his confederates as likewise for himself The King was informed of all that had past and not failing in diligence in his owne affaires he had at the first noyse of this rebellion levied 30000. fighting men giving order to the Earle of Westmerland to whom he joyned a sonne of his owne very young to goe before him into these parts and to governe himselfe as occasion should require Being come to Yorke he found that the Archbishop had placed his campe forth of the city and perceiving that it was not his best to give him battell for he was much inferiour in forces he encamped himselfe over against him And changing the Lyons skin into the Foxes he sent him word that he wondred to find a man of his profession in the posture hee found him since hee could not finde any reason why he should arme the Kings people contrary to the Kings peace to the which the Archbishop answered that he so was far from infringing the Kings peace as that all that he did tended to the preservation thereof Whereupon entring upon the occasions of discontent with him that was sent unto him he shewed him the Articles and for the Earles better satisfaction hee sent them unto him by a Gentleman of his own He who had determined to do what hee did seemed to rest satisfied but that a businesse of this high nature being in question it was requisite they should meet together to treat thereof which might easily be done each of them bringing a like number of men betwixt the two campes There is no net so secure as that which is spread in the commendations of hîm who is to be deceived for the Archbishop hearing his actions applauded by him who was sent to oppose him confident to bring him over to his side made no difficulty to give him meeting And which is more brought the Earle Marshall along with him though with much adoe and contrary to his will who had in vaine used all the meanes hee could to disswade him from it Being met together with equall numbers betweene the two campes Westmerland after some short discourse seemed to bee perswaded professing that in so just a quarrell he would fight to the utmost of his life whereupon shaking hands in the fight of both armies wine was called for and given about in token of friendship and agreement a ceremony which not soone to bee ended the Earle said to the Archbishop that their differences being ended in a joynt consent it was not expedient to detain any longer so many people with such incōmodity from their houses and shops but that suddenly disbandoned it was reason they should together with them enjoy the fruits of the established reconciliation the Archbishop believed the Earle and his people him who returned to the City aboundantly content the cups went this while merily about whilst those of the Kings party gathering one by one together grew to such a multitude as that there being now no more cause of feare the Earle did at the same time arest the Archbishop and Earle Marshall plighting his faith unto them the same as hee had formerly done that they should not suffer in their lives and meeting the King at Pomfret who made what haste hee could to Yorke hee brought along with him the prisoners who much commiserated and bemoaned were adjuged to dye and were forthwith beheaded Some doe report that the Archbishop obtained of the headsman to cut off his head at five blowes in the honour of our Saviours five wounds and that the King being at dinner was at the same time by an invisible hand strucke as often in the necke remaining afterwards a Leper A thing possible to him whom all things are possible but God doth not alwaies worke according to his omnipotency for the King did neither receive these blowes neither did hee remaine a Leper to prove the falshood whereof the Archbishops tombe being devoutly flocked unto as to the tombe of a Martyr hee by publique prohibition forbad the recourse thereunto the which hee would not have done if he had beene miraculously strucke in manner aforesaid and for what concerns the name of Martyr his cause did not deserve it for he being a Pastor misled his flocke from spirituall pastorage to rebellion and to the shambles and since the judgements of the Almighty touching the falling of the just is not
her as long as she lived which was but a small time for what concerned friendship with England his father having chalked out the way unto him from whence had he not swerved he had not died he thought he could not chuse a better way of revenge wherefore he answered the Parisians who after their condoling with him desired his assistance against the English by Embassadors which they of purpose sent that they should not need to trouble themselves therein for he hoped with the Kings good liking to make a peace which should secure them and their friends the which he forthwith did he sent the Bishop of Arras and two more with such officers to King Henry as were very well approved and the Bishop being returned with satisfaction he sent soone after him the Earle of Warwick and Bishop of Rochester with whom the Duke concluded a truce to indure till such time as a peace might finally be concluded by meanes whereof the way was opened for commerce betweene them as if the peace had been already concluded so as the English souldiers as friends and confederates did joyne with those of France and the Duke against the Dolphin assoon as he had accommodated his home businesse having obtained of his subjects all he could desire he came to Trois where he plotted the peace and marriage for King Charles did what hee was perswaded unto and those who did perswade him were the Dukes dependants and such as were upheld by the Duke King Henry being advertised hereof and nothing now remaining to conclude the businesse but the formality of his Embassadours hee sent the Duke of Exceter the Earle of Salsbury the Bishop of Ely the Lord Fitshug Sir Iohn Robsert and Sir Philip Hall with whom the peace and marriage was agreed upon the latter to be celebrated in that very place as soone as the King should come thither As soone as the Embassadours were returned Robsert only tarrying with the bridge the King went from Roan waited on by his brother Clarence and Gloster the Earles of Warwicke Salsbury Huntington Eu Tancherville Longaville and fifteene thousand fighting men making his journey by Pontoise Saint Dennis and Sciarantone where having left some troopes to secure the passage he came to Trois by the way of Provence and was met 2 leagues off by the Duke of Burgony and the Nobility which upon the like occasion were in great number come unto the Court his first meeting with the King and Queen was in Saint Peters Church where he took his Bride by the hand and the marriage was solemnized on Trinity Sunday with the greatest pompe that ever was seen in that Kingdome Hee corrected and altered the Articles as he pleased the which being sworne unto by the King Duke of Burgony Princes and Lords were sent to bee published in both Kingdomes they were thirty three in number the chiefest whereof were That King Charles should enjoy his dignity title and Kingdome as long as he lived That King Henry should bee Regent thereof and afterward Heire That neither he nor the Duke of Burgony should make peace with Charles who tearmed himselfe Dolphin without the consent of the three Estates of both Kingdomes That the peace between France and England should bee perpetuall That these two Kingdomes should never be dismembred one from another but should bee governed by one and the same King but under their severall Lawes Sens and Montreville were the two most important places which the Dolphin did hold in those parts so as the marriage solemnities being over they besieged Sens. This Citie would have held out longer had it had any hopes of succour but having none it surrendered it selfe the twelfe day Such Souldiers as would stay in the Kings service were suffered to depart their lives and goods saved except those who had had a hand in the Dukes death And though many of them did for the present accept of the English Crosse they did afterwards at severall times for sake it betaking themselves to the Dolphins service of the inhabitants the oath of fidelity obedience was onely demanded Montreule held out longer the Castle was fortified provided for a longer siege but though they did valiantly defend themselves the towne was taken within a few dayes thanks to the assailants successfull rashnesse who charged it on sundry sides without directions from the King or Duke When they had taken it pursuing their good fortune and closely following those who fled into the Castle they were the cause why many of them were drowned they tooke twenty prisoners almost all Gentlemen whereupon the King having lodged his people in the towne over-against the Castle-gate did yet more narrowly inclose it bereaving it of all hopes save a rationall capitulation But Monsieur de Guitres resolute in the defence was cause why twelve of the twenty prisoners whom the King had protested he would hang if the Castle did not yeeld were immediately hanged before his face after they had in vaine requested him and had their request seconded by their wives teares and friends intercession His inexorablenesse was the more to be blamed for that after so deplorable an execution he made good the Castle onely eight dayes Hee came forth his life and goods saved as likewise all such as would not remaine in the Kings service those onely excepted as formerly who had had a hand in the death of the Duke Guitres who was accused to bee one of them did defie his accuser a Gentleman of the Dukes but no apparant proofes being found hee was let goe The Duke had sent divers Gentlemen to cause his fathers body to be taken up who finding it buried in so miserable a manner tooke it up and wrapped it in lead and it was sent to Chertosa in Dijoune where he was buried neere unto his father At the same time his people tooke Villenense situate upon the same river putting all the garrisons to the sword The Dolphin on the other side made his progresse for being resolved to out the Prince of Orrenge who fought on Burgonies behalfe from such places as he held in Languedocke hee besieged Saint Esprite and assisted by Avignon and Provence tooke it and drove all the Princes people out of that Countrey The which being done hee returned to Burges his usuall abode that hee might raise what force possibly hee might intending rather the enemies proceeding then to give him battle The Duke of Bedford was come from England before the taking in of Montreule with two thousand Archers and eight hundred horses and was by the King and his brothers received with much joy Thus reinforced he went to besiege Melune The King of France came together with his Queen from Bray where they had tarried during the siege of Montreule to Corbeile Melune was begirt by two Camps with artillery and such engines as were then in use for the taking in of places Messieurs de Barbasan and de Preux commanded seven hundred fightingmen who were within the
Crownes none of the least usefull things in those times The Regent this meane while being advertis'd that Montargis was not well provided for sent thither the Earle of Suffolke This place was not onely oportune but necessary for him in respect of the neernesse thereof to Paris and for correspondency with Philip which though it were some what lessened by mistrust yet did it remaine entire their reciprocall interest making them appeare outwardly friends though their private distasts made them bee inwardly otherwise then because it opened unto him the way to the taking of Orleans the winning whereof would bee the totall ruine of whatsoever Charles possest The Earle obeyed accompanied by his Brother Sr. Iohn Poole and Sr. Henry Basset together with 6000. Souldiers but finding the place well defended by good Souldiers and sufficiently victuall'd though not for a long siedge hee thought it rashnes to undertake the taking of it at first by force so as pitching his campe hee divided it into three parts as the River Loinge upon which it stands breaking out into certaine branches and marishes inforced him to doe and to the end that his quarters might have meanes of communication and succouring one another hee built bridges in the fittest places hoping for want of victuals to make it yeeld whilest the Earle of Warwicke tarrying at S. Matelin d' Archamp to withstand the succouring of the Towne trusted too much to himselfe not beleeving succour could bee brought by any other way then that where hee was whereas if hee had made use of spies necessary officers for a commander he had not beene deceau'd I will alleadge two examples to this purpose the which though in latter times and not appertaining to our history may notwithstanding alwayes bee of use The great Captaine Consalvo being by his owne King brought backe into Spaine and pursued by such as envied him was requir'd to give an account of his disbursments in the conquest of the Kingdome of Naples the first Item of his accounts was in Spies one Million which when Ferdinand read hee tore the leafe and would read no more A great Prince who I forbeare to name though I could not name him but with much honour who was wont to defray his house with not above 20000. crownes spent 400000. crownes in Ambassadors and spies beleeving that ones owne state cannot bee secured without a perfect knowledge of that of others the generals Judgement on which depends both good and bad resolutions is best inlightned by such instructions as hee by this meanes receaves and therefore prodigality which is alwayes harmefull in a Prince is commendable if thus imployd Had Warwicke beene of this opinion succour had not come unmet withall and Montargis had not beene saved This siege lasted two Monthes before that Charles could thinke how to raise it the Court contending with the Kingdome in disorders and as Monsieur de Giac had succeeded in the authority of president of Provence so did hee likewise in greedinesse and pride Pride and avarice bereave men of their understanding so as not profiting by the example of other men they are not aware that a singuler favour without worth or merit hath beene and ever will bee with Princes slippery and precipitius and that to aspire without reason and to grow rich whilest other men grow poore besides that it is hatefull is of so perverse and obstinate a quality that it brings men rather to death then moderation The Constable after the unfortunate siege of Beveronne was come to the King and complaining that the detaining of the Souldiers pay was the cause of his losse requir'd that Monsieur de Giac might give an account of those moneyes which for this purpose was raysed from the people But Charles not minding this busines giving signes that hee made more account of the Giac then of him the Count was so highly incenst as setting aside all respect hee caus'd de Giac to bee taken by night from his Wives side to bee carried elswhere put into a Sacke and drown'd Camus de Beaulier who succeeded in affaires with the like arrogance was not long after slaine in the Kings owne house by a Souldier of the Marishall Bossac who thrust him through the throat with a dagger The Constable could not brooke neglect especially from such people but hee was not therein to bee praised though hee had sufficient cause to doe so Princes ought to bee wrought upon by perswasion not violence and who in any other manner seekes to pervert order or government doe rather aggravate then take away offences since errours ought rather to bee tollerated in Princes then such violent remedies in subjects as are rather to bee termed revenge then Iustice. The King was highly netled at these outragious insolencies so as being much displeased with him hee was the more confirmed in his ill will towards him by the bad offices of Monsieur de Tremulle a former favorit of the Constables and by him brought into favour with the King The Court being thus turmoyld Montargis ready to bee lost the forces which were to bee sent thither but weake some will have it that the Constable framed excuses to shunne the employment being possest with feare by reason of his late bad successe and much more by the ill will that Charles bore him But Argentres sayes hee was at that time gone into Britanny and it is to bee beleev'd could not well brooke his sight The charge of this succour was then generously undertaken by the Bastard of Orleans who had along with him the best captaines of all France amongst which Iohn Stuart a Scot William D'Albret Goucourt Guitri Greville Villiers la Hire Santreglie Giles de S. Simon and Walter Brossard together with 1600. Souldiers carriages and victuals the first thing hee did was to advertise the besieged of his comming The English say hee went thither by night the French by day the which if it were so they should doe well to shew how hee past their Palisadoes and Trenches for the English by what wee read of them are not wont to suffer themselves bee slaine and to runne away at so cheape tearmes especially when they were more in number then the enemy as likewise that the feare of being stopped by the Earle of Warwicke and loosing of their provisions might have detained the French For first hee was lodged not farre from them and then it is not likely that hee wanted Sentinels by day and that the Horsemen did not their duties in fit places who were there of purpose to withstand whosoever should venture to succour or victuall the Fort If it were by night nothing was impossible The besieged had so blockt up the Waters as that they overflood the Bridges and made them impassible they charged the two neerest quarters which were Pooles and Basset's nor had they much trouble to enter them for the enemies were all asleepe great was the slaughter they there made Poole saved himselfe by swimming over the River on
they had corrupted they entred the towne at the opening of the gates putting all the English they found there to the sword save some few who saved themselves by throwing themselves from the top of the Walls La Hire did likewise surprise Louviers making rich booty taking many prisoners and swearing the inhabitants to bee loyall to Charles for all this change of Fortune Philip forbore not to thinke of Feasts and jollities for being widdower to two barren wives he married Isabel daughter to Iohn King of Castile and Philip of Lancaster Sister to Henry the fourth Grandfather to the present King in honour of that marriage he instituted the order of the fleece the which together with the succession of the Low countries in the Crowne of Spaine is at this day one of the noblest and most singular signes of favour which those Kings use to conferre the solemnities being ended he went to Gournay accepting the offer of Tristen de Magvelliers who was Governor thereof to surrender it selfe the first of August in case it were not before that time succoured from thence he past to Soisi which yeelded unto him the lives and livelihoods granted to as many as were there and demolishing it to the very ground he went from thence to Soisons which the French say was sold unto him by a Captaine of Picardy who commanded there so as having freed the way from his owne dominions to Compaignes he layd siege thereunto Compaignes was provided with men munition and victualls for a long time so as the Burgonians not hoping to take it but by the length of time and much danger having planted their battery they there made Forts and Trenches for their owne safeties and to necessitate the besieged The Earles of Arundel and Suffolke increased the Campe by 2000. English and the Maid the Garrison by 500. Souldiers which shee brought thither from Laignes William de Havie was Governour of the place a valiant Gentleman who failed not to keepe the besiegers in exercise Soone after his arrival the Maid came with intention of making herselfe Master of the Castle of Mounsieur de Bawde who was then absent and gone to Marigny in the service of Philip but being overdone by those who flocked thither to oppose her it behoved her to give over the attempt whilst her men entred into the Citie entring thereinto tumultuously by reason of the straightnesse of the barres which the keepers durst not take away least the enemy might enter in along with them shee was one of the last that came thither entertaining those who pursued her and affording time to the rest to save themselves but her upper garment being seazed upon by a Horseman and shee pul'd from her horse she was maugre with those which would have defended her taken prisoner An opinion is held that the barres were shut upon her out of malice some of the Captaines particularly William de Havy not well induring that the glory of all that was done should be ascribed to her but how ever it was shee was led to Marignes and from thence to Roan where being strictly imprisoned her processe was made duly suffering had she not deserv'd punishment for any thing else for having not long before with too much crueltie and upon cold bloud put to death Franchetto d'Arras a valaint Burgonian whilst she should have treated him like a Prisoner of Warre as the French exclaime she ought to have beene treated but being transported by womanish anger for that he in an incounter had long and valiantly resisted her causing her send for helpe to Laignes and the Circumvoysive Garrisons without which she had not been able to overcome him though much the greater in number she caused his head to be taken of so as in her is seene accomplished what is said by the Evangelist the like measure being measured forth to her as shee measured forth to others wee will in due place relate the rest she not being put to death till some time after The Regent to boote with the former had sent to Philip the Earle of Huntington Sir Iohn Robsert and a thousand Archers so as that place was not likely long to have subsisted had not the newes of the Duke of Brabants death inforced him to goe from thence to take order for that state which by inheritance fell to him Hee left Iohn of Luxenburgh his Lieutenant a poorely spirited man and who the more discourag'd by reason of the Forces which Philip carryed away with him did forth with doubt the enterprise Hee imparted his resolution of quitting the siege to the English honesting it by the incommodities of winter and by remitting it till the Spring they disswaded him shewing him how shamefull a thing it was to forsake it now that the Campe was so situated as that the Towne could not be succoured and those within the Towne reduc'd to the point of being within a few dayes famished but no reason could prevaile with him He by all meanes would be gone The English went to Normandy and hee having set on fire all his hutches went his wayes leaving behind him many peeces of Artillery wanting wherewithall to carry them away 't was thought that the besieged could not have held out above ten dayes the plague and famine having begun to make havocke of them Fortune did for the most part after this retreate from upon the English so as perceiving themselves to decline they thought that the same meanes which had raysed up Charles might doe the like to Henry and that by comming into France to bee crowned hee might confirme those of his party in their obedience and might reduce those thereunto who were now farre from it but examples cannot be equall where circumstances are unequall If Charles his coronation drew unto him both Cities and men 't was because hee formerly had their hearts 'T was otherwise with Henry for though he were of amiable yeares and customes yet being a stranger he was not to promise himselfe that beyond nature which Charles by nature had so easily come by The difference of the Climate where he was borne did subvert these effects in him which conformity had made happy in his enemies advantages the 27. of Aprill he tooke Sea at Dover and landed the same day at Calis attended on by a great many of Lords and Souldiers from whence hee past to Roan where hee was received by the inhabitants with great signes of joy The Maid being tane prisoner wee left the pursuite of her story to end the siedge of Compaigne wee will now make a short relation of her processe and sentence The University of Paris was her first accuser They writ to Henry desiring him that shee might bee delivered over into the Ecclesiasticall Courts for that shee had beene a cause of much scandall amongst the people to the prejudice of Religion and of the Catholique Faith shee was delivered over to the Bishop of Beauvois and the Inquisitor being taken in the former Diocesse shee was examined
of Basil had sent the Cardinals of Cyprus and Arles to exhort the two Kings to peace hee resolved to doe it himselfe alone the forenamed Cardinals and the Archbishop of Rheims Chancellour of France for Charles being gone to Nevers to speake with him about this where it was resolved that the generall treaty should bee held at Arras Likewise in the heate of this treaty the Bastard of Orleans would not have adventured to have taken Saint Denis neither would Charles have sent him his assent from Tours where he then was whilst he desiring nothing more then to pacifie Philip had feared to displease him and though some of Philips men went afterwards to the recovery of Saint Denis yet it behooved him so to dissemble the businesse but the injustice of the one doth not make good the others fault Philip played his part excellently well he wrought things according to his owne inclination and proper interest and whilst hee did wrong unto others did none unto himselfe Bedford played his part very ill hee followed his owne inclination but not his interest and walking in the path of reason was unjust unto his King unto himselfe and unto the cause His duty had beene to have contented Philip though hee had no reason for it dissimulation is requisite in him who pretends to raigne All punctuallities are vaine if unusefull and foolish if harmefull Hee was deceived in presuming hee could doe that when he should have him his enemy which all the while hee could not doe when he was his friend for though whilst his friend hee helped him but a little being busied about his owne affaires yet when hee turned enemy hee harmed him sufficiently Humane meanes are more able to doe hurt then good Facilis descensus averni saith the Poet the descent to hell is easie the gates thereof stand wide open day and night all the difficultie is in getting out againe The Remora a small Fish doth stop a ship though under full saile Phillip being both a Remora and a Whale could much more easily stop the course of this ship partly interrupted before and sinke it as hee did A good opinion of ones owne strength if it be not matched with the undervaluing of anothers is commendable and assists in enterprises but where despisall entreth there entreth presumption which doth subvert it If Bedford erred not in this all the evills which did derive from thence ensued contrary to all rules The Bastard of Orleans had intelligence in Saint Denis with one Regnauld de St. Iohn a Gentleman borne in the Isle of France who gave him notice how he might surprise it Whereupon he sent Captaine Deinville with sufficient troopes thither who scaled the walles by night and made himselfe master of it A purchase of such consequence as being upon the very gates of Paris as it invited both sides the one to keepe it the other to recover it The Bastard as soone as he was advertised of this hasted thither together with the Marshall Rochford but finding the Marshall Rieux there being certaine that the English would not faile to besiege it he left him there went himselfe to raise men to succour it Monsieur de Flani Governour of Campaigne being come up unto him with those of the County of Valois to divert the enemy hee tooke Howdan Pont de St. Mesense and Meulan losses which were not sufficient to fetch the English thither who having layd siege to St. Denys under the command of the Lord Talbot accompanied by Monsieur de Lilliadam and others The Constable the Count Dâ—…voise Monsieur de Loheac the Bastard of Bourbon Chabannes Illiers Termes La Palliere Mascaron Biull who had all joyned themselves together to this purpose durst not set upon him so as Marshall de Rieux after having lost Renauld de St. Iohn who had betrayed the towne and Dianegius de Vaucourt who were both slaine and those upon whom he did most rely was inforced to yeeld up the towne upon honorable conditions The walls of the towne were beaten downe unlesse it were on the side next the Abby the Tower de Veneno being kept in its former being under the custody of Simon de Morior sonne to the Provost of Paris with a proportionable number of English Souldiers under him THE FIFTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY THE SIXTH THe commonly embraced opinion that the World growes every day worse and worse is prooved false in that evils have the same vicessitude amongst men as hath the Summer and Winter amongst seasons with this difference notwithstanding that whereas the seasons of the yeare are regulated by the certaine course of the Sunne to the end that wee may bee prepared to receive the benefits thereof the course of evils is uncertaine to the end that being taken unawares wee may receive the mischiefe thereof the former ordained by divine providence for our conservation the latter destined by heavens justice for our punishment warrs and peace health and diseases turbulent and quiet Spirits have beene in all times so as who will examine history will finde that there is no evill in these present times which hath not beene in former ages The distinction of ages ciphered forth by the difference of gold and other metals are Pocticall inventions meere dreames there is no common wealth which had not sundry times experimented this who corrupteth good government the Author of the golden age fals not into the lowest station of degrees but head long tumbling from gold to lead without passage through the intermediums of silver and yron Murther was found betweene the first Brothers whilest the World was yet in it swadling clout's rapes whoredom's incest's and other worser sins did with the swiftest motion glyde into such as descended from them they were not borne with us wee derive them from them Warrs insolencies and oppressions did with the swiftest motion passe to the last of ages from the first so as the World if not in substance may yet by accident be said to be better for being more equally divided and the wayes of offence and defence growne generall it fals out that the progresse of violence waxing slower some are quiet for that they know not how to disquiet others otherwise second Nimrods would not bee wanting to succeed the first to the prejudice of mortalls the goulden age cannot bee granted unlesse you will allow of naturall originall justice which at least according to holy writ was never found in any age for this cause was it that civill constitutions were invented discipline advanced and commerce established to the end that people being kept in awe by the lawes for feare of punishment mens mindes amended by the use of arts and sciences for the love of vertue and allured to concord by reason of the commodity of traffique Our age might rather bee thought the age of gold then the formerly pretended since there are no more vices now then have beene heretofore and the
of the other his bad that suffering himselfe to be gulded by a prodigious ambition a usuall disease amongst great wits hee of himselfe did negotiate in an unexpedient and harmefull match and which was likely not to bee denied since that thereby those territories were surrendered which ought not have beene quitted for any whatsoever cause that he did too indiscreetly make use of the Kings favour occasioned by the Queenes more then ordinary inclinations The Parliament was summoned at the Blacke Friers in London wherein treaties being had against the Duke and the Queene fearing least he might therein suffer she thought she might reape some advantage by remooving the Parliament to Lecester but very few of the Nobilitie comming thither she was forced to remove it againe to Westminster where both houses being full the lower house presented many complaints against the Duke whereof some were true and some false The Articles were many the chiefest that hee had treated with the Bastard of Orleans when he was sent Embassadour to Henry to move Charles to make warre with England to the end that hee might make Iohn sonne to the said Duke King by marrying him to Margaret daughter to the late Duke of Sommerset the presumed heire to the Crowne in case the King should have no children Secondly that suborned by the sayd Bastard he was cause of the Duke of Orleans freedome Thirdly that the losse of France and Normandy was happened through his advise which was represented to the King of France by the said Duke of Orleans Fourthly that being sent Embassadour to make peace or truce he had condescended to the surrendring of Aniou and Mayne without the knowledge of the other Embassadours his fellow Colleagues and that being returned to England he perswaded the King thereunto so losing him the inheritance of those countries Fiftly that having at the same time discovered the Kings counsell unto the enemy together with the defects of the Forts and number of Souldiers the English by reason of these informations were driven out of France Sixtly that he had given the like informations to the Dunnesse when he was Embassadour in England seventhly that the King having sent Embassadours into France to treate of peace he was the cause why peace was not made having by way of Anticipation advertised Charles of his advantages Eightly that in the Starre Chamber hee had made his boasts that hee had as much power in the Councell of France as in that of England and that by his power hee could remove whatsoever Counsellors there Ninthly that corrupted by Charles hee had retarded the melitia that was to goe to France Tenthly that in the conclusion of the peace hee had not comprehended the King of Arragon nor the Duke of Britanny both friends to the King so as being comprehended by Charles hee alienated the former and made the other so great an enemy as Giles brother to the said Duke remaining firme in his friendship to England lost first his liberty and then his life His answers to the first three Articles were that hee never had committed nor so much as thought any such thing To the fourth that the businesse of the truce being left to his discretion it could not bee concluded without the surrendring of those states which was but a weake answer since the marriage of the Queene in consideration whereof this surrender was made was not so much as dreamt of by any save himselfe But on the other side it being approved of in Parliament wherein both the houses did joyne in Petition to his Majestie to reward him for this his great good service it followes that either the one Parliament or the other did amisse since the one desired reward the other punishment for the selfe same action the fift sixt seventh and ninth have no proofe at all but the accusers bare narration In the eight he may be convinc't but more of vanitie then of any other errour in the tenth his fault was omission but as it was not excusable in a personage of his condition so it was not to be punished in the highest degree his other accusations contained the topicall faults of favorites which in like persecution are usually alleaged that he had enricht himselfe out of the Kings treasure monopolized things belonging to the Crowne diminished the revenues thereof removed worthy men from the Councell placing such in their roomes as had dependancy upon him that he was the chiefe instrument in the death of the Duke of Glocester which though it were likely enough yet were not their proofes sufficient to condemne him Vpon these complaints he was sent unto the Tower as to be there forth comming till hee should give an account of what he was charged of but being set at liberty about a moneth after the people were thereat so highly incensed that to avoyd sedition it was requisite to take from the Lord Say his place of Treasurer all their places from all his other friends and so banish him for five yeares out of England But being imbarked in Suffolke to goe for France he was set upon by a man of warre belonging to the Earle of Excester was fought withall taken beheaded neare unto Dover in the same ship and his body throwne upon the shore from whence it was taken by one of his Chaplaines and buried in the Colledge of Winkefield in Suffolke This was the end of this man in whom so many causes both of blame and of praise concurring I know not whether hee ought to bee blamed or praised Vices are like Clouds which though they doe not totally obscure the day yet the thicker and blacker they are the more horrid and fearefull doe they make it Vices are not to bee ballanced with vertues no more then is ayre and water with earth and fire yet if amongst punishments the law givers could have taken away the memory of what was good in the guiltie I beleeve they would not have done it If there had beene no other evill in the Duke of Suffolke then the death of the Duke of Glocester whereof the signes are too manifest for him to cleare himselfe 't were sufficient to ecclipse all his other vertues in the estimation of all honest men but bee it as you will his misfortune was very prejudiciall to the King since thereby he was deprived of a servant as necessary for his preservation as by his Councell and valour he was ready to preserve him This chance did much inanimate those who syded with the Duke of Yorke who spared not in what they could to render the King dispised and hatefull they forgot not to inculcate the ignominious losse of France enough to bereave of reputation the most valiant Prince that is much more him who was given to idlenesse and wretchlesnesse that the state was governed by a proud woman the chiefe cause of all their evills Thus said the people should doe well to take example by the government of Ireland where the wisedome and valour of the Duke
ayre then by the Testimoniall letters of the Count Dunnesse authenticated by his seale both which are very slender reasons The ayre ceaseth not to be tearmed cleare though some little cloud may appeare wherein may be formed the forenamed Crosse and for the testimoniall letters alleaged they might be beleeved had they beene written by some English Generall Factions are like Sexes the one doth not succeed unto the other especially when the one doth disagree within it selfe Hallian one of the same faction not beleeving that the Pucell of Orleans was sent from heaven was therefore reprehended and now not beleeving this Crosse his beleeving in the Crosse of Christ doth not exempt him from being reputed by Dupleix a bad Christian. We have the first and the second causes and ignorant people not able to give a reason for the second have recourse unto the first which is by all men knowne to cover their idiotisme with piety and religion but the learned though alleadge the second causes they omit not the first though they name it not supposing that no existence can be without it God in the creating of nature hath given her her orders to the end that without the name of Miracle though all his workes are wonderfull shee may operate accordingly So as if the earth yeeld not ' its fruites so abundantly one yeare as another and they alleadge for reason thereof the inequalitie of seasons some conjunction of unfortunate Plannets or some such like influence they forbeare notwithstanding to have recourse to God Almightie Knowing for certaine that he is able though contrary to the course of nature absolutely of himselfe to provide therefore noâ—… is there any so ignorant nor wicked body who doth not confesse this but in miracles 't is otherwise the Church must alwayes examine them Hallian denies not miracles nay I doe verily beleeve he beleeves them so much the better in that not admitting of them indifferently upon simple testimony hee according to true Pietie discernes betweene devotion and superstition as good Graine is discerned from Tares but pietie is not there simply required by Dupleix though hee make shew thereof hee useth it for a vehiculum he would make us swallow a falsehood wrapt up in religion with the same end hee had in the Pucells case which was to strengthen Charles his pretences by the meanes of miracle and in this case hee alleadges his testimonies with such seeming sinceritie at the businesse required The Dunnesse letters containe these words that the Crosse appeared in a cloud with a crucifix crowned with an Azure Crowne which afterwards changed to a Flower de Luce according to the relation of more then a thousand that saw this prodigie This was the end of the English government in Guascony which had ' its beginning in the yeare 1155. by the marriage of Ellinor Dutchesse of Aquitany with Henry the second King of England and came to its period after 296. yeares in the yeare 1451. in Henry the sixt his dayes and as William the father of Ellenor forsooke his stake the world and his daughter to undertake a pilgrimage and peacefully ended his life in an Hermitage and was canonized for a Saint So Henry the successour to two Williams the one a Guâ—…scoyne the other a Noâ—…man did not quit it but lost it for having too imperfectly imitated the sanctitie of the one and no whit at all the valour of the other and being opposite in nature to the Conquerour and in pietie not equall to the canonized Saint he came to a violent end with the reputation of being innocent but no Saint The Duke of Yorkes machenations were a chiefe cause of all these losses where withall the people being corrupted nothing was thought of but homebred rancour the praise worthy ambition of publique reputation which so long had warmed every mans heart was extinct the evill satisfaction given by the Queene augmented and Sommerset so much hated as that his house was broken open and ransack't every one detâ—…sted his actions envied his power and lay in Ambush for him as being the obstacle of their worst designes The Duke of Yorke who was in Ireland had notice given him of all these proceedings and because the Kentish sedition had had but an ill successe hee resolved to come for England his chiefe friends and Counsellors were Sir Iohn Mawbery Duke of Norfolke Richard Nevill who was stiled Earle of Salisbury in the behalfe of his wife daughter and heire to the valiant Thomas Montague who was slaine before Orleans Richard Nevill his son who was likewise Earle of Warwick in the right of his wife Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Edward Brooke Barron of Cobham all of them personages not inferior to any for their power followers and valour of these five the first two were drawne to forsake the allegiance they ought to Henry their King and kinsman by reason of their affinitie with the Duke of Yorke the rest were onely moved by Englands ill genius the Earle of Salisbury discended from Iane Beaufort daughter by the third wife to Iohn Duke of Lancaster Henries great grandfather so as being so neare a Kin unto him he had no reason to take part against him but the marriage of the Duke of Yorke with his sister Sicily was the reason why both he and his sonne for sooke their former duty Iohn Duke of Norfolke tooke part with the Earle of Salisbury as being the sonne of one of his daughters but more in the behalfe of his Father who was banished and of his Uncle who was beheaded at Yorke in the time of Henry the fourth I know not what moved Thomas Earle of Deuonshire who married the Daughter of Somerset first to side against him and afterwards to his misfortune to joyne with him the Lord Cobham had no other interest save his owne proper disposition alwayes enclined to actions of the like nature their resolution was for to cloake their first commotions as that they should not seeme to bee against the King but the people should bee prest under pretence of the publique good That the Duke of Somerset should bee their baite who was fit by reason of the bad successe in Normandy to colour the reason of this insurrection and consequently they intended his ruine without the which they could not hope to effect their ends since hee was the onely remaining Buckler for Henries defence and preservation Having taken this resolution hee went to raise people in Wales many flocking unto him from all parts under the plausible pretence of publique good with these hee marched towards London The King at first newes hereof had got together a good army to meete with him but hee shund him hoping to encrease his numbers and like fame to yet by going he would not hazard to trye his passage through London the deniall thereof might lessen his reputation but passing over the Thames at Kingston hee went into Kent and pitched his campea mile from Dartford some ten or
to comfort the mother Vauclere sent unto him willing him to retire else he should be enforced to treat him rudely But by what ensued I believe Philip Comines report to be true that by secret message he had desired him not to wonder at what had hapned that all was done for his service that if hee should have suffered him to come in hee had been utterly lost since England Burgundy the Towne and a great part of the garrison were his enemies That his best course was to retire into France not taking any further thought concerning that Fort assuring him that in due time he would give a good account thereof But by naming England to be his enemy hee onely meant Edward not the generality for never was any man better beloved by the people than was he which was the onely cause of Edwards aversion and feares for the peoples love doth usually raise jealousies in the Prince Edward seeing him gone thought himselfe rid of a troublesome burden which turned little to his advantage for the continuance of his jealousies would have made him more cautelous than hee was The reasons why Burgundy hated him were because Warwicke had ruined the house of Lancaster to which hee was most affectionate his mothers mother being a branch thereof That hee was a friend to the King of France a Prince by him infinitely hated and the opposing of his marriage for no other end but that he thought hee should thereby become too powerfull for France The inhabitants of Calleis opposed him not for that they hated his person but because the warre would have broken their commerce with London for the Company of Wollen-drapers kept a Store-house in Calleis from whence the Low-countries and all Germany were furnished to the great benefit of particular men and the King did thereby receive a yeerely toll of 50000 Crowns Comines saith but 15000 and that it came all into the Earls coffers As for the Garrison it cannot be denied but that the greatest part of them had dependence upon him But Monsieur de Duras a Gascon and the Kings Marshall being then there with a great many souldiers under his command hee would have runne danger of being taken prisoner if he should have entered the Town Vauclere by his dissembling compassed his ends for the newes of this his unexpected behaviour comming to the Court of England the King tooke the command of that Towne from Warwicke and bestowed it on Vauclere And the Duke of Burgondy to confirme him in this his charge sent thankes unto him by Philip de Comines and gave him a pension of 1000 Crownes a yeere Notwithstanding all this Vauclere served and deceived them all as the effects shewed Hee demeaned himselfe in this manner not out of any loyalty to the King or love hee bore unto the Earle but that hee might have two strings to his Bow and doubly secure his owne interest For had hee been loyall to the King hee could not have given the Earle any hopes nor have effected them when hee might doe it without danger and if hee had loved the Earle hee would not have denied him entrance into the Towne it being the onely place hee could receive succour from But hee not knowing which of them would prevaile chose not to endanger himselfe whilst being in good condition hee might betake himselfe to that side which should be most availeable for him Mens ends are commonly their owne interests for the which they thinke it lawfull to abandon vertue which alwaies goes accompanied by some crosse which they abhorre The Earle of Warwicke finding that now hee had no hopes in Calleis but what were future sayled towards Diepe as hee was advised by Vauclere and according to his first intention By the way hee tooke as many ships as hee met withall belonging to Charles his subjects gaining thereby great riches which did furnish him at his present need and forced Charles to send a great Fleet into those Seas to revenge himselfe either by taking him prisoner or inhibiting his returne for England Being come to Diepe and by command from Lewis received with all manner of respect hee was by the said Lewas met at Amboise where causing him to be provided with all things necessary hee promised him his best assistance and caused a great many ships be rigg'd out for him well provided with Souldiers and Mariners And this hee did the sooner for that Charles had threatned him if hee should assist Warwicke Queen Margaret came to meet him as soone as she heard he was arrived and with her the Earles of Pembrooke and of Oxford the last of which had lately escaped out of prison and was fled from England Lewis to have the surer tie upon him caused Prince Edward the Queens sonne to marry with Anne the Earle of Warwicks second daughter Warwicke taking thereby to sonne in law the sonne of him whom he had formerly deposed that he might now depose him that he had placed in his place As soone as the marriage was concluded Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence tooke an oath never to put a period to the warre till such time as Henry or in default of him his sonne Edward should recover the Kingdome And Queen Margaret promised to make them two Governours of the Kingdome till such time as her sonne should be of yeeres King Edward was daily advertised by Duke Charles what treaties were in hand to his prejudice the Duke complaining that Edward should more minde his pleasures than his affaires But it was in vaine to object the feare of danger to a courageous Prince a lover of pastimes vaine it was to perswade him to quit his sports and plunge himselfe in troubles since it was so unlikely that should befall him which did He advised him to oppose the Earle at Sea for that if hee should set foot on Land and have his partakers joyne with him the danger and difficulty would be the greater Hee on the other side desired hee might land believing that at his pleasure hee might take him prisoner or kill him before hee could be succoured He made diligent inquiry after such as hee might suspect to be Warwickes friends so as those that were knowne to wish him well were in an ill condition Many of them tooke Sanctuary Marquesse Montaigne brother to Warwicke obtained his pardon and came over to the Kings side But the wisest resolution hee could take was to send over a Gentlewoman into France who under pretence of visiting the Dutchesse of Clarence might worke upon her husband This woman being arrived at Calleis made Vauclere believe that businesses were likely to be accommodated and that the King had sent her over to this purpose When shee was come to Amboise she so well performed the trust imposed in her that having shewed the Duke what danger hee was in by taking part against his brother she made it appeare that the house of Lancaster could never raigne voyd of jealousies whilst any one of the house
fight with him or hinder his landing on the English shoare In other parts he left no place unprovided for people were not suffer'd to land without diligent search that so some news might be had of the Duke of Buckingham Banister into whose hands the Duke had trusted his safety hearing of the Proclamations and the Rewards therein promised were it either for Feare or Avarice discover'd where he was to the Sheriffe of Shropshire who going to Banisters house found the Duke in a Day-labourers apparrell digging in a Garden in which habit he sent him well guarded to Shrewsbery where Richard then was He denyed not the Conspiracy he hoped by his free confession to have gotten admittance into â—…he Kings Presence some think with an intention to beg his Pardon others to kill the King with a Dagger which he wore underneath his Cloths But Richard not suffering him to be brought unto him he was beheaded on All-soules day without any other manner of Processe in the Market place To Banister the chiefest of all ungratefull Traytors nothing that was promised was made good Richard who was unjust in all things else was just in This denying him the reward of his Disloyalty which amongst his many Faylings worthy of Blame was the only one worthy of Commendation Punished thus slightly by man he received much more greivous punishments from God his Eldest son died mad his second of Convulsion fits his Third son was Drown'd in a Standing poole and his Daughter a very Beautifull young Woman was crusted over with Leprosy he himselfe in his later Yeares was convict of Man-slaughter and condemned to be Hanged but was saved by his Booke The Duke was in his death accompained by many others amongst which by Sir George Browne Sir Roger Clifford and Sir Thomas Saintlieger who was the last husband to the Dutchesse of Exeter the Kings sister The Earle of Richmond assisted by the Duke of Britanny had got together five Thousand Britons and forty Ships furnished for all purposes wherein he imbarked himselfe and made for England But the next night he met with a terrible Tempest which disperst all his Vessells carrying them into severall places insomuch as there remained onely One with him with the which he found himselfe neer the Haven of Poole in Dorsetshire where he discoverd the shore all over pester'd with men whereat he was much afraid for they were placed there to hinder his landing in like manner as others were sent for the same purpose to other places He cast Anchor expecting the arrivall of his Other Ships he commanded that none should go on shore without His leave and sent forth a boate to see who those men were when the boat was come within Hearing those on shore said they were sent to conduct them to the Duke of Buckingham that was not far from thence with a great Army expecting the Earle of Richmond so to give chase to Richard who had but small forces with him being abandoned almost by All men But the Earle finding out the cosenage for had it beene so they wanted not Boates to have sent some known man abord him no newes being heard of the rest of his Fleet and the wind being reasonable faire for him to re turne he hoisted Saile and with a fore-winde landed in Normandy Charles the Eight Reigned then in France his Father Lewis being not long before dead the Earle was desirous to returne by Land to Britanny and being to go through France he durst not adventure without a safe conduct he therefore dispatcht away a Gentleman to the King for one he was graciously heard by the King who commiserated the Earles misfortunes and together with a safe conduct sent him a good sum of money by meanes whereof he past safely into Britanny whether likewise he sent his Ships But understanding there what ill successe his affaires had in England how the Duke of Buckingham was dead and that the Marquis of Dorset with the rest of his companions who having many dayes expected some news of him in that Court grew now to dispaire thereof believing some mischiefe had befalne him and therefore had withdrawne themselves to Vennes was come he was much grieved and tooke this frowne of Fortune at his first beginning for an ill Omen yet was he comforted at the arrivall of his Friends promising some good to himselfe through their safeties When he was come to Renes he sent for them and welcomed them with termes of Curtesy and Thankefulnesse The condition of affaires being well weigh'd they resolv'd to effect what formerly had beene but spoken of to wit The war against Richard and his deposing and the making of Richmond King upon Condition that he should promise to Marry the Lady Elizabeth Daughter to Edward the Fourth These Articles were agreed upon and sworne unto by all parties on Christmasse day in the Cathedrall Church of that City where likewise the Marquis with all the rest did Homage unto him as to their actuall King swearing to serve him Faithfully and to employ their Lives and Estates in endevouring Richards destruction The Earle failed not to acquaint the Duke with all these proceedings and to make knowne unto him the cause why he undertook this businesse and what he stood in need of to effect it the cause was his being sent for Called in and Expected Richards government being growne intolerable that he stood in Need of was Another Fleet and supplies of money he having in setting forth the Former spent all that his Mother had sent him and what he had gathered amongst his Friends he therefore desired the Duke to lend him some monies promising to boote with the never to be forgotten Obligation sodainly to repay him when God should have given a blessing to his just endevours The Duke was not backward either in Promises or Performance so as the Earle had conveniency of furnishing himselfe with Men and ships â—…hilst Richard did what he could in England to hinder his designe though to no purpose for if God keepe not the City the Watchman watcheth but in vaine He in sundry places put many who were guilty or suspected to death and having returned to London Hee called a Parliament wherein the Earle of Richmond and all that for his cause had forsaken the Land were declared enemies to the King and Kingdome and had their goods confiscated They being many and the richest men of the Kingdome their confiscations would have beene able to have discharged the Warre against them had not Richard beene formerly too liberall in his Donatives thereby endevouring to reconcile mens mindes unto him and to cancell the uncancellable memory of his cruelty to his Nephews so as though the Summes were great which hereby accrew'd yet were they not sufficient nor did they free him from laying insufferable Taxes upon his people 'T was a wonder the Lord Stanley was not in the number of the Proscribed his Wife Mother to the Earle of Richmond being chief of the Conspiracy
be thereat troubled for all should be well The Archbishop differing in opinion from the Chamberlaine answered He knew not what good to hope for from such demeanours The Gentleman being gone hee rose from bed made all his Family get up caused them to Arme themselves and taking the great Seale along with him he went unto the Queene he thought he was come into a Pallace newly pillaged he saw nothing but confusion and people justling one another for haste some carrying in stuffe some going out to fetch in more sighes and teares hee met with everywhere The Queene was set upon the floore no more now what shee formerly had beene It added to the immensity of her affliction to see her selfe bereaved of her eldest Sonne and other kindred who were her onely stay to consider that though she were sorely opprest with Pre sent evills yet was she to expect greater oppressions Whence it may be gatherâ—…d that fore-sight is the bitter fruit of most mature wits a gift which graciously conferr'd for a Reliefe to mankinde workes a contrary effect the present imagination forestalleth future evills and afflicts the apprehension which ought onely to be caused for what hath already happened So as it can hardly be decided whether the fore-fight of Evills through the excellency of judgement be not a bad effect of a good cause and whether at this rate stolidity bee not rather to be chosen then the most refined understanding since such as are dull and stupid suffer onely in the present Act of their misfortunes The Chancellour having comforted the Queene with such reasons as in such desperate occasions hopes may suggest acquainted her with what the Chamberlaine Hastings had let him know supposing that Hastings who had beene obliged to the late Edward would side with his Children and Family but the Queene loathing to heare that Name reply'd hee was in an ertour to believe him to be her friend who hating her bloud indevour'd the utter extirpation of it The Archbishop not able to perswade her to the contrary discoursing from the least of dangers to the greatest that might happen bad her be assured that if any other King should be crowned then that King which now they had in their hands they would crowne the Duke of Yorke who was now in her possession And that you may bee hereof certaine Loe Madame said hee the Great Seale of England his Father your Husband gave it mee I give it you that you may keepe it for your Sonne and if for the present I could give you a greater Testimonie of my good will you should have it Which being said hee left the Seale with her and departed about breake of day not weighing of what importance the thing was that hee had done and how prejudiciall it might be to him But being come home and seeing the Thames out at his Window full of Boates which were fill'd with Glocesters Servants who observed if any went by water towards Sanctuary and hearing that there was part-taking and tumults raised in the City Lords and other people appearing in sundry Assemblies Armed hee bethought himselfe that if any extravagant courses should be taken his delivery of the Great Seale to any whosoever without the Kings Command since it was delivered to his custody might redound much to his dammage whilst the Queene could reape no advantage thereby whereupon he privately sent for it againe and when he had it carried it according to custome openly in the sight of all men This meane while commotions in the City did still continue it being believed that the proceedings at Northampton were not onely caused for what concerned Rivers but out of a designe to hinder the Coronation and troubles had beene likely to have ensued had not the Lord Chamberlaine assured them that those Lords were imprisoned for certaine Conspiracies plot ted against the Dukes of Glocester and Buckingham as would be made appeare by due processe of Law That no doubt was to be made of the Duke of Glocester since he had alwayes continued constantly faithfull to the King but that to suspect it might be of dangerous consequence if they would not lay downe their Armes with the same facility they had taken them up This Testimony quieted the greatest part of the people especially when they understood the King was comming waited upon by the Duke his Unkle with all manner of respect as also that amongst Rivers his carriages certaine Barrells full of Armes were found which though it were not believed by the wiser sort yet Gloucesters followers insisting much upon it it raised doubts in some who otherwise would not have beene perswaded to it For nothing is more prejudicall to Truth then Falshood boldly affirmed with Confidence and Obstinacy The King was met by the Lord Major of London the Sheriffes and Aldermen all in Scarlet accompanied with five hundred Citizens on horse-back cloathed all in purple Gloucester shewed such appearance of Reverence and Love to the King his Nephew as hee changed their former suspicions into a great good liking of him insomuch as when a Protectour was to be chosen as usually is done in the minority of Kings hee alone without any manner of contradiction was named thereunto not onely as he was Unkle and the next Prince of the Bloud but as he that was loyall most loving and of all others the fittest for a charge of such weight Many were forthwith removed from their Offices whereof the Archbishop of Yorke was one of the first not without sharpe reproofe for having left the Great Seale with the Queene Doctor Russell Bishop of Lincolne a man of Laudable conditions succeeded him in his place Earle Hastings was continued in his place of Lord Chamberlaine All which were businesses of small importance not being those which troubled Gloucester and though to have won the Peoples good will and obtained the Protectours place was the right way to his designes yet were they not things hee could have missed of the peoples good opinion depending upon his naturall dissembling and the Protectours place upon his neerenesse of Bloud Royall and consequently without Competitour That which most troubled him was that he could not ridde his hands of the One brother without the Other for if the Elder brother were made away the Duke of Yorke was to succeed In this it was that he was to use his best wits for the Queene being jealous of him and the Duke of Yorke being in a place not to be violated he could not come by him but by Deceipt and Sacriledge But it was no hard matter for him to overcome these difficulties a fraudulent perswasion eased him of the trouble of seeking out Other meanes He at the Counsell Table spoke against the Queen in these or the like words That there was no malice could parallel hers since to work the Kings Counsell into an ill opinion with the World she together with the Duke and Princesses had taken Sanctuary as if there were apparant cause of
doubt that it matter'd not much what became of Her or her Daughters the King might live without them but not well without his brother whose company was absolutely necessary for His Majesty That the people upon so unexpected a resolution could make no other conjecture but that she was doubtlesly in danger and her Enemies possest of all manner of power since her owne quality and her childrens were not sufficient to secure her unlesse she should flie to Sanctuary a refuge usually for guilty people and if at any time for such as were innocent onely for such as wanted other meanes of protection That she seemed by Enemies to meane none but the Privy Counsell since they were highest in Authority That to believe their intentions were to oppresse the Queene the Duke of Yorke and the Ladies of the blood Royall so as they were inforced to take Sanctuary was an injury not to be tolerated That whosoever should approve of such scandalous proceedings did not love the King neither did he believe that they did disapprove thereof who would not helpe to remedy it since the King himselfe being a Child could not do it That it behooved them to looke to it who were chosen to looke to the preservation of the Kingdome and the Kings health nor were they disengaged from the many duties they were bound to by the payment of One debt That the consideration of health was the chiefe thing they ought to have in regard and rather the health of the mind then the health of the Body for the former being lost the latter could not long continue for that sadnesse of mind did dry up the Bones especially in a young Prince who if he should not be streightned in honest recreations muchlesse from Honest Company And though it fits not Kings to have companions yet no conversation being to be had without some sort of Equality to whom did it more properly belong then to an onely Brother And if this alone argument might not be of force as it ought hee propounded this consideration unto their wisdomes that the Coronation could not be proceeded in without scandall whilst the Duke of Yorke who was to have the first place next to the King in that great solemnity should not be there but in a Sanctuary a shelter for Delinquents affording matter to the common people to judge according to their Ignorance and to Forreigne Princes according to the appearance of false supposalls which must needs redound to the shame and prejudice of them all to their shame for that it was not to be credited that the onely brother of a King should for his safeties sake be necessitated to make use of the priviledge of Sanctuary without just occasion To their prejudice for that give this necessity for granted great troubles were likely to arise thereout it not being likely that there would want those who would willingly lay hold on any occasion to disturbe the State That in his opinion some one should be sent to the Queene whom shee did not mistrust yet such a one as would be zealous of the honour of the King and Counsell who might rectify her and let her know what wrong she did unto them all To the King by bereaving him of his Brother To the counsell by her thus tacitely accusing them of an evill that never fell into their thoughts To the Kingdome by kindling a fire which was not sodainely to be quenched And that if this should not prevaile the Duke of Yorke should by Regall power be taken from Prison and brought to the King his brother where being more made of then with Her he might reproach unto her her mistrust and how she had beene the occasion of making others do the like her malignant and sottish suspicions tending to the Counsells shame the Kingdomes Harme and her Owne Confusion He propounded the Cardinall Archbishop of Yorke for this enterprise remitting himselfe to their pleasure if they should not approve of him from the which hee profest hee would not dissent They all commended his opinion and agreed with him that if he could not be had from thence inconveniences might ensue But the Cardinall having first taken the imployment upon him was together with as many Ecclesiasticall persons as were there present of a contrary opinion for as much as concern'd his being taken from the Sanctuary by force alleadging the Sanctity of the place was inviolable as well by the many reiterated grants of Popes and Kings as for five hundred Yeares before as is testifyed by tradition it was by St. Peter assisted therein by Angels miraculously consecrated He hoped however it would be needlesse the Queene in reason being to deliver him up willingly the which if shee should not doe the fault was neither to be attributed to Her nor Him Not to Him for he would not be failing in his duty Not to Her shee being therein to be excus'd in respect of her Motherly affection and the weakenesse of her Sex But Buckingham not approving these circumspections swore The Queene knew well enough she had no occasion of feare that her feares were meerely fictitious and of malice and if she would be believed because her kinred were hated as they well deserved to be shee should distinguish betweene those who were of kin to Her and who were the like to the Bloud Royall That her kindred had afforded reason wherefore to be hated as shee her selfe had likewise done through her malignity but in her extending it to the Duke of Yorke the distribution was too large and odious That he likewise had the honour to be a kin unto him neither would hee in his zeale to his service give way to any one no not unto his Mother since she desired to keepe him not without danger and scandall in the Sanctuary to please her malicious humour whereas hee counselled he should be taine from thence to the end that all scandalls being removed the danger of his health might be prevented and other mens troubles He discourst upon the use and abuse of Sanctuaries all the Counsell joyning with him in opinion whereupon it was resolved that if the Cardinall could not prevaile with his Perswasions hee should be taken from her by Force The which being agreed upon they went to the Starre-Chamber to expect there as in the neerest place what would be the issue The Cardinall accompained by a great many Lords either for that the Protectour would not trust a businesse of such weight to One onely man or that the comming of so many might make the Queene perceive it was not He alone that desired the delivery of her Sonne and that if shee should refuse they might Force him from Her as was resolved The Cardinalls words were these He was sent by the Protectour and the Privy Counsell to let her know how much her detaining of the Duke of Yorke in that place was of scandall to the publque and of Dislike to the King his Brother it being an action which must