unduly and against reason by the commandement of the said Lord of VVinchester and afterward in approving of the said refusall he received the said VVoodvile and cherished him against the State and worship of the King and of the said Lord of Glocester Secondly The said Lord of Winchester without the advise and assent of the said Lord of Glocester or of the Kings Councell purposed and disposed him to set hand on the Kings person and to have removed him from Eltham the place that he was in to Windsor to the intent to put him in governance as he list Thirdly that where the said Lord of Glocester to whom of all persons thaâ— should be in the Land by the way of Nature and birth it belongeth to see the governance of the Kings person informed of the said undue purpose of the said Lord of Winchester declared in the Article next above said and in setting thereof determining to have gone to Eltham unto the King to have provided as the cause required and the said Lord of Winchester untruely and against the Kings peace to the intent to trouble the said Lord of Glocester going to the Kingâ— purposing his death in case that he had gone that way set men of armes and Archers at the end of London bridge next Southwâ—rke and in forbearing of the Kings high way let draw the chaine of the stoopes there and set up pipes and hurdles in manner and former of Bulworkes and set mâ—n in cellers and windowes with Bowes and Arrowesâ— and other weapons to the intent to bring finall destruction to the said Lord of Glocesters person as well as of those that then should come with him Fourthly The said Lord of Glocester saithâ— and affirmeth that our soveraigne Lord his Brother that was King Henry the fift told him on a time when our Soveraigne Lord being Prince was lodged in the Pallace of Westminster in the great Chamber by the noyse of a Spaniell there was on a night a man spied and taken behind a carpet of the said Chamber the which man was delivered to the Earle of Arundell to be examined upon the cause of his being there at that time the which so examined at that time confessed that he was there by the stirring and procuring of the said Lord of Winchester ordained to have slaine the said Prince there in his bed wherefore the said Earle of Arundell let sacke him forthwith and drownes him in the Thames Fiftly Our Soveraigne Lord that was King Henry the fifth said unto the said Lord of Glocester that his Father King Henry the fourth livingâ— and visited then greatly with sicknesse by the hand of God the said Lord of Winchester said unto the King Henry the fifth being then Prince that the King his Father so visited with sicknesse was not personable and therefore not disposed to come in conversation and governance of the people and for so much councelled him to take the governance and Crowne of this Land upon him Such a loyall Prelate was he To these Articles the Archbishop gave in his answer in writing too tedious to recite whereupon the Lords in Parliament tooke an Oath to be indifferent umpiers betweene the Bishop and Duke and at lastâ— with much adoe made a finall accord and decree betweene them recorded at large by Hall and Holinshed wherâ—by they both were reconciled for a season But in the yeare 1427. the Bishop passing the sea into France received the habit hat and dignity of a Cardinall with all ceremonies to it appertaining which promotion the late King right deepely piercing into the unrestrainable ambitions mind of the man which even from his youth was ever wont to checke for the highest and also right well ascertained with what intollerable pride his head should soone be swollâ—n under such a hat did therefore all his life long kepe this Prelate backe from that presumptuous estate But now the King being young and the Regent his friend hee obtained his purpose to the impoverishiâ—g of the spiritualitie of this Realme For by a Bull Legantine which he purchased from Rome he gathered so much treasure that no man in manner had money but he so that hee was called the rich Cardinall of Wincester Afterwards An. 1429. the Pope unleagated him and set another in his place to his great discontent Anno. 1441. the flames of contention brake out afresh betweene the said Duke and the Cardinall for after his former reconciliation to the Duke he and the Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Kerap ceased not to doe many things without the consent of the King or Duke being during the minority of the King Governour and Protector of the Realme whereat the Duke as good cause he had was greatly offended and there upon declared to King Henry the â—ixth in writing wherein the Cardinall and the Archbishop had offended both his Majesty and the Lawes of the Realme This complaint of the Duke was contained in twentie foure Articles which chiefely rested in that the Cardinall had from time to time through his ambitious desire to surmount all other in high degree of honor sought to enrich himself to the great and notorious hinderance of the King as in defrauding him not onely of his treasure but also in doing practising things prejudiciall to his affaires in France and namely by setting at liberty the King of Scots upon so easie conditions as the Kings Majesty greatly lost therehy as in particulars thus followethâ— and out of the Dukes owne coppie regestred by Hall and Holinshed 1. These be in part the points and Articles which I Humphrey Duke of Gloster for my truth and acquitall said late I would give in writing my right doubted Lord unto your Highnes advertising your Excellence of such things as in part have bin done in your tender age in derogation of your noble estate and hurt of both your Realmes and yet be done and used dayly 2. First the Cardinall then being Bishop of Winchester him took upon the state of Cardinall which was naied and denaied him by the King of most noble memory my Lord your Father saying that he had as lefe set his Crowne beside him as to see him weare a Cardinalls Hat he being a Cardinall for he knew full well the pride and ambition that was in his person then being but a Bishop should have so greatly extolled him into more intollerable pride when that he were a Cardinall and also he though it against his freedome of the chiefe Church of this Realme which that he worshipped as duly as ever did Prince that blessed be his soule And howbeit that my said Lord your Father would have had certaine Clarkes of this Land Cardinalls and to have no Bishopricks in England yet his intent was never to doe so great dâ—rogation to the Church of Canterbury as to make them that were his suffragans to sit above their Ordinary and Metropolitan But the cause was that in generall and in all matters which might concerne the weale
under the name of Dereman in a poore Fisher-boate accompanied onely with Servitors The King thereupon seized all his Goods and Temporalties into his hands and sent Ambassadours to the Earle of Flanders the French King and the Pope praying them in no wise to suffer or softer within their dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him The French King thinking that this disagreement betweene the King and the Arch-Bishop would breed some stirre in England dealt with the Pope that as hee loved the Roman Church and the ayde of France so hee would support Beckets cause against the King with whom though hee had amity before yet at Beckets instigation as is probable whose whole life was nothing else but a continued act of Rebellion Treachery and Disobedience against his Soveraigne Lord he presently fell to invade the King of Englands Dominions and tooke by Assault certaine Holds of his in Normandy The Arch-Bishop also about the same time growing in great savour with the Pope whom the King by all his friends and Agents could not move to any thing against him sent out particular Excommunications against all the suffâ—agan Bishops of his Province and all such as had obeyed defended or occasioned the sayd Lawes and A vitall customes and against some of them by name which Excommunications he published at Vizely in France on Ascension day when the Church was most full of people getting into the Pulpit theâ—e and solemnely accursing them with Bell Booke and Candle threatning the like thunder-clap against his owne Royall person Whereupon the King receiving such a foile from the Pope and such an affront from the Arch-Bishop directs his Writs to the Sherifes of England commanding them to attach all such who appealed to the Court of Rome with the Fathers Mothers Brothers Sisters Nephewes and Neeces of all the Clergie that were with the Arch-Bishop and to put them under sureties as also to seize the Revenues Goods and Chattels of these Clergie-men And by other Letters to Guilbert Bishop of London he sequestred the profits and Livings which within his Diocesse did belong to any of the Clergie who were fled to Thomas and signified to his Justices by a publicke Decree that no man should bring any Letters or Commandment from Pope Alexander or Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury into England containing an Indiction of the Realme upon peril to be apprehended and punished as a Traytor to the King and an enemy to the Realm And that they should safe keepe whosoever did bring any Interdict into England till the Kings pleasure were further knowne causing all the Arch-bishops goods to be confiscated and banished out of the Realme all the Arch-Bishops kindred Man Woman Child and sucking Babes forbidding hee should be any longer mentioned publikely and prayed for in the Church as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and to vexe him the more because he knew hee was much delighted in the Monastery of Pontiniac an Abbey of Cirstercian Monkes he signified to all the Monkes of that Order in his Dominion that he would banish them every one if they would not procure the Arch-Bishop to bee thrust out of that Monastery which for feare of so great calamity to so many men of their Order was effected And because Pope Alexander Beckets surest Card was ferrited much in like sort by Fredericke Barbarossa the Emperour the King therefore determined to joyne in league with him being a prosessed enemie both to the French King and the Pope sending Ambassadors to him for that purpose which the Pope having notice of began presently to quaile promising speedily to end all Controversies betweene him and Becket to the Kings liking Whereupon at the procurement of Iohn of Oxford two Legates were sent into England to reconcile the King and Thomas but the Pope hearing when they were gone that they were resolved utterly to confound the Arch-Bishop sent Letters after them to rebate their absolute power who when they came to Thomas he absolutely refused to put their cause unto them but upon such conditions as neither they nor the King would brooke The passages betweene the King and the Pope and Becket and his Complaints to the Pope against the King too tedious to recite at large you may reade at leisure in Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 70. to 75. wherein he desires the Pope to use his rigour both against the King and the Prelates that sided with him and to constraine them to amendment After this the Pope moved the French King to mediate a Peace betweene them For which purpose both the Kings and the Arch-Bishop were brought together at Paris where suite being made to the King in his behalfe That he might returne be restored to his goods and revenues arising during his absence and likewise to the Kings favour upon his humble submission The King answered That for the rest he was contented but that he could not allow him the profits of his Arch-Bishoprick since his Banishment for that he had already given them to others yet he would give him such recompence for them as the French King or the Senate or Students of Paris should thinke meete Whereupon Becket being called for and advised by his frieuds to submit himselfe in the presence of both Kings without any more reservations he falling downe humbly upon his knees used these words My Lord and Soveraigne I doe here commit unto your owne judgement the cause and controversie betweene us so farre forth as I may saving the honour of Almighty God The King much offended with his last exception turned him about unto the French King and telling how much hee had done for the Arch-Bishop and how â—ee had used him sayd I am so well acquainted with the Trickes of this Fellow that I cannot hope for any good dealing at his hands See you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause saving the honour of God for whatsoever shall displease him hee will by and by alleadge to be prejudiciall to the honour of Almighty God But this I will say unto you whereas there have beene Kings of England many before mee whereof some were peradventure of greater Power than I the most part farre lesse and againe many Arch-Bishops before this man holy and noâ—able men looke what duty was ever performed by the greatest Arch-Bishop that ever was to the weakest and simplest of my Predecessours let him but yeeld me that and it shall abundantly content mee Hereunto the Arch-Bishop answered cunningly and stoutly That his Predecessours who could not bring all things to passe at the first dash were content to beare with many things and that as men they fell and omitted their duty oft times that that which the Church had gotten was by the constancie of good Prelates whose example he would follow thus farre forth as though he could not augment the priviledges of the Church in his time yet he would never consent they should be diminished This answere being heard all men cryed shame of him and generally
though maliciously placed that the King tooke yet more offence with him than before insomuch that he led him with him into the Parliament house for then was that Court holden and there before the Lords accused him of no small misdemeanor towards his person by his rude and threatning speeches but the Bishop eagerly denieth the Kings Obiections which he still avoucheth upon his Honour and in the end confirmes his Allegations by Witnesses whereupon he was banished from the Kings presence during his naturall life by verdict of that House In the meane time the Dutchesse hearing what was done beginneth anew to be dealing with him and in a brabling fray betweene their servants one of her men were slaine for which the Bishop was called before the Magistrate as chiefe accessary unto the fact but he fearing the sequell of his third cause by his successe had in the two first hideth himselfe after he had sold all his moveables and committed his money unto his trusty friends and being found guilty by the Inquest the King seizeth upon his possessions and calleth up the Bishop to answer unto the trespasse To be short upon safe conduct the Bishop commeth to the Kings presence where he denieâ—h that he was accessary to the fact either before at orafter the deede committed and thereupon craveth to be tried by his Peeres But this Petition is in vaine for sentence passeth against him also by the Kings owne mouth whereupon hee craveth helpe of the Archbishop of Canterbury and priviledges of the Church hoping by such meanes to be solemnly rescued But they fearing the Kings displeasure who bare small favour to the Cleargie of his time gave over to use any such meanes but rather willed him to submit himselfe to the Kings mercy which he refused standing upon his innocencie from the first unto the last Finally growing into chollor that the malice of a woman should so prevaile against him hee writeth to Rome requiring that his Case might be heard there as a place wherein greater Justice saith he is to be looked for than is to be found in England upon the perusall of these his Letters also his accusers were called thither but for so much as they appeared not at their peremptory times they were excommunicated Such of them also as died before their reconciliations were taken out of the Church-yards and buried in the Fields and Dunghills Vnde timor turba saith my Note in Anglia For the King inhibited the bringing in and receipt of all Processes Bulls and whatsoever instruments should come from Rome Such also as adventured contrary to this Prohibition to bring them in were either dismembred of some joynt or hanged by the neckes which rage so incensed the Pope that hee wrote in very vehement manner to the King of England threatning farre greater curses except hee did the sooner stay the fury of the Lady reconcile himselfe unto the Bishop and finally make him amends for all his losses sustained in these bâ—oyles Long it was yeâ— that the King would be brought to peace neverthelesse in the end he wrote to Rome about a reconciliation to be had betweene them but yeâ— all things were concluded God himselfe did end the quarrell by taking away the Bishop Anno 1388. the Nobles being assembled at Westminster said to King Richard the second that for his honour and the weale of the Kingdome it behoved that Traytors Whisperers Flatterers Malefactorsâ— Backbitersâ— and unprofitable persons should be banished out of his Palace and company and others substituted in their places who knew were willing to serve him more honourably faithfully which when the King had granted Licet merens they determined that Alexander Nevell Archbishop of Yorkeâ— Iohn Fordham then Bishop of Durham and afterwards of this See of Ely Thomas Rushoke the Kings Confessor Bishop of Chichester who being conscious to himselfe fled away and hid in Yorkeshire Richard Clifford Nicholas Lake Deane of the Kings Chappell all Clergy men whose words did many things in the Court should be removed all these they sent to divers prisons to be strictly gardedâ— till they should come to their answers the next Parliament Nicholas West Bishop of Ely in Henry the eigâ—h his dayes who kept daily an hundred servants in his house to attend him and gave them great wages fell into the Kings displeasure for some matters concerning his first marriage who for griefe thereof fell sicke and died Thomas Thirlby was advanced by Queene Mary not onely to the Bishoppricke of Ely but also made of her privy Councell After her death for resisting obstinatly the reformation intended by our gracious Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth hee was committed to the Tower and displaced from his Bishoppricke by Parliamentâ— Having endured a time of imprisonment neither very sharpe nor very long his friends easily obtained license for him and the late Secretary Roxall to live in the Archbishops house where they had also the company of Bishop Tunstall till such time he died To these I might adde Bishop Buckeridge Bishop White and Bishop Wren late Prelates of this Sea who occasioned much mischiefe and distraction in our Church and State but I shall referre them to another placeâ— and passe on to the Prelates of Exeter Exeter About the yeare 1257. Walter Bronscome 12. B of Exeter had a Fryer to his Chaplaine and Confessor which died in his house of Bishops Clift and should have beene buried at the Parish Church of Farringdon because the said house was and is in that Parish but because the Parish Church was somewhat farre off the wayes fouleâ— the weather rainy or for some other causes the Bishop commanded the corps to be carried to the Parish Church of Sowton then called Clift Fomeson which is very neere and bordereth upon the Bishops Lordship the two Parishes there being devided by a little Lake called Clift At this time one Fomeson a Gentleman was Lord and Patron of Clift Fomeson and he being advertized of such a buriall towards his Parish and a leach way to be made over his Land without his leave or consent requited therein calleth his Tenants together goeth to the bridge over the Lake betweene the Bishops Land and his there meeteth the Bishops men bringing the said corpsâ— and forbiddeth them to come over the water The Bishops men nothing regarding this Prohibition doe presse forwards to come over the water and the others doe withstand so long that in the end my Lords Fryer is fallen into the water The Bishop taketh this matter in such griefe that a holy Fryer a religious man his own Chaplaine and Confessor should so unreverently be cast into the water that he falleth out with the Gentleman and upon what occasion I know not he sueth him in the Law and so vexeth and tormenteth him that in the end he was faine to yeeld himselfe to the Bishops devotion and seeke all the wayes he could to curry the Bishops good will
est nefas it is the highest impiety to preferre any other Businesse before this care or for any cause whatsoever to hinder them so as their ministeries be lesse â—ully adhibited to their Churches Moses was most amply endued with the spirit of God and excelled with incredible wisedome and he altogether burned with a most ardent study of planting and preserving the true religion yet seeing hee ought to governe the whole Common-wealth of Iâ—rael hee by Gods command set Aaron his brother with his sonnes over matters of religion that they might WHOLY bestow themselves in them The Maccabees truly joyned the Civill administration to the Ecclesiasticall but with what successe their histories testifie wherefore it is to be wished that Bishops according to Gods Law religionibuâ— solis vacent procurandis should onely addict themselves to matters of Religion and lay aside all other businesses from them though beneficiall to mankind and leave them to those who should wholly bestow themselves on them being chosen thereto by God There is no office that requires more study and care â—han the procuration of soules Satan knowing this very well hath brought to passe that Bishops and chiefe Ecclesiasticall Prelates should be sent for by Kings Emperours unto their Courts to manage publike affaires both of warre and peâ—ce Hence these mischiefes have ensued first a neglect of the whole sacred ministry the corruption of doctrine the destruction of discipline After as soone as Prelates began to usurpe the place of Lords they challenged their luxury pomp to themselves to which end since the wealth of Princâ—s was requisite that which they ought to bestow out of their Ecclesiasticall revenues upon the faithfull Ministers of Churches upon Schooles upon the poore of Christ all these things being taken from them by horrible sacriledge they spent them upon riot and princely pompe And when as the goods of the Church were not sufficient to maintaine this luxury and pompe they flattered away and begged and by various frauds tooke from Kings goodly rich poâ—sessions and great Lordships by which accessions their luxury and pride was thenceforth not onely fostered and sustained but likewise infinitely increased which afterwards so farre prevailed that the spoyles of single Churches would not suffice each of them but they brought the matter to this passe that one at this day may fleece or spoyle three or foure Bishoprickes Abbies and other Prelacies and such a multitude of parish Churches as is horrible to name for they say there is one lately dead in this Kingdome who fleaed above 20. Parishes So Bucer who held Bishops Ministers to be all one and that the power of ordination resting originally in Christ derivatively in the whole Church and ministerially onely in Bishops and Presbyters as servants to the Church belonged as well to Presbyters as to Bishops with whom Peter Martyr his fellow Regius professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford fully concurâ—es in his Commonplaces printed at London cum privilegio Ann. 1576. Class 4. Loc. 1. Sect. 23. p. 849. to which I shall referre you for brevity sake To these I might adde The image of both Pastors written by Huldricke Zwinglius translated into English by Iohn Veron dedicated to the Duke of Somerset Lord Protector and Printed at London Cum privilegio An. 1550. Wherein he proves the parity and identity of Bishops and Presbyters condemnes the Lordly and secâ—lar dominion Wealth Pompe Pride Tyranny Nonpreach and rare preaching of Prelates and manifests Lord Bishops as then they stood and now to be false Pastors and meer papall and antichristian officers not warranted by Gods word but because Zwinglius was a forraigner I shall passe it by without transcribing any passage thereof Mr. Iohn Hooper both a Bishop and martyr of our Church a great opposer of Ceremonies Episcopall Rochets and Vestments in which hee would not bâ— consecrated writes thus of the secular imployments wealth and calling of Bishops For the space of 400. yeares after Christ the Bishops applyed all their wit only to their owne vocation to the glory of God and the honour of the Realmes they dwelt in though they had not so much upon their heads as our Bishops have yet had they more within their heads as the Scripture and Histories testifie For they applyed all the wit they had unto the vocation and ministry of the Church whereunto they were called But our Bishops have so much wit that they can rule and serve as they say in both States in the Church and also in the Civill policie when one of them is more then any man is able to satisfie let him doe alwayes his best diligence If hee be so necessary for the Court that in Civill causes he cannot be spared let him use that vocation and spare the other It is not possible hee should doe both well It is a great oversight in Princes thus to charge them with two burthens the Primitive Church had no such Bishops as wee they had such Bishops as did preach many godly Sermons in lesse time than our Bishops horses be a bridling Their house was a Schoole or treasure house of Gods Ministers if it be so now let every man judge The Magistrates that suffer the abuse of these goods be culpable of the â—ault if the fourth part of the Bishopricke remained to the Bishop it were sufficient the third part to Schoolemasters the second to poore and souldiers were better bestowed If any be offended with me for this my saying he loveth not his owne soules health nor Gods Laws nor mans out of which I am alwayes ready to prove the thing I have said to be true Further I speake of love not of hatred And in his Apologie hee saith It is both against Gods Laws mans that Bishops and clergie men should be judges over any subjects within this Realme for it is no part of their office they can do no more but preach Gods Word and minister Gods Sacraments and excommunicate such as Godâ— Lawes do pronounce to be excommunicated who would put a sword into a madmans hand And in his exposition on Psal. 23.1580 f. 40. Although Bishops saith hee in the raigne of Constantine the Great obtained that among Bishops some should be called Archbishops and Metropolitans c. Yet this preheminencie was at the pleasure discretion of Princes not alwaies tyed to one sorâ— of Prelates as the impiety of our time beleeveth as we may see in the Councell of Calcedon Africke So that it is manifest that this Superior preheminency is not of Divine but of humane right instituted out of civill policie So Hooper The Booke of ordination of Ministers and Consecraation of Bishops compiled by the Bishops in King Edwards dayes ratified by two Acts of Parliament and subscribed to by all our Ministers hath this notable passage and charge against the Lordlinesse and secular imployments of Prelates and Ministers
neglected and thereupon would that all such of the Clergie as were deprehâ—nded in any Robbery Murther Felony burning of houses and the like should be tryed and adjuged in his temporall Courts as Lay men were Against which the Arch-Bishops resolution was That Clergie-men so offending should be tryed onely in the Spirituall Courts and by men of their owne Coat who if they were convict should at first be onely deprived of their Oâ—fice and Benefice but if they should againe be guiltie of the like they should be adjudged at the kings pleasure In this maine controversie betweene the Crowne and the Mitre the Arch-Bishop stood so peremptory on the immunities of his Clergie and See as that he challenged from theâ— Crowne to the Kings great offence the custody of Rochester Castle and other Forts which the King for securing his State had resumed into his owne hands The King finding himselfe to be hereby but a demi-king deprived of all Soveraignty over one halfe deale of his Kingdome and perceiving Beckets stiffenesse in thus contesting with his Soveraigne to be no wayes mollifiable by whatsoever his old favours or fresh perswasions notwithstanding resolved to put nothing in execution which should not first be ratified and strengthned with the consent of his Bishops Who thereupon assembling at Westminster the King tooke both offence there at the Arch-Bishops thwarting his desires and occasions to establish sundry Articles which hee called his Grandâ—athers Customes peremptorily urging Becket to yeeld thereunto without any such reservation as saving in all things his order and right of the Church wherewith hee would have limited his assent The points in those ordinances which he principally stucke at as appeares by his owne Letter to the Pope were these 1. That none should appeale to the Bishop of Rome for any cause whatsoever without the Kings license 2. That it should not be lawfull for any Arch-Bishop or Bishop to depart the Realme or repaire to the Pope upon his summons without the Kings license 3. That no Bishop should excommunicate any man holding of the King in chiefe or put any other of his Officers under interdict without the Kings license 4. That Clerkes criminous should be tryed before secular Iudges 5. That it should not be lawfull for a Bishop to punish any one for perjury or faith-breach 6. That the Laity whether the King or other should hold pleas of Churches and Tithes c. These points so neerely touched the Papall Soveraigntie and Church-liberties that the resolute Metropolitane mainely opposed his whole power against them The King being as resolute to enforce him to subscribe to them both to â—nlarge his Soveraigne authority and to exempt his estate by degrees from dependancie on any externall Government as lineally claiming from absolute Soveraigne Antecessors At last Pope Alexander very desiâ—ous to keepe the Kings love though secretly wishing well to Beckets attempts sent one Philip his Almoner to compose the controversie by whom the Pope and Cardinalls required the Arch-Bishop to promise the King to keepe his sayd Ordinances absolutely without any savings or exceptions Whereupon Becket seeing his Scrupulositie thus disapproved by his Soveraigne by all his Brethren the Biâ—hops and the Court of Rome it selfe hee rode to Woodstocke to the King and there promised that he would keepe the sayd Lawes Bâ—na fide and without male engin The King thereupon supposing now all contradictions would cease called an Assembly of the States at Claâ—endon to collect and enact those Lawes where Becket relapsing from his former promise to the King sayd He had grievously sinned in making that absolute Oath and that he would not sinne any more At which the King was so vehemently inflamed that hee threatned banishment and destruction to him and his But at last the Arch-Bishop being overcome by perswasions of divers Nobles and Bishops sware before the King Clergie and people in the word of a Priest and sincerely that he would observe the Lawes which the King intituled Avitae And all the Bishops Abbots Priors and whole Clergie with all the Earles Barons and Nobilitie did promise and sweare the â—ame faithfully and truly to observe and performe to the King and his Heires for ever But when the King not so contented would have him to subscribe and fixe his Seale to an instrument in which these Customes and Lawes were comprised as every one of the other Bishops had done bâ—fore him he once againe starting from his faith did absolutely refuse it alledging that hee did promise to doe the King some honour in word onely but not with an intent to confirme these Articles being 16. in number neither would he subscribe or seale them unlesse the Pope by his Bull did first confirme them The King hereupon sent two Embassadours to Rome to the Pope to crave his allowance of those Lawes and to pray that the Legantine power of England might bee committed to the Arch-Bishop of Yorke Becket being so farre from seeking to pacifie the Kings displeasure as dayly hee provoked him more and morâ—â— The Pope knowing the cause to bee his owne more than Beckets rejected both these suites Becket having dealt so with him beâ—ore-hand that hee would doe nothing to his prejudice and withall absolved him and the other Bishops from their Oath of Allegeance to their Prince Whereupon the King commanded Becket to bee condemned in dammages â—or a Manor which Iohn de Marshall claimed and in the Parliament of Northampton demanded an accounâ— of him of 30000. pound which came to his hand during his Chancellorship which hee excusing and refusing punctually to answer the Peeres and Bishops condemned all his movables tâ— the Kings mercy After which the Prelates â—hemselves by a joynt consent adjudged him guilty of perjury for not yeelding tempoâ—all obedience to the King according to his Oath disclaiming all obedienâ—e to him thence forward as to their Arch-Bishop Becket the next day whiles the Bishops and Peeres were consulting of some fâ—rther course with him caused to be sung before him at the Altar The Princes sit and speake against mee and the ungodly persecute me c. And forthwith taking his silver Crosier in his owne hands a thing strange and unheard of before enters armed therewith into the Kings prâ—sence though earnestly disswaded by all that wished him well Wherewith the King enraged commanded his Peeres to sit in judgement upon him as on a Traytor and perjured person and accordingly they adjudged him to be apprehended and cast in prison as such a delinquent The Earles of Cornewall and Leicester who sate as Judges citing him forthwith to heare his sentence pronounced hee immediately appealed to the See of Rome as holding them no competent Judges whâ—reupon all reviling him with the name of Traytor and perjured person he replyed That were it not for his function he would enter the Duell or Combat with them in the field to acquit himselfe from Treason and perjury and so speeding from the Court departed into Flanders disguised
upon the possessions of the Church against Clerkes who receive Churches by Lay-mens power against such Judges and others who shall release excommunicate persons ouâ— of prison without the Bishops consent against Lay-men who shall apprehâ—nd Clergy-men for civill crimes against such who obtaine or grant Prohibitions to their Courts against the King or his Officers who grieve or waste Churches possessions during their vacancy against Judges and other Officers who by a Quo Warranto question the Liberties which any Church or Prelaâ—e hath long time enjoyed though without any Charter against secular Judges who shall judge any Charters made to the Church voyd for uncertaineâ—y against Lords who shall endeavor to enforce Clergy men to make suit to their secular Courts contrary to the Liberties of the Church and the like In all or most of which if the King upon notice and monition conforme not to Prelates desires and stop not all proceedings and judgements in his Courts against them his Judges and Officers shall be excommunicated and their Lands together with the Kings and the whole Province of Canterbury interdicted as aforesaidâ— This Arch-Prelate and hâ—s conâ—ederates thus trampling upon the Kings Crowne Royalties Judges Courts Nobility Subjects and the Lawes of the Kingdome the King to stop their encroachments was enforced to send forth Writs of Ad jura Regia and Prohibitions to inhibit their proceedings Wherein he thus complained We aâ—e troubled not without cause and moved while we behold those who live under our Dominion and are there honored with Benefices and Rents by reason whereof they ought to assist us in the defence and tuition of the Rights of our Royall Crowne with neckes liâ—â—ed up against us endeavouring to the uttermost of their power to impugne the said Rights to the GRIEVOVS PREIVDICE AND HVRT OF OVR ROYALL DIGNITIE AND CROWNE and in contempt of us Wherefore we who by the bond of an Oath are obliged to the unwounded Observance of the Rights of our Crowne and Dignity prohibit you that you presume not to attempâ— any thing in the promises which may any way derogate from the Right of our Crowne and Dignity and if any thing in this kind haâ—h beene unduely attempted by you that you cause it to be revoked without any delay left we proceed â—o appreheâ—d you in a grievous manner as the violaters of the Rights of our Crowne and Dignity Thâ—s Boniface at last knowing himselfe very ill beloved boâ—h of the King and of all the Commons and Clergy in generall and being commanded by the King to give over his Bishopricke he thereupon â—elled his Woods let Leases forced from his Tenants and others what moneys he could possibly and having gathered great sums one way or other carryed it all with him over Sea into Savoy where he dyed Iohn Peckam the next Arch-Bishop of Canterbury but one was created Bishop of that See by the Popes meere Authority against the Monkes and Kings consents whence in his Letters to the Pope he usually stiled himselfe his creature though he made him pay foure thousand Markes for his Creation And to â—hew himselfe his creature in good earnest he upon the Popes most insolenâ— Letter to him recorded at large by Matthâ—w Parker in his life to prohibit King Edward the first from collecting the Tenths granted to him in England by the Clergy for the recovery of the Holy Land â—rom the Sarazens which the King collected by his owne Officers and laid up in such places as he thought meet without the Popes speciall license not without great sinne agâ—inst the divine Majesty and high contempt of the Apostolicke Seaâ— went to the King immediately being then in the confines of Wales and there publikely before all his Nobles by vertue of the Popes command admonished the King First within one moneths space to restore all the Monies collected and to send it to the places formerly appointed for its custody with so great promptitude of devotion as might expiate the former blot of removing it thence Secondly that he should â—or time to come wholly desist from such attempts adding that althoâ—gh the Apostolicall clemency did yet embrace him as one of her deare Sonnes yet if he should hereafter chance to be found guilty of such offences that she neither would nor yet could substract the Rod of Correction from him left by sparing man she should consent to those Divine injuries which she corrected not Thirdly that he should neither molest nor grieve any of the Keepers or Depositaries of the said Monies upon this occasion To which insolent Demands the King gave a very mild Answer This Lordly Prelate was very stately in his gesture gate words and outward â—hew he very often opposed himselfe against King Edward the first in Parliament in right of his Church denying to grant him Tenths conâ—esting with him often about certaine Liberâ—ies pertaining to the Crowne touching Church matters Anno 1279. he held a Councell at Reading wherein he enjoyned all Priests every Lords day to excommunicate among others those who impetrated Letters or Writs from any Lay Court to hinder the proceedings of the Ecclesiastickes in Causes pertaining to them by the holy Canons He held his Prebendary of Lions in France in Commendam and would not part with it by any meanes because he looked every day to be driven out of England by the King whom he stiffely opposed and resisted to his face in many things and then he should have no othâ—r home to take to Hee promptly obeyed the Popes commands against the King not to pay him any Subsidies or give him any aide without the Popes consent and oft admonishing the King before his Nobles to obey â—he Popes Mandates in derogation of his Crowne and tending to the great oppression of his Subjects Hee called another Councell aâ— Lambeth Anno 1280. in which he went about to annihilate certaine Liberties belonging to the Crowne as the taking knowledge of the Right of Patronages and the Kings Prohibitions In placitis de catallis and such like which seemed meerely to touch the Spiritualty But the King by some in that Councell withstood the Arch-Bishop openly and with menaces stayed him from concluding any thing that might prejudice his Royall Liberties and Prerogatives After which he held another Councell at Reading Anno 1290. where he and the Bishops purposed to draw the Conusans of Advowsons and Patronages of Churches belonging time out of minde to the Kings Temporall Couâ—ts to the Ecclesiasticall Consistories utterly to cut off all the Kings Prohibitions to these Courts in suites concerning Goods Chattels and Debts so that the Ecclesiasticall Judges should not from thenceforth be prohibited to proceed on in them But the King hearing of this their designe and encroachment on his Royall Crowne prohibited them to proceed therein under paine of his indignation whereupon the Councell was dissolved and the Archâ—Bishop and other Prelates frustrated of their hopes Who yet proceeding to encroach upon the Kings
Royalties in their Ecclesiasticall Courts Hee thereupon sent forth Writs to restraine them to this effect Rex Archiepiscopis c. The King to the Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbots Priors Deanes Arch-Deacons Chancellours Praecentors Provosts Sacrists Prebends in Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches and to all other Ecclesiasticall Persons constituted in what-ever Dignity or Office as also to publike Notaries and all others greeting It behoveth us so much the more carefully to doe our endeavour and more soliciâ—ously to extend our hand to our Royall Prerogatives lest they â—hould utterly perish or by the undue Usurpations of any be in some â—ort substracted by maintaining them as farre as we lawfully may by reducing them to their due stateâ— if any of them have beene substracted and seized on as likewise by bridling the impugners oâ— our said Royall Jurisdictions and by punishing them as it is meet according to their demerits And so much the rather by how much we are knowne to be obliged to doe it by the Bond of an Oath and behold more men from day to day to impugne the same Rights to their utmost power whereas we have recovered in our Court before us by consideration of the said Courâ— our Collation to the Prebend of S. in the Church of Saint Peters in Yorke c. And now we have understood that certaine men endeavouring with all thâ—â—r might to impugne our Royall Right and forâ—saiâ— Judgement as likewise our Collation made to our said Clerke have made and procured to be made certaine Provocations Appealeâ— Indictions Inhibitions c. by the which if they should proceed our Royall Right and foresaid Judgement and the effect of our Collation should be annulled which might many wayes generate prejudice and exheredation to us and our Crowne We desiring by all meanes we may to prevenâ— such prejudice and exheredation and to restraine the unlawfull endeavours of all the impugners of the Rights of our Crowne strictly prohibite you and every of you that you doe not by pretext of any Commission made or hereafter to be made to you or any of you presume by any Authority without our advice to attempt or by others in any soâ—â— cause to be attempted any thing which may tend to the derogation of our Royall Right or annulling of the â—oresaid Judgement rightly given or the weakening of our said Collation knowing that if you shall doe otherwise we will proceed to apprehend you in a grievous manner Tanquam violatores Iuris nostri Regii as violaters of our Royall Right By these Writs the Usurpations of this Arch Prelate and the Bishops on the Kings Royall Prerogative and Courts of Justice were somewhat restrained otherwise they had in time made themselves absolute Kings and the Kings of England meere Cyphers and onely executioners of their Papall pleasures Robert Winchelsie his Successour exceedingly opposed his Soveraigne King Edward the first Who having spent an infinite summe of Money in the Warres of Scotland summonâ—d a Parliament at Barwicke wherein when the Temporalty contributed liberally toward the charge of that Warre the Clergy alledging the Canon of the late Councell of Lyons wherein it was decreed That no Clergie-man should pay any Ayde or Subsidie to any Temporall Magistrate without the Popes licence which Canon the Arch-Bishop alledged against the Subsidie granted by the Clergy two yeares before in his absence causing them then to set it downe for a Canon afterwards to be kept inviolably refused to grant the King a Subsidy without the Popes consent and would then give no Subsidy nor supply at all to the King though at the same time they readily granted three Subsidies to the Pope towards his Warres against the French The King would not take this for payment and therefore presently tooke order That all Barnes of these undutifull rebellious Clergy-men should be locked up and by Proclamation put all the Clergy from out of his protection so that hereafter it should be lawfull for any man to sue them for any Cause but they might not commence Suite against any man holding a Parliament with his Temporall Lords and Commons onely and shutting the Bishops and Clergy out of the Parliament house This constrained some of the Clergy after much contest though animated and sollicited by the Arch-Bishop still to resist to submit to the King at last and to be content to grant him such a proportion of their goods though it were the fifth part of their Revenues as he should like of onely the Arch-Bishop the Head of this â—action continued obstinate making no other answer to the King but this Under God our universall Lord we have two other Lords a Spirituall Lord the Pope and a Temporall Lord the King and though wee be to obey both yet rather the Spirituall Lord then the Temporall When therefore he saw all the rest inclining to yeeld using no other words then this Salvet unusquisque animam suam Let every man save his owne Soule as if Rebellion against his Prince were the only meanes to save his soule and pronouncing all those excommunicated that contributed any thing to the King he rose up and suddenly departed out of the Convocation House The King for this his contumacy seized all his Lands and commanded all such Debts of his as were found in the Rolls of the Exchequer to be leâ—ed with all speed on his Goods and Cattell which he seized into his hands and made shew of great displeasure Notwithstanding shortly after being to make Warre with the French King in France hee thought good before his departure to receive this Arch-Rebell to favour againe who had caused the King to be cited up to the Court of Rome and there suspended But this grace endured not long for presently upon his returne the King laid divers high Treasons to his charge as That he had dehorted his Subjects in his absence from paying their Subâ—idies That he went about to trouble the quiet state of the Realme and to defend and succour Rebellious persons That he had conspired with divers of his Nobility to deprive him of his Kingdome though the best Prince that ever England had before to commit him to perpetuall Prison and to Crowne his Sonne Edwaâ—d King in his stead and that he was the Ring-leader and Authour of this Conspiracy The Arch-Bishop noâ— able to deny these Treasons and being suspended from his Office by the Pope till he should purge himselfe of these things he fell downe on the ground at the Kings feete craving pardon of his heynous offences with teares and howling calling the King then his Lord which he never did before neither with his month nor in his Letters Thus this proud Prelate exâ—crable both to God and man who had twice a little before prohibited the King in the Popes name to make Warre with the rebellious and treacherous Scots his Enemies who had invaded his Kingdome in his absence because the Pope had taken them into his protection who had
Prelate Amm. 1385. this King called a Parliament at London wherein the Laity granted the King one Quindisme and a halfe upon condition that the Clergy would give him one Disme and a halfe This Arch-Bishop stiffely opposed this condition saying That it ought not to be made especially seeing the Church ought to be free and no wayes to be taxed by Lay-men adding that he would rather endanger his head for this cause then suffer the Church of England to be so much inslaved Which Answer so moved the company of Commons that the Knights of the Counties with certaine of the Nobles of the Kingdome with great fury petitioned that the Temporalties of the Ecclesiastickes might be taken away saying That the Clergy were growne to such excessive pride that it would be a worke of piety and charity by the taking away of their Temporalties which did puffe them up to compell them to be more humbly wise These things they cryed out these things they presented to the King in short writings thinking to bring this Petition to effect The Arch-Bishop to prevent the danger consulting with his Clergy granted the King one Tenth very willingly which the King accepted of and so for the present the unsatiable covetousnesse of the Enemies of the Church saith Walsingham was frustrated and this Clause of the Laity obliterated out of the Bill Thomas Arundell his immediate successour by provision from the Pope against the Law as he resigned his Chancellourship of England so soone as ever he was made Arch-Bishop as incompatible with his function as Thomas Becket Walter Reynalds Iohn Stratford with other his predecessors had commendably done before witnesse Matthew Parker Godwin and Fox in their lives which I wish our secular Prelates would now imitate though not in resuming this office againe as he did at last so he was scarce warme in his Seat when by King Richard the seconds displeasure he was dispossessed of the same for not onely the Arch-Bishops Brother the Earle of Arundell was attainted and condemned of High Treason against the King in full Parliament for which he was presently executed but the Arch-Bishop himselfe was by Sir Iohn Bushy in the behalfe of the Commonalty accused of high Treason for that hee had evill counselled his Majesty and induced him to grant Letters of Pardon to his brother the Earle of Arundell being a ranke Traytor After which he was found guilty and condemned of High Treason adjudged unto perpetuall exile for conspiring to take the King the Dukes of Lancester and Yorke prisoners and to hang and draw the other Lords of the Kings Councell and commanded within forty dayes to depart the Realme under paine of death He thus banished got to Rome and found such favour with the Pope as that he first writ earnestly to the King for his Restitution the King writes a sharpe Letter against him to the Pope wherein he sheweth That he plotted Treason against him and endeavoured to take away his life that he deserved rather to be quartered and executed as a Traytor then banished that the whole Kingdome wondred and were offended hee had dealt so mildly with him and not executed him as he deserved that hee was a man impatient of peace of a Trayterous and seditious spirit so as he could not restore him or re-admit him into the Realme without danger of his Life and Kingdome and therefore though all the World consented to his Restitution yet hee would never doe it whiles he breathed Upon which Letters the Pope not onely refused to restore him but at the Kings request made Roger Walden Arch Bishop in his stead The Pope hereupon conferred the Arch-bishopricke of St. Andrews in Scotland with other livings here in England by way of provision upon Arundelâ— who confederating afterward with Henry Duke of Lancaster against King Richard they levyed what forces they could and landed with them in England so that at last King Richard upon parly with this Arundell whom he had banished was forced to resigne his Crowne and to render himselfe prisoner to the Duke of Lancaster with promise of saving his life onely Hereupon the Arch-Bishop after the Resignation made in parliament Crowned the Duke King and made a Briefe Collation on these words 1 King 9. A man shall Raigne over the People Tending wholly to the praise of the new King and disparagement of the old Recorded at large by Holinshed After which hee thrust Walden out of his See and got restitution of it againe the Pope confirming his Restauration and declaring Walden to be an intruder who after a while was made Bishop of London This Arch-Bishop thus restored to his See and in high favour with the King proved a bloody persecutor and butcher of Gods Saints to which end following the steppes of his predecessour Courtney he with the rest of the Bishops fraudulently and surreptitiously procured by craftyâ— meanes and subtile pretences the cruell bloody Statute Ex Officio as Master Fox doth stile it to wit 2. Hen. 4. c. 15. to passe the Upper House of Parliament as a Law without the Commons assent or Privity whose assent they yet foisted into the written and Printed Coppies of that Act to blind the world withall and give it the colour of a Statute though it be not to be found in the Parliament Roll the Commons never consenting to it as Mr. Fox hath shewed at large in his Acts and Monuments p. 539.540 and the Statute of 25. Hen. 8. c. 14. witnesseth which bastard Statute by colour of which alone most or all our English Martyres were afterwards imprisoned burned tortured and put to death being thus unduly obtained this bloody Arch-Prelate forthwith caused many godly Martyres to be burnt to ashes and the Worthy honourable Lord Cobham with sundry others to be put to death by reason whereof the Kingdome of the Pope and of the Prelates his members here in this Realme began to beâ— so strong that none durst stirre or once mutter against them The Bishops having the King so full on their side armed moreover with these two forged Lawes with imprisonments sword fire and faggot raigned and ruled as they listed as Kings and Princes within themselves So strong were they of power that no humane force was able to stand against them so exalted in pride and puffed up in glory that they thought all things to be subject to their reverend majesties Whatsoever they set forth and decreed though in their owne names rites and by their owne authorities it must of all mâ—n bee received and obeyed And it was their Superstitious blindnesse and curious vanity that whatsoever â—oy came once in their fantacy it was straight-way determined and established for a Law of all men to be observed were it never so â—rivilous or superstitious yea such was the pride vaine-glory and insolency of this Arch-Bishop Arundel who stuffed the Church with Ceremonies and vaine Traditions of men as his Successors doth now that he in great
and delete such power given by God to the Princes of the earth whereby they might gather and get to themselves the government and rule of the world have in their Councells and Synods Provinciall made ordained and established and decreed divers ordinances and constitutions that no Lay or marryed man should or might exercise or occupie any Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall nor should be any Judge or Registerâ— in any Court commâ—nly called Ecclesiasticall Courâ— lest their â—alse and usurped power which they pretended and went about to have in Christs Church should decay waxe vile and of no reputation as by the sayd Councels and Constitutions Provinciall appeareth which standing and remaining in their effect not abolished by your Graces Lawes did seeme to appeare to make greatly for the sayd usurped power of the sayd Bishop of Rome and to be directly repugnant to your Majesties Title of supreame head of the Church and prerogative Royall your Grace being a Lay-man and albeit the sayd Decrees Ordinances and Constitutions by a Statute made the 25â— yeare of your most noble raigne be utterly abolished frustrate and of none effect yet because the contrary thereunto is not used nor put in practise by â—he Arch-Bishops Bishops Deanes and other Ecclesiasticall persons who have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall but by under and from your royall Majesty it addeth or aâ— the least may give occasion to some evill disposed persoâ—s to thinke and little to regard the proceeding and censures Ecclesiasticall made by your Highnesse and your Vice-gerent Officialls Commissaries Judges and Visitatorsâ— being also Lay and married men to be of little or none effect or force whereby the people gathereth heart and presumption to doe evill and not to have such reverence to your most godly injunctions and proceedings as becommeth them But forasmuch as your Majesty is the onely and undoubtedly supreame head of the Church of England and also of Ireland to whom by Scripture all authority and power is wholly given to heare and determine all causes Ecclesiasticall and to correct all vice and sinne whatsoever and to all such persons as your Majesty shall appoint thereunto that in consideration thereof as well for the instruction of ignorant persons as also to avoyd the occaâ—ion of the opinion aforesayd and setting forth of your prerogative royall and supremacy It may therefore please your Highnesse that it may bee ordained and enacted by authority of this present Parliament that all and singular aswell Lay as those that be married now or hereafter shall be married being Doctors of the Civill Law lawfully create and made in any University which shall be made ordained constituted and deputed to bee any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Officiall Scribe or Register by your Majesty or any of your Heires or Successours to anyâ— Arch-Bishop Bishop Arch-Deacon or other person whatsoever having authority under your Majesty your Heires and Successours to make any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Offâ—ciall or Register may lawfâ—lly execute and exercise all mannâ—r of Jurisdiction commonly called Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction and all Censures and Corrections appertaining oâ— any wise belonging unto the same albeit such person or persons be Lay married or unmarried so that they be Doctors of the Civill Law as is aforesayd any Law Constitution or Ordinance to the contrary notwiâ—hstanding By this Act it is apparent that the end of the former Constitution was trecherously to undermine and abolish the Kings Prerogative Royall in causes Ecclesiasticall and to make the Pope and our Prelates absolute Monarches and our Kings meere Cyphers to execute their Mandates when by the expresse words of this Law with that of 1. Ed. 6. c. 2.26 H. 8. c. 1.1 Eliz. c. â— 5 Eliz. c. 1.8 Eliz. c. 1. and 1. and 2. Phil. and Mâ—ry c. 8. it is most clearely resolved that our Arch-Bishops and Bishops have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall over other Ministers by any divine right as they now vainely if not trayterously pretâ—nd but by from and under our Kings in whose name and right and under whose Seale alone all their Ecclesiasticall processe ought to issue as hath beene elsewhere plentifully manifested it being no lesse than a Premunire by the Statute of 1. Edw. 6. c. 2. â—or any Bishops or Ecclesiasticall Judges to issue out processes in their owne names and under their owne Seales as now our Prelates doe This Law of Premunire was such a curbe to our usurping Prelates that this Arch Prelate Chichely in the last Synod hee held Anno. 1439. without delay or difficulty granted King Henry the sixt a Tenth and promised him large supplyes from the Clergie in all things if he would abrogate those hard Lawes of Premunire where-with the Clergie were very falsely accused and oft taken and ensuared as in unjust sâ—ares whereas in truth those Lawes were the principall safety both of King and people to preserve and free them from the unjust incroachments of Popes and Prelates upon their Liberties Lawes and Estates which made the Pope and them so frequently to sollicite their repeale And by his countenance William Lindwood collected and set out the Provinciall Constitutions of the Arch-Prelates of Canterbury in their Synods in affront of the Kings prerogative Royall and the Lawes of the Realme dedicating them to this Arch-Prelate and entreating him to put them in due Execution being neglected and quite disregarded formerly both by Prelates Judges and people as he complaines in his Epistle Dedicatory to him In briefe when in the Parliament held at London Anno 1414. under King Henry the fifth the Commons reviewed their former Petition in Parliament made to King Henry the fourth but foure yeares before to seize the Bishops and Abbots Temporalities shewing how many Earles Knights and Esquires they would maintaine The Bishops and Abbots whom it touched very neare much â—earingâ— the issueâ— determined to assay all wayes to put by and overthrow this Bill and minding rather to bow than breake they first agreed to offer the King a great summe of money to stay this new moven Demand The cause of this offer seemed to some of the wise Prelates neither decent nor convenient for they well â—oresaw and perfectly knew that if the Commons perceived that they by rewards or by offer of money would resist their request and petition that they stirred and moved with a fury would not onely raile and despise them as corrupters of Princes and enemies of the Publickeâ—Wealth but would so cry and call on the King and the â—emporall Lords that they were like to lose both worke and oyle cost and lining Wherefore they determined to cast all chances which might serve their purpose and in speciall to replenish the Kings braine with some pleasant study so as that hee should neither phantasie nor regard the serious Petition of the importunate Commons Wherefore on a day when the King was present in Parliament this Henry Chichely Arch-Bishop of Canterbury after low
your holy Church of Rome is taken for such a sort as liveth against his blessed Word against the living of holy Apostles against the conditions of our holy Mother the Church I would say in all oppression in all Sodomitry in all murther in all pompe and pride summa summarum in all manner of mischiefe what tongue can tell or heart can thinke But I will not say so for men would reckon me uncharitable and too vehement Neverthelesse all the world knoweth that you doe reckon your selfe by the vertue of your Oath bound to no men but unto such as in very deede liveth after this ungracious manner and yet will you be faithfull and true unto them against all men yea I dare say if that their conâ—cience had not condemned them of such mischiefe they would never have desired this assistance of you But the verity is they are naught and have neede of maintainers in their mischiefe And also suspect you not to be tâ—â—e except you made an Oath to them yea and scarsely then unlesse that you in very deede at time and place convenient doe betray your Princes for that is the cause of your Oath and other profit hath not the King by it I will be reported by all practise that ever came out of your Oath It followeth And to my Lord the Pope I would gladly learne where the Pope hath got the dignity of a Lord. This thing is little regarded of my Lords the Bishops to bring in such a worldly dignity yea they will say it is but a trifle and mocke men for speaking against it but â—he truth is iâ— they durst as much now as in times past they would burne for this little trifle the best Lord in England For I dare say it hath cost many a mans life or ever they brought the Pope to Lordship Blessed S. Peter whose successor the Pope boasteth himself to be knew nothing of this Lordship for he saith unto his fellowes They shall not exercise any lordship over the Congregation And likewise S. Paul durst not take upon him to command as a Lord collections to be made for poore men but meekely desires them without any Lordship Also in anotheâ— place Let no man judge us but as the Ministers of Christ blessed S. Paul reckoneth himselfe but a Minister and a Servant and yet the day hath beene that he was so good as my Lord the Pope Our Master Christ that came to teach both Peter and Paul learned his Disciples not to use themselves as Lords but as Servants And marke the occasion of that he had sayd there be two new disciples brought unto him and the old being not yet perfect thought scorne that these two should sit above all other the one of the right hand and the other of the lâ—ft hand but our Master Christ reproveâ—h this proud stomacke of theirs very straightly saying How the Princes and Rulers of the infidels hath power over their Subjects but so shall not yee for he that will be greatest among you shall be least Here our Master Christ learneth none Hypocrisie that they should be called least in name and be greatest in very deede but he will that this Doctrine shall be expressed in their deedes My Lord the Pope calleth himselfe in words the Servant of all servants but in very deed hâ— will be Lord over all Lords Yea â—nd my Lords Bishops will be sworne to him as unto a Lord and they will reckon themselves perjured if they burne not all them that will take the Pope but for a servant Is not this a marvellous Hypocrisie to be called servant of all servants and yet desire to be taken as Lord and King over all Kings Yea and unto this be our Bishops sworne cause they will be obedient to their Princes But and their consciences were ripped you should finde no man sit there as a King but my Losell the Pope and we poore men must be condemned for reproving of this And why verily because my Lords have sworne to him against their Prince and all his true subjects But how standeth it with your Oath toward your Prince for to be sworne to the Pope which is not all onely another Lord but also contrary yea and as the world now is the greatest mortall enemie that our Prince hath For I dare say that if this wreâ—ched Clement could drowne our Noble Prince with one word it would not be long By Cardinall Poles practise and Instigations undone sine clementia The Common saying went in Hamburgh that this caitise hath not all onely excommunicated our Noble Prince but also given away the Kingdome to another And this fact must you defend for you are sworne to â—he Pope Yea I dare say if you had convenient occasion you would declare your fidelity I doe Judge after your â—acts that you have done to Kings in times past whensoever that you had power and might to bring to passe that which you have conceived against your Prince If you thinke I judge amisse or else doe you wrong let me be put to my proose and you shall see what an heape of holy facts that I will bring you out of your owne Chronicles and Bookes for the which you will be lauded and praised Highly that you have so faithfully stucke unto this damnable Idoll of Rome yea I dare say it had beene Heresie within this two yeares to have written or sayd thus much against the lâ—mme of the Devill on our Princes side This all the world can testifie whereâ—ore I thinke yoâ— will put me to no â—ryall But to your Oath How doth it stand with your allegiance toward youâ— Prince to be sworne to the Pope your owne Law saith that a leige man can make none Oath of fidelity to none other man but to his owâ—e King Moreover you doe remember your Oath made unto youâ— Prince wherein you doe renounce all clauses words and sentences made unto the Pope which may be hurâ—full or prejudiciall to his Highnesse how agreeth these two Oathes you may set them together as well as you can but I know no wayes to avoyd your perjury For the very truth is that the Kings grace and his councell considering your Oath made to the Pope to be prejudiciall to his regall power causeth you in your Oath aâ—terward made unto him to revoke those things that thou hast afore sworne to â—he Pope and to declare that his grace and his councell did reckon your Oath made to the Pope to bee against him therefore he maketh you to revoke it by name naming the same Oath and also the same Pope So that you may clearely perceive how that our Prince doth suspect you for your Oath making And in very deede the Popes meaning and yours was none other but for to betray the King and his Realme and therefore as soone as there was any variance betweene the King and the Pope then were you first of all assoyled of your allegeance due
to the Pope But what say you to your Oath made unto your Prince wherein you sweare that you shall be faithfull and true and beare unto him above all creatures love and favour to live and to dye with him and to open him all manner of Counsells that may be hurtfull unto his grace Now it is well knowne that the Pope hath done and dayly doth handle such Counsells as be against our Princes honour and conversation And yet you may neither tell it to your Prince nor let it and why because you be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince Tell me when any thing was opened unto our Prince by you that the Pope had handled in counsell against our Prince Of this thing I will take record of his Noble grace whether I say true or falseâ— and yet must I be accused of Treason And why because you are sworne to the Pope and I am true to the King It followeth I will helpe to defend and maintaine the Papistry of Rome against all men saving mine order And in your new Oath now in our days made is added The regalls of Saint Peter What and in all men be contained your Prince you must needes defend him And why because ye be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince For your Oath to your Prince is to defend him with all your wit and reason against all men now must you forsake one of them and your practise hath beene alwayes to forsake your Prince and sticke to the Pope for of your Oath made to your Prince you have been oftentimes assoiled And as your Law saith the Church of Rome is 〈◊〉 so to doe But of your Oath made unto the Pope there is no absolution neither in heaven nor earth Neither was it ever read heard nor seene that there could be any dispensation for it Let me be reported by all the Bookes that ever were written and by all the Bulls that ever were granted and by all the experience that ever was used and if I be found false let me be blamed and yet I am sure many men will reckon that I speake uncharitably but I would faine learne of all Charitable men in England with what other English words I could declare this intolerable or subtile treason thus long and shamefully used agâ—inst my Prince which is necessary to be knowne And I am compelled by violence to declare both my conâ—ession and learning in this cause For men hath not beene ashamed to report that I would which am but a wretch and poore simple wonne and not able to kill a Cat though I would doe my utteâ—most to make insurrection against my Noble and mighty Prince whom as God knoweth I doe honour worâ—hip love and favour to the uttermost power of my heart and am not satisfied because it is no more This I speake afore God Let him be mercifull unto me as it is true and if I were not so true in my heart it were not possible for me so earnestly to write against them whom I doe reckon to handle unfaithfully and untruely with their Prince yea against both Gods law and mans law The very truth is I can suffer through Gods grace all manner of wrongs injuries and slanders but to be called an hereticke against God or a Traytor against my Priâ—ce he liveth not but I will say he lyeth and will be able so to prove him if I may be reported by my workes or deedes by my conversation or living or by any thing that ever I did and I dare say as much of my self notwithstanding our Prelates slanders of me But unto my purpose the Bishops doth swear one Oath to the Pope another contrary to their Prince And yet they will be taken for good and faithfull children And I poore man must be condemned and all my workes for Heresiâ— and no man to reade them under the paine of Treason And why because I write against their perjurie toward their Prince But how commeth Saint Peter by these regales that you are sworne to defend seeing that he was never no King but a Fisher All the world knoweth that Regalia belongeth to Kings and to like power of Kings Why are you noâ— rather sworne to defend Peters net and his Fisherie the which things hee both had and used and never regalls But these things will not maintaine the holy Church of Rome and therefore yee sweare not to maintaine them But what meane you by that sentence Saving mine order why say you not saving my Kings pleasure your glosse saith you may not defend these things with weapons But oh Lord God what unshamefulnesse is this thus to delude with words all the whole world Men knoweth that when the Pope hath neede of your helpe there is no men sooner in Armes than you are if you call Armes Harneys Bylles and Glaves swords and gunnes and such other things Doe you not remember how soone the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spenser was in Armes to defend Popâ— Vrban it were but folly to recite examples In the yeare of our Lord 1164. was there a controversie betweene the Kings Grace and the Bishops of England for certaice Prerogatives belonging to the King Wherefore the King required an Oath and a confirmation of the Bishops as concerning those Articles prerogatives But answere was made of the Bishops that those prerogatives cum omnibus pravitatibus in regio scripâ—o contentis were of none effect nor strength because they did forbid to appeale to the Court of Rome unlesse the King gave licence And because that no Bishop might goe at the Popesâ— calling out of the Realme without the Kings assent And because the Clerkes should be convented in criminall causes a fore a temporall Judge And because the King would heare matters as concerning tithes and other Spirituall causes And because that it was against the See of Rome and the dignity of the same that a Bishop should be convented afore the King Briefely they would not be under the King but this addition should be set unto it Salvo honore Dei Ecclesiiae Romanae ordine nostro that is we will be under your grace saving the honour of God of the Church of Rome and of our order the cause why they did except these things was this as they themselves grant For Kings received their authorities and power of the Church but the Church receiveth her authority of Christ onely wherefore they conclude that the King cannot command over Bishops nor absolve any of them nor to judge of tithes nor of Churches neither yeâ— to forbid Bishops the handling of any spirituall cause Is not here a marveilous blindnesse and obstinacie against their Prince They will make it against Gods honour to obey their King and are not ashamed to say in the Kings face that his power is of them But I pray you whether was Kings before Bishops or Bishops before Kings you shall finde
morgage or make any feoffement or by any other meanes alienate the same without the Counsell of the Pope But I pray you tell me one thing why doe you not sweare that you shall neither buy nor yet receive any possessions to your Church nor you shall 〈◊〉 pill nor poll nor shave to encrease the possessions of yâ—â—r Church But the truth is all is fish that commeth to the net with you And if it come once within your clouches it never commeth out againe though the king and his Realme should stand in never so great need but to receive all his Land you are alwayes ready and it is not against your Oath I doe not say thus because I would ye should sell or alienate the Possessions of the Church but because I see that there is nothing maintained by them but all onely your mischievous pompe and your pride Your owne law commandeth that the fourth part of the spirituall goods should be distributed among poore men And for that cause they be called Bona pauperum but how little their part is all the world can testifie Wherefore doe you sweare not to alienate your goods without the Popes licence The Pope gave them not to you but the King and his subjects How commeth he now to be so neare of your Counsell in alienating them and the King is thrust out the which hath deserved best to be of your Counsell But doe you not remember your owne Law the which doth forbid that the Pope in any wise or for any necessity â—hould alienate the goods of the Church except it be old houses which cannot be kept without great charges This is your owne Law and against this will you sweare then must you needes be perjured for if you alienate your goods with the Popes licence then is this decree against you and curseth you Wherefore then put you this in your Oath seeing you cannot alienate your goods with his consent nor yet without it It followeth in your new Oath Decrees Ordinances Sentences Dispositions Reservations Provisions and Commandments Apostolicke with all my power I will observe and shall cause other men to observe them These things were added when this Idoll was brought so high that no man durst winch against him and when he might say doe what he would And as your Law Commandeth no man so hardy to aske him why he doth so Then began Decrees Ordinances Depositions Dispositions Reservations Provisions with like shamefulnesse for to spring and there is no remedie but they must continue And why Because you are sworne to keepe them your selfe and to compell other men also to keepe them And out of the keeping of this part of your Oath springeth forth another sentence thâ—â—â—â—â—loweth which is this All Heretickes Schismatickes and 〈◊〉 towards our sayd Lord the Pope to my power I shall prosecute and withstand This is the cause that made us poore men so great Heretickes For it can never be proved that ever wee spake against God or our King and yet we be Heretickes And why forsooth because the Bishops are sworne to the Popes Decrees the which condemneth all them for Heretickes that speaketh against his holinesse though he be as holy as my horse for he saith himselfe in his law that he needeth not to be holy himselfe but it is sufficient that he sitteth in an holy seate theâ—e be his words who doubteth but he is holy the which is exalted to so great a dignity In whom though good workes of his owne merits be wanting yet are those good workes sufficient the which were done by his predecessours upon the which text their glosse saith that if it bee openly knowne that the Pope be an Adulterer or a Murderer yet ought he not to be accused c. Now we poore men cannot suffer such mischievous voyces wherefore we must be Heretickes But why because my Lords the Bishops are sworne to persecute us but neverthelesse I trust to Gods grace and the Kings that my Lords the Bishops will not be so hard in this point of their Oath as they have beene And why because men may now come to their answere Surely there be many clauses in his last Oath added that be cleare injurie unto Pâ—inces and against Gods Law and mans Law and yet our Bishops will sweare them yea and that which is worst of all they will accuse other men of Treason and Rebellion and there is no man sworne to treason nor Rebellion but they onely Wherefore most gracious Prince with all meekenesse and lowlinesse that is due to so noble a Prince and also that doth become a true subject to doe I lowly and meekely require and desire your grace to judge betweene the Bishops and me which of us is truest and faithfullest to God and to your Grace I speake all onely of those that hath and also would now if they durst defend the Pope and his Lawes Against them I make this supplication and against them have I declared the learning and Doctrine that I have both taught and written And as for my facts and deeds what I have done against God and your grace I require them to say 〈◊〉 uttermost that they can prove or else by your graciouâ—â—â—vour I am here present and offer my selfe to prove them lyars and that under any manner of paine that your grace shall assigne and against them I have declared the learning and Doctrine of their Church and also brought examples of their facts and deedes with the which they have put their Doctrine in exercise Now if they be grieved or thinke themselves wrongfully handled of me then I require no more of your grace but indifferently and graciously to heare both them and me the which thing no doubt as your grace doth know our heavenly Father doth require of you who preserve your highnesse in all honour and dignity Amen Thus far Dr Barnes But to returne againe from these Trayterly disloyall Oathes to our Arch-Bishops William Warham the next Arch-Bishop as he received his confirmation consecration Pall together with a power Legatine from Pope Iulius by sundry Bulls against the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme and tooke the forenamed Oath to the Pope which made him no good Subject to his Prince so the Royall Pompe at his instalment and inthronization was meerely Anti-Christian The day before his comming to Canterbury went thither the Duke of Buckingham who was his Steward a goodly Office â—or the greaâ—est Peere of the Realme attended with 140. horse to see all things in a readinesse This Duke had also the Office of Chiefe Butler and being unable to execute both duties he deputed Sir George Bourchier unto the Butlership The Duke himselfe tooke great paines to see that nothing requisite for the performance of this Solemnity in the most magnificent manner might be wanting The next day being Sunday he meâ— the Arch-bishop over against S. Andrewes Church and doing low obeysance
unto himâ— went before him bareheaded to Christ Church from which Church he was attended by the Duke in like â—ort as he was thither ward The Cheere at dinner was as great as for money it might be made with severall Verses Pageants Theaters Sceans and Player-like representations in natuâ—e oâ— a Puppet-play made in puffe-past or March-pane before every Course deâ—cribed more largely by Matthew Parker fitter for a Maske than a Bishops Consecration and savoring of more than Asian Luxurie as this his Sucâ—essor confesseth Beâ—ore the first Messe the Duke himselfe came riding into the Hall upon a great Horse bare headed with his white staffe in his hanâ—â— and when the first dish was set on the Table made obey â—anâ—â—â—â—â—y bowing his body to the Arch-bishop Such Vassals did â—hoâ—e proud Popes of Canterbury make the very greatest Nobles as thus to become their Servants and waite upon their Rocheâ—s In this Arch-Bishops time there fell out great contestations and sâ—ites at Rome betweene him and the Bishops of Winchester London Lincolne Exeter and other his Suffragans touching the Iurisdictions of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury which cost much money After this he and Cardinall Wolsiâ— who by his power Legatine invaded and swallowed up all the Jurisdiction Rightes of the other Prâ—â—aâ—es and of the See of Canterbury had divers contests and bickerings Anno 1512. This Arch-Prelate by an Oration in Parliament against the French King raised up a bloody warre betweene England and France towards which two fifteenes were granted by the temporalty and two tenths by the Clergie after which Anno. 152â— When the Commons were assembled in the nether house they began to Commune of their grieâ—es wherewith the Spiritualty had before time grievously oppressed them both contrary to the Law of the Realme and contrary to all right and in speciall they were sore moved with sixe great causes The first for the excessive fines which the Ordinaries tooke for Probate of Testaments insomuch that Sir Henry Guildford Knight of the Garter and Controller of the Kings house declared in the open Parliament on his fidelity that he and others being Executors to sir William Crompton Knight payed for the Probate of his Will to the Cardinall and the Bishop of Canterbury a thousand Markes sterling After this Declaration where shewed so many extortions done by Ordinaries for Probates of Wills that it were too much to rehearse The second was the great polling and extreame exaction which the Spirituall men used in taking of Corps Presents or Mortuaries For the Children of the desunct should all dye for hunger and goe a begging rather than they would of Charity give to them the seely Cow which the dead man ought if hee had but onely one such was the Charity then The third cause was that Priests being Surveiors Stewards and Officers to Bishops Abbots and other Spirituall headsâ— had and occupied Farmes Granges and Grasing in every Country so that the poore Husband men could have nothing but of them and yet for that they should pay deerely The fourth cause was that Abbats Priors and Spirituall men kept Tan-houses and bought and fold Wooll Cloath and all manner of Merchandize as other Temporall Merchants did The fifth cause was because that Spirituall Persons promoted to great benefices and having their Livings of their Flocke were lying in the Court in Lords houses and tooke all of the parishioners and nothing spent on them at all so that for lacke of Residence both the poore of the Parish lacked refreshing and universally all the Parishioners lacked Preaching and trueâ— Instruction of Gods Word to the great perrill of their Soules The sixth cause was to see one Priest little learned to have ten or twelve Benefices and to be resident upon none and to know many well learned Scholars in the Universities which were able to preach and teach to have neither Benefice nor exhibition These things before this time might in no wise be touched nor yet talked off by any man except hee would be made an Hereticke or lose all that he had For the Bishops were Chancellors and had all the rule about the King so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary to their profit or commodity But now when God had illuminated the eyes of the King and that their subtile doings were once espied then men began charitably to desire a Reformation and so at this Parliament men began to shew their grudges Whereupon the Burgesses of the Parliament appointed â—uch as were learned in the Law being of the Commons house to draw one Bill of the Probates of Testaments another for Mortuaries and the third for Non-residence Pluralities and taking of farmeâ— by spirituall men The learned men tooke much paines and first set forth the Bill of Mortuaries which passed the Commons house and was sent up to the Lords To this Bill the Spirituall Lords made a faire face saying that surely Priests and Curats tooke more than they should and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order thus they spake because it touched them little But within two dayes after was sent up the Bill concerning Probate of Testaments at the which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury in especiall and all other Bishops in generall both frowned and graâ—nted for that touched their profit Insomuch as D. Iohn Fisher Bishop of Rochester said openly in the Parliament Chamber these words My Lords you see dayly what Bills come hither from the Commons house and all is to the destruction of the Church For Gods sake see what a Realme the Kingdome of Bohemia was and when the Church went downe then fell the glory of the Kingdome now with the Commons is nothing but downe with the Church and all this me seemeth is for lacke of faith onely When these words were reported to the Commons of the nether House that the Bishop should say that all their doings were for lacke of faith they tooke the matter grievously for they imagined that the Bishop esteemed them as Heretickes and so by his slanderous words would have perswaded the Temporall Lords to have restrained their consent from the sayd two Bills which they before had passed Wherefore the Commons after long debate determined to send the Speaker of the Parliament to the Kings highnesse with a grievous complaint against the Bishop of Rochester and so on a day when the King was at leasure Thomas Audley speaker for the Commons and thirty of the chiefe of the Commons House came to the Kings presence in his Palace at Westminster which before was called Yorke-place and there very eloquently declared What a dishonour to the King and the Realme it was to say that they which were elected for the wisest men of all the Shires Cities and Boroughs within the Realme of England should be declared in so Noble and open a presence to lack faith which was equivalent to say that they were infidels and no Christians as
ill as Turkes or Sarazens so that what paine or study soever they tooke for the Common wealth or what Acts or Lawes soever they made or stablished should be taken as Lawes made by Painims and Heaâ—hen People and not worthy to be kept by Christian men Wherefore he most humbly besoâ—ght the Kings Highnesse to call the sayd Bishop before him and to cause him to speake more discreetly of such a number as was in the Commons-house The King was not well contented with the saying of the Bishop yet he gently answered the Speaker that he would send for the Bishop and send them word what answere he made and so they departed againe After this the King sent for the Archbishop of Canterbury and sixe other Bishops and for the Bishop of Rochester also and there declared to him the grudge of the Commons to the which the Bishop answeâ—ed that he meant the doings of the Bohemians was for lacke of Faith and not the doings of them that were in the Commons House Which saying was confirmed by the Bishops being present who had him in great reputation and so by that onely saying the King accepted his excuse and thereof sent word to the Commons by Sir VVilliam-Fitz-VVilliams Knight Treasurer of his Household which blind excuse pleased the Commons nothing at all After divers assemblies were kept betweene certaine of the Lords and certaine of the Commons for the Bills of Probates of Testaments and the Mortuaries the Temporalty layd to the Spiritualty their owne Lawes and Constitutions and the Spiritualty sore defended them by prescription and usage to whom this answer was made by a Gentleman of Grayes-Inne The usage hath ever beene of theeves to Rob on Shooters-hill Ergo is it Lawfull With this answere the Spiritual men were sore offended because their doings were called robberies But the Temporall men stood still by their sayings insomuch that the said Gentleman said to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury that both the exaction of Probates of Testaments and the taking of Mortuaries as they were used were open Robbery and theft After long disputation the Temporall Lords began to leane to the Commons but for all that the Bills remained unconcluded for a while The King like a good and discreete Prince not long after ayded them for the redresse of their griefes against the Spiritualty and caused two new Bills to be made indifferently both for the Probates of Testaments and Mortuaries which Bills were so reasonable that the Spirituall Lords assented to them all though they were sore against their minds and in especiall the Probates of Testaments sore displeased the Bishops and the Mortuaries sore displâ—asedâ— the Parsons and Vicars After these acts thus agreed the Commons made another Act for Pluralities of benefices Non-Residence buying selling and taking of Farmes by Spirituall Persons which Act so displeased the Spiritually that the Priests railed on the Commons of the Common house and called them Heretickes and Schismatickes â—or the which divers Priests were punished This Act was sore debaâ—ed above in the Parliament Chamber and the Lords Spirituall would in no wise consent Wherefore the King perceiving the grudge of his Commons câ—used â—iâ—ht Lords and eight of his Commons to meeâ—e in the Sâ—aâ—â—â—hâ—â—â—er aâ— an after-noone and there was sore debating of the cause insomuch that the Temporall Lords of the Upper house which were there â—ooke part with the Commons against the Spirituall Lords and by force of reason caused them to assent to the â—ill with a little qualifying Which Bill theâ— next day was wholly agreed to in the Lords house to the great rejoycingâ— of the Lay people and to the great displeasure of the Spirituall personsâ— Immediately after this not onely Cardinall VVolâ—e himselfe but the Arch-bishop and whole Cleâ—giâ— of â—â—gland were brought into a Pr 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by this Parliamenâ— the Cardinall for accepting of a power Legatiâ—e from thâ— Pope contrary to the Lawes of the Realme and the 〈◊〉 of the Clâ—â—â—iâ— for consenting and submitted thereunto and holding a Synode by vertue of iâ— to avoid this danger and purchase a pardon the Clergie of the Province of Canterbury proâ—fered to give the King one hâ—ndred thousand pounds and the Clergie of the Province of Yorke 18000 â—ounds more but the King would not accept of this summe unlesse they would declare him in the Act by which they granted him this subsidie to be supreame head of the Church of England here on earth next under Christ but proceeded to take the forfeiture of the Premunire against them This put the Prelates the Popes sworne vassals to a great Dilemma for either they must plainly renounce the Popes usurped supremacie or the Kings mercy and fall under the lash of a Premunire whereby all their Bishoprickes goods livings were forâ—eited to his Majestie and their lives and liberties at his devotion Loath were the Bishops to forsake their old Lord the Pope whose servants they had beene so long and therefore they used all delayes and adjournments to spin out the time and delude the King but hee would not be mocked by them At last therefore they agreed upon this recognition Wee acknowledge the Kings Majestie to be the singular Protector the supreame Lord and likewise supreame head of the Church and Clergie of England so farre forth as it is lawfull for him to be by the Lawes of Christ. But the King much offended with this ambiguous dubious and equivocating acknowledgement which in truth was no concession of what he demanded required them to make a full and plaine acknowledgement of his supremacie in direct and positive termes without ambiguity or shifts or else to denie and conclude against it and incurâ—e the penalty of the Premunire Being thus put to it the Archbishop and Bishops hereupon made many adjournments of the Convocation and at last put it over from Aprill to the fifth of October to â—hunne the rocke on which they were like to split themselves or their holy Father the Pope in which space the Archbishop died At last they agreed to give the King the Title he desired and inserted it into a publike instrument Whereupon the King at last granted them a generall pardon in Parliament which begins thus The King our Soveraigne Lord calling to his blessed and most gracious remembrance that his good and loving subâ—ects the most Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of Canâ—erbury and other Bishops Suffragans Prelates and other spirituall persons of the Province of the Archbishopricke of Canterbury of this his Realme of England and the Ministers under-written which have exercised practised or executed in spirituall Courts and other jurisdictions within the said Province have fallen and incurred into divers dangers of his Lawes by things done perpetrated and committed contrary to the order of his Lawes and spâ—â—ially contrary to the forme of the Statutes of Provisours Provisions and Premunire and his Highnesse having alway a tender eye with mercy pitty and compassion â—owards his spirituall
yeare of the raigne of your the Queens Majesties most noble Father Henry the 8. or any other your most noble Progenitors before the said 20 yeare And the Popes holinesse and See Apostolicke to be restored have and enjoy such authority preheminence and jurisdiction as his Holinesse used and exercised or might lawfully have used and exercised by authority of his supremacie the said 20. yeare of the raigne of the King your Father within this your Realme of England and other your Dominions without diminution or enlargement of the same and none other and the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction of the Archbishops Bishops and Ordinanaries to be in the same Staâ—e for processe of suiâ—s punishment of crimes and execution of censures of the Church with knowledge of causes belonging to the same and as large in these points as the said jurisdiction was the said 20. yeare Where observe that the Prelates usurped Jurisdiction over the Kings prerogative was much eclipsed if not quite abolished by severall statutes made in King Henry the 8. and Edward the 6. his raigne and expired together with the Popes as appeares by these words of the Clergies supplication recited in the body of this Act. Nos Episcopi Clerus c. cum omni debita humilitate reverentia exponimus Majestatibus vestris quod licet Ecclesiarum quibus in Episcopos Decanos Archidiaconos c. constituti sumus bona Iurisdictiones jura in pernicioso hujus Regni praeterito schismate DEPERDITA ET AMISSA omni studio totis nostris vâ—ribus recuperare ad pristinum ecclesiarum jus revocare juris remediis niti deberemus c. Insuper Majestatibus vestris supplicamus ut pro sua pietate efficere dignentur ut ea quae ad jurisdictionem nostram libertatem Ecclesiasticam pertinent sine quibus debitum nostri pastoralis officii curae animarum nobis commissae exercere non possumus nobis superiorum temporum injuria ablata restituantur ea nobis ecclesiis perpetuo illaesa salva permaneant ut omnes leges quae hanc nostram jurisdictionem libertatem Ecclesiasticam tollunt seu quovis modo impediunt abrogentur ad honorem dei majestatum vestrarum c. As therefore the Bishops Popes Jurisdiction were suppressed together before so it is worth the observation that they are both revived together by this Act upon the restauration of Popery And good reason for Nicholas le Maistre in his Instauration of the Ancient Principality of Bishops Dedicated to the great French Cardinall Richeleiu Printed at Paris 1633. in his Dedicatory Epistle to this Cardinall informes us That verily the Majestie of the Pontificall and Episcopall jurisdiction is so conjoyned and confederated together that the enemies cannot so guide their hands but with the same audacity wherewith they assaulted the Popes Crowne they likewise shaked the Bishops Miters and as it were with one bloody wound pierced both their sides Whence it came to passe that the atrocity of the Bishops sorrowes increased so farre that their patience sufficient to digest their owne domesticke injuries was let loose to the dangers of the chiefe Pontise the Pope and brake forth into the most sharpe indignation and hatredâ— that thence it might appeare that the glory of their owne name could never be more secure than when and where the Popes greatnesse shall be adorned with greatest honours which being violated all the splendor of the Episcopall Order must necessarily dye and grow contemptible Hence we see it comes to passe by a certaine Divine assent and Counsell that the Authority of Bishops should be expelled out of the same Provinces out of which unhappy lust had thrust out the Papall Majestie So this Author of late by which we may discerne what a neare and indissoluble connexion there is betweene the Papacy and the Prelacie and how the Pope and Prelates ever mutually strive to support and advance one anothers authority Cardinall Poole thus reviving the Popes and Prelates Jurisdiction and suppressing and eclipsing the Royall Prerogative as you have heard hereupon the Queenes name and Title formerly used in all Ecclesiasticall Processe with this clause Suprema Autoritate Regia legitime fulcitus the like was wholly omitted out of them and whereas all such processes were sealed with her seale and all Probates of Wills and Letters of Administration granted in her name and under her seale onely not the Bishops like Writs at the Common Law according to the Statute of 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. the Bishops thenceforth used onely their owne seales and names excluding hers and so set themselves in her Royall Throne To effect this the Cardinall and Prelates caused Queene Mary to send Articles to the Ordinaries to be put in Execution whereof this was one that no Bishop or his Oâ—ficer or any other Person hereafter in any of their Ecclesiastical writings in proces or other extrajudiciall Acts doe use to put in this clause or sentence Regia autoritate fulcitus or doe demand any Oath touching the Primacy to which Master Fox annexeth this Marginall annotation The Kings Authority giveth place to the Popes Authority the supremacy of the King repealed and hereupon in the Queenes writ to Bonner â—or the sommoning of a Convocation her stile of Supremum caput was taken away where note good Reader writes Master Fox concerning the altering and changing of the Queenes stile the later part hereof to be leâ—t out of her Title which is Ecclesiae Anglicanae Hibernae supremum caput because in the Parliament last past the supremacy being given away from the Crowne of England to the Pope thereupon this parcell of the Title was also taken away likewise the sayd Bonner giving his Certificate upon the same left out Autoritate illustrissimae c. legitime fulcitus which parcell also in the said Parliament was reprived and taken away the same time Which notable usurpation upon the Crowne though abolished by 1. E l. c. 1.8 E l. c. 1.1 â—ac c. 25. and other Acts which revive the statute 1. E l. 6. c. 2. being nothing but the Common Law our Prelates in imitation of these and other their undutifull Popish Predecessors have not onely continued but likewise upon the now Arch-Bishop of Canterburies motion in Star-Chamber procured a Resolution and Certificate of all the Judges of England against the Laws Kings prerogative royall to justifie this their usurpation of issuing out processe under their owne names and seales and keeping Visitations and Courts in their owne names without any Patent or Commission from his Majestie to be legall as appeares by two Orders of Starre-Chamber 12. Maii and 4. Iunii 13. Caroli This Arch-prelate Cardinall having thus re-established the Popes and Prelates jurisdiction here by Act of Parliament caused divers of our Martyrs to be burnt of which his Predecessor Cranmer was one and in his Visitation at Oxford and Cambridge caused the dead
all pestiâ—ent filth that hath infected the State and government of the Church and Common-wealth looke upon him in his dependancies and he is the man the onely man that hath raised and advanced all those that together with himselfe have beene the Authors and causers of all the ruines miseries and calamities we now groane under Who is it but he onely that hath brought the Earle of Strafford to all his great places and imployments a fit instrument and spirit to act and execute all his wicked and bloody designes in thesâ— Kingdomes Who is it but he onely that brought in Secretary Windeâ—anke into the place of Secretary and trust the very Broker and Pâ—nder to the Whore of Babylon Who is it Mr. Speaker but he onely that hath advanced all Popish Bishops I shall name some of them Bishop Manwaring the Bishop of Bathe and Wells the Bishop of Oxford and Bishop Wren the least oâ— all but the most uncleane one These are men that should have sed Christs Flocke but they are the Wolves that devoured them the Sheepe should have fed upon the Mountaines but the Mountaines have eaten up the Sheepe It was the happinesse of the Church when the zeale of Gods house did eate up the Bishops glorious and brave Martyrs that went to the stake in defence of the Protestants religion but the zeale of these Bishops have beene to eate up and persecute the Church Who is it Mr. Speaker but the great Arch-Bishop of Canterbury that hath sit at the Helme to guide and steere them to all the managing of their Projects that have beene set on foote in this Kingdome these ten yeares last past and rather than he would stand out he hath most unworthily trucked and chaffered in the meanest of them As for instance that of Tobacco wherein thousands of poore people have beene stripped and turned out of their tradeâ— for which they have served as Apprentises we all know he was the Compounder and Contractor with them for the Licences putting them to pay Fines and Fee-Farme-rents to use their Trades Certainely Mr. Speaker he might have spent his time better and more for his grace in the Pulpit then thus sharking and taking in the Tobacco shop Mr. Speaker we all know what he hath beene charged withall here in this House Crimâ—s of a dangerous consequence and of transcendent nature no lesse than the subversion of the Government of this Kingdome and the alteration of the Protestant Religion and this not upon bare information onely but much of it comes before us already upon cleare and manifest poofes and there is scarce any businesse Grievances or Complaints come before us in this place wherein we doe not finde him intermingled and as it were twisted into it like a busie and angry Waspe his sting in the taile of everything We have this day heard the report of the Conference yesterday and in it the Accusations which the Scottish Natioâ— hath charged him withall And we doe all know he is guilty of the same if not more in this Kingdome Mr. Speaker he hath beene and is the common enemie to all goodnesse and good men and it is not safe that such a viper should be neere to his Majesties person to distill his poyson into his Sacred eares nor is it safe for the Common wealth that he should sit in so eminent a place of Government being thus accused we know what we did in the Earle of Strafâ—ords case This man is the corrupt Fountaine that hath inâ—ected all the streames and till the fountaine be purged we cannot expect to have any cleare Channels I shall be bold therefore to offer my opinion and if I erre it is the errour of my judgement and not my want of zeale and affection to the publicke good I conceive it most necessary and fit that we should now take up a Resolution to doe somewhat to strike whilst the Iron is hot And goe up to the Lords in the name of the Commons of this House and in the name of the Commons of England and to accuse him of High Treason and to desire their Lordships his person may be sequestred and that in convenient time they may bring up the Charge Which soone after was accordingly executed as you have already seene By these speeches Articles of High Treason against this Arch-Prelate it is apparent that his Treasons equall if not far exceed the Treasons of any of his Predecessors in the darkest mists of Popery and that he like his Predecessor Austin hath endeavored to rayse a bloody civill warre betweene England Ireland and Scotland onely for opposing his all-subduing Archiepiscopall Jurisdiction extended by him over all his Majesties three Kingdomes and for refusing to receive those Superstitious Romish Ceremonies and Innovations which he would have violently thrust upon them yea it is evident by these Articles that he is the primum mobile whence all our late warres tumults uproares and divisions proceededâ— and the spring whence all our insupportable grievances both in our Church and State have originally flowed And so by his owne late published maxime A schisme must needes be theirs whose the cause of it is and he makes the separation that gives the first just cause thereof the blame of all these late schismes warres and intolerable grievances whether Civill or Ecclesiasticall must rest intirely on his head who as he is like to leave no heires of his body lawâ—ully begotten to inherit his vertues so it is pity he should leave any successour behinde him in his See to perpetuate his and his Predecessors Treasons with other their Archiepiscopall vices It is his owne late resolution The condition of the Church were most miserable if it should be constrained to acknowledge a Wolfe manifestly raging for her shepheard and it is likewise his observation A man may become of a Pastor a Wolfe and since Iudas changed from an Apostle to a Devill Joh 6. It is no wonder to see others change from shepheards into Wolvesâ— I doubt the Church is not empty of such changlings at this day Whether himselfe and his forementioned Predecessors have not proved such Wolves and changlings by reason of the Venome of their Archiepiscoâ—all Chaire and whether the condition of our Church were not most miserable if she should be still constrained to acknowledge these Arch-Wolves of Canterbury manifestly raging to be her Shepheards and still to maintaine an interrupted succession of them to devoure the poore sheepe of Christ both soule and body and to be perpetuall pests Traytors and incendiaries to our Church and State as their Predecessours have ever beene I shall submit to those whom it most concernes who have now sufficient power and opportunity in their hands to redresse all incumbent and prevent all future mischiefes in this kinde I could now gladly wade out of this dangerous See of Canterbury wherein I have so long roved did not the Acts of some other ancient Prelates of it next successors to Augustine
detaine me in it a little longer Not to mention the forwardnesse and activity of Laurentius the second Arch-Bishop of this See to settle the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome among us to obtrude theÌ„ on the Britaines who withstood them or his contests with King Eadbaldus from whose tyranny and displeasure he purposed to flee into forraine parts had noâ— S. Peter in a dreame reproved and whipped him with whip-cord for this his cowardice so terribly if it be true that all his body was gore blood Theodorus the seventh Prelate who possessed this Chaire by birth a Greeke was so farre from doing any thing contrary to or different from the Church of Rome that he over-contentiously propugned her Authority and Ceremonies depriving some Bishops upon his meere pleasure for this cause onely that they were consecrated after a different manner from the Romans and compelling them to be canonically ordained He exercised the right and authority oâ— his See in such sort that he seemed not so much to governe by judgement and Counsell as to be violently hurried with the impetuousnesse and perturbation of his minde so that he did not a little obscure those other vertues which were not vulgar with this overmuch pertinacity of asserting his owne dignity His unjust deprivation of Bishops without cause whom he thrust in and out at his pleasure as his late successors have deprived silenced and suspended our best preaching Ministers detracted much from his glory especially his unjust dealing with Wilfrid Arch-Bishop of Yorke whom he most unworthily expelled from his See though every way equall if not superiour to himselfe in holinesse of life learning and industry by persecuting whom immoderately and unjustly mulium nâ—â—uit Ecclesiae paci male consuluit famae suae he much prejudiced the Churches peaceâ— and his owne reputation he stirred up King Egfrid against Wilfrid and by that meanes kept him off from being restored to his Bishopricke And when as Wilfrid appearing before the Kings tribunall expostulated the cause of his injuries Theodor answered We lay no guilt to your charge sed quod constituimus ratum esse volumus but what we have decreed that we will shall be ratified Than which speech what can be more absurd as if he should say So I will have it so I command my will shall stand for a reason Such a wilfull and headstrong Prelate was he to the great disturbance both of Church and state for which some sayâ— he repented on his death-bed though this vice dyed not with him but descended to his successors Birhtubaldus an English man his next successor not onely assisted but caused Alfricke King of Northumberland to thrust Wilfrid out of his See at Yorke 5. yeares after his restitution to it and to spoyle him of all his lands and goods and banish him the Kingdome And then afterwards endeavoured to justifie and make good this deprivation though unjust in a Councell which he summoned for this purpose which when he could not effect he endeavoured by faire speeches to perswade Wilfrid to renounce his Bishopricke rather than violate the peace of the Church but he refusing appealed to Rome whereupon his complaint to the Pope Birhtuald is sent for Wilfrid acquitted and this turbulent malicious Arch-Prelate overthrowne and forced to restore Wilfrid to Yorke againe after a long contestation betweene them to the great Disturbance of Church and State Tatwin the 9. Archbishop of Canterbury two yeares after his consecration â—ad a great controversie with the Archbishop of Yorke concerning primacy for which cause hee posted to Rome and tâ—ere received his pall and confirmation from the Pope but these controversies for primacie I shall reserve for another Treatise Cutbert his successor as Thomas Sprot describes him was a deceitfull man full of foxâ—like craft a viper eating out the bowels of his owne mother In his dayes both Prince and people Priests Nunnes and Monkes were extremely addicted to uncleannesse whoredome adultery and costly apparell the Bishops themselves being as bad reproved them not for these sinnes lived wickedly rixas arma inter se gerebant brawled and warred among themselves addicted not themselves to read the Scriptures but to luxury and preached notâ— or very rarely by meanes whereof people were so ignorant that they could scarce say the Articles of the Creed or the Lords prayer in their mother tongue To reforme these abuses a Synode was called but these sinnes still raigning the Kingdome was soone over-runne and conquered by the bloody Danes Lambert the 13. Archbishop of Canterbury about the yeare of Christ 76â— so highly offended Offa King of Mercia that out of his enmity against him and the Kentish men hee obtained a Bull from Pope Adrian to erect a new Archbishopricke at Lichfield obtaining an Archbishops Pall for Eadulphus Bishop of that See to whom the Diocesses of Worcester Leicester Legecester Hereford Helenham and Duâ—wich were annexed and subjected so as Canterbury had left unto him for his Province onely the Bishoprickes of London Winchester Rochester and Sherburne which much abated his pride Athelardus his next successor and Eanbaldus Archbishop of Yorke about the yeare 79â— procuring letters from Kenulph King of Mercia written in his and his Bishops Dukes and peoples names to Pope Leo for the reuniting of the former disjoyned Bishoprickes to the See of Canterbury poasted with them to Rome where after they had solicited and bribed the Pope they obtained their suit without much difficulty and so these Bishoprickes were reannexed to Canterbury lest the seamelesse coate of Christ should sustaine some rent or schisme betweene the two Archbishâ—prickes and withall Ethelard obtained such a large grant from the Pope that if any of his Diocesse as well Kings and Princes as ordinary people should transgresse his Lordly Mandates he should excommunicate them till they repented and if they continued impenitent all should esteeme them as Ethnickes and publicans In his time the English grew such Apostates from vertue ut gentes quascunque proditione superarent that they exceeded all Nations in treason and trechery No doubt they learned it from their traiterous Prelates and Priests whom the Danes in his dayes â—lew together with Monkes Nunnes and Levites without any commiseration Et fudeâ—unt sanguinem sanctorum etiam IN CIRCUITU ALTARIS as Alcuinus writes by which it appeares that altars in those dayes stood not close against the East wall of the Chancell as now some place them but in such sort thas they might be COMPASSED ROUND the Alter of Augustine in his collegiate Church at Canterbury standing before those dayes in ejus Porticus MEDIO in the MIDST of the Porch there and the Altar of the old Church in Saint Edmonds Bury built ovall standing likewise AS IT WERE IN THE MIDST of the Church as Camden out of Everden a Monke of that house relates but of this in the by
two severall Councels and thereupon thrust him from his Bishopricke which Theodore divided into foure Diocesses After ten yeares exile Egfrid dying Alfrid his Successour restored VVilfrid but five yeares after this King likwise fell out with him and forced him to Rome where though the Pope restored him yet the King would never admit him to his See during his life What the true cause of these displeasures was the Historians of those times who favoured VVilfrid are sparing to relate belike it was some notorious offences against these Kings else they would not be so unjust as without cause to keepe him from his Bishopricke and to imprison him in chaines as one of them did Some record that it was because hee favoured and aided the Rebellious Danes which is most probable Malmesbury and others out of him say it was onely the malice of Queene Ermenburga who envied him for that hee had many Abbots and Abbies under him was served with Gold and Silver plate had a great traine of followers and was very gorgeous in his Pontificall Robes and because hee would never yeeld to have his Diocesse divided into three mote Bishopricks though it were sufficient to maintaine foure Bishops beside himselfe of which there was need And some impute it to the envie and malice of Theodore Arch-Bishop of Canterbury The first of these could not be the sole cause for that ended upon VVilfrids exile and the Kings death The second is as unlikely since VVilfâ—id himselfe with all the Bishops of that time and the Councell of Hertford Can. 9. Anno 677. decreed that the number of â—eleevers increasing more Bishops and Bishoprickes should bee made and erected Whereupon Acca and Boâ—win were made Bishops instead of Bosa and his Bishopricke divided into foure parts to which partition VVilfâ—id had good reason to consent it being the Kings expresse pleasure and the Councels decree to which himselfe subscribed The envie of Theodore was in likelihood a partiall but not principall cause of his first Troubles onely Hee was therefore in all likelihood an aider and assister of the Rebellious Danes and a great opposite and Rebell against these two Kings yea and against Edulfus their successour who all three successively refused to restore him notwithstanding the Popes Letters and Command which then it seemes were of little force Many Councels were assembled about this VVilfrid and the whole Church and Kingdome much disquietted and vexed with the many Schismes and contentions concerning him too tedious to relate Anno 872. Vlferus Arch-Bishop of Yorke was by his Diocesans driven out of the Countrey for what cause is not expressed and therefore likely for some notorious offence because the Monkes conceale it out of favour to him Anno 952. VVolstan Arch-Bishop of Yorke was convict of an hainous crime who forgetting that dutifull affection hee ought to beare unto Edred his King if for no other cause yet for Athelstane his Brothers sake who preferred him forgetting his Oath and Allegeance unto the same King being his naturall Prince yea forgetting that hee was either an English man or a Christian was not ashamed to revolt from King Edred and cleave to the Danes and favour them an Heathen people and such as sought not onely to destroy his Countrey but also to root out Christian Religion For which Treason and for setting up Eâ—ricâ—us King in Edreds stead though hee deserved a thousand deaths he was onely deprived committed to Prison and one yeare after enlarged again because he was a Bishop whereas for this cause as his Treason was the more hainous and execrable so hâ—s punishment should have beene the greater But hee being released upon his repentance grew so angry with himselfe that hee was thus pardoned against right and justiceâ— that vâ—tâ—m eâ—veâ—tigio exuit hee presently made away himselfe being his owne executioner Some say that hee was thus imprisoned for killing divers Citizens of Thetford in revenge of the death of one Anselme an Abbot whom they had slaine without cause belike hee was guiltie of both those crimes and punished for both in this mild manner after divers complaints Anno 975. Oswald Arch-Bishop of Yorke assisted Dunstan of Canterbâ—ry and the other Bishops to put Egelred the right Heire from the Crowne and to set up Edward an Usurper whom they crowned as more fit for their behoofe and ends Elfricke Arch-Bishop of Yorke surnamed Puttoc was reputed detestable for two barbarous Acts He caused Hardeâ—nute the Kingâ— to command the dead body of his Brother King Harold to be digged up out of his Grave after that to be beheaded and cast into the Thames as an infamous example to men And not content with this crueltie towards the dead he perswaded the same King by way of revenge on VVorcester men because they would not suffer him to hold that See in commendam with Yorke as three of his predecessours had done before him to fire that goodly Citie and seize on all the Citizens goods pretending that they had stubbornely resisted those who collected the Kings tributes And as if this were not sufficient revenge to kill all the men and waste the whole Countrey which was mostâ— cruelly executedâ— hee likewise caused this King to thrust the living Bishop of VVorceter out of his See and to bestow it on himselfe and incensed this King so farre against Earle Godwin that hee was enforced to buy his peace of the King with the gift of the richest and costliest Shippe that wee reade of in that Age. Aldredus his Successour who gat that See by Symonie and held VVorcester in commendam with it and was one of the first who distinguished the Clergie from the Laitie in their externall habits crowned Harold invading the Dignitie Royall no way due unto him After which though hee purposed â—o Crowne Edgar the right Heire King to whom he and the Nobilitie had first adhered yet like a wily Bishop siding with the strongest he altered his purpose and crowned VVilliam the Conquerour King requiring first an Oath of him to dâ—fend the Church to minister justice and te vse Englishmen as favourable as Normans This Oath it seemed to Aldred that the King had broken by laying heavie taxes on the people of which he admonished the King who was very angry at it He therefore like a couragious Prelate but like a disloyall Subject thundered out an Excommunication against him sayingâ— That now worthily he had cursed whom once unworthily hee had blessed This bold pranke being reported to the King incensed him very much at first but thinking better of it hee determined to give him good words a while and so sent some to intreat for his absolution The Messengers came too late for the Bishop being troubled much in mind after the performance of that Action and either amazed with feare of what might happen after it or overcome with griefe and repentance for what he had done never could be
his place and delivered up his Seale to the Queene without the Councels consent from whom he received it not she having no right to require it For which cause hee was committed to the Tower by the Lord Protectour Richard Duke of Yorke who afterwards usurping the Crowne released the Arch-Bishop out of prison who thereupon sided and was veâ—y inward with this Usurper and at last dyed of the Plague May 29. 1500. I read nothing of Savageâ— his next successour but this That he was not preferred to this See for any extraordinary great learning that he spent his time in a manner altogether as our Prelates doe now either in Temporall affairesâ— being a great Courtier or else in hunting wherewith hee was unreasonably delighted keeping a great number of tall Fellowes about him to attend his person But of his preaching or maintaining Ministers to instruct the people I read not one word It is likely his tall fellowes occasioned many a quarrell and sometimes would take a purse for a need Christopher Bambridge his Successor being Embassadour from King Henry the 8. to the Pope and Lewis the 12. of France perswaded King Henry to take the Popes part and proclaime Warre against Lewis ingageing his Soveraigne in a needlesse Warre only to pleasure his Lord and Master the Pope who for this good service made him a Cardinall he was at last poysoned by Raynaldo de Modena an Italian Priest his Steward upon malice and displeasure conceived for a blow this Bishop gave him when as a Bishop should be no striker 1 Tim. 3.3 as Goodwin relates out of Paulus Iovius Thomas Wolsie or Wolfesie as Mr. Tyndall oft times stiles him an Arch-Traytor and most insolent domineering Prelate succeeded him in that See holding likewise the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells first and after that of Ely Winchester Worcester and Hereford together with the Abbey of Saint Albanes and divers other Ecclesiasticall Livings besides his Temporall Offices in Commendaâ— with it This proud imperious Prelate when he was once Arch-Bishop studied day and night how to be a Cardinall and caused King Henry the Eighth and the French King to write to Rome for him and at their request he obtained his purpose Hee grew so into exceeding pride that hee thought himselfe equall with the King and when he said Masse which hee did oftner to shew his pride then devotion hee made Dukes and Earles to serve him with Wine with assay taken and to hold to him the Bason and the Lavatory His pride and excesse in dyet apparell furniture and attendanceâ— and his pompe in going to Westminster Hall were intollerable and more then Royall or Papall Hee was much offended with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury because he stiled him Brother in a Letter as though he had done him great injury by that Title Hee quite altered the state of the Kings house putting out and in what Officers he pleased Hee oppressed and vexed the Citizens of London causing divers of them to be executed siding with strangers both Merchants and Artificers against them Confederating with the French King he procured King Henry to permit him to redeeme Tornaye on his owne Termes Hee procured a meeting of the King of England and France to their infinite expence onely that he might be seene in his owne vaine pompe and shew of Dignitie himselfe drawing up the instrument and termes of their meeting in his owne name which began thus Thomas Arch-Bispop of Yorke c. Hee committed the Earle of Northumberland and wrought the Duke of Buckingham out of the Kings favour and at last cut off the Dukes head for opposing his pride and unjust proceedings Hee began his Letters to forraigne Princes and the Pope for the most part in this mannerâ— â—go Rex meus I and my King putting himselfe before his Soveraigne making him but his underling and Pupill swaying him like a Schoole-boy at his pleasure Hee set his Armes likewise above the Kings over Christ-Church Colledge-gate in Oxford which he founded Hee stamped his Cardinalls Cap on the kings Coyne as our Bishops doe now their Armes and Miters on their Procesâ— instead of the Kings Seale and Armes Hee set up a Leganâ—â—ne Court here in England by Commission from the Pope to which hee drew the Conusans of all Ecclesiasticall Causes and when the king had summoned a Convocation at Pauls in London by vertue of his Writ hee came most insolently into the Convocation House and by his power Legantine dissolved the Convocation summoning them all to appeare before him at Saint Peterâ— in Westminster the Monday following there to celebrate the Synod under him which power Legantine brought him and all the Clergiâ— into a Premunire to his overthrow and their cost they being enforced to grant the king an hundred thousand pounds to acknowledge him on earth supreme Head of the Church of England and to renounce the Popes Supremacie to buy their peace He dissolved 40. Monasteries of good worth converting all their goods and moveables into his own Coffers which were so stuffed with Treasure that 12. Barrelsâ— full oâ— Gold and Silver were laid aside to serve the Pope in his Warres emptying the Land also of twelve score thousand pounds which he forced from the king all which he sent to relieve and ransome the Pope then in prison to the great impoverishing of his Majesties Coffers and the Realm His revenues one way or otherâ— were equall to the kings he had no lesse then 1200. Horâ—e for his retinue 80. waggons for his carriage and 60. Mules for sumpter horses when he went into France Hee carried the Great Seale of England with him in his Embassie without the kings consent so that no Writs nor Patents could be sealed nor busines of the kingdom dispatched in the interim He proclaimed warres against the Emperor without the kings consent stirred up the French king to warre against him ayding him with Monies without the Kings privity and contrary to his likeing he demanded â—he 5. part of the true value of every mans goods by way of loane toward the maintenance of the Warrs in France putting men to confesse upon their Oathes the true estimate of their Estates without the Kings privitie which caused many insurrections and mutinies in the Kingdome the people rising up and denying to pay it at which the King being very angry released the loane as an intollerable oppression sore against this Prelates willâ— yet the Cardinall the sole cause and urger thereof would needs lay the odium of it on the King to alienate the hearts of his Subjects from himâ— and take the sole praise of the release of it to himselfe as if hee with much suite and danger had obtained it Hee falsely prosecuted and imprisoned the Earle of Kildare accusing him before the Counsell to take away his life where hee pressed him so deeply with disloyalty that the presumption as the Cardinall did force it being vehement the Treason
the Earle to be sent backe to the Church Fulco Basset his next successor a man of a haughty stout spirit as he opposed the Popes exactions Rustands his Legate so he had many contâ—sts with King Hâ—nry the third and was the maine pillar of the Barons who reposed all his hope in him before such time he grew cold and remisse in standing for the publike liberties whereby hee much blemished his fame and incensed the Barons and people against him in so much that the King reviled him in these words that neither he nor any of his name were ever true unto him threatning to finde meanes to correct him for his obstinacy In the presence of some whom hee knew would tell the King of it he sticked not to use this bold and couragious speech unfitting a Pâ—elate My Bishopricke my Myter and Crosier the King and the Pope may take from me but my helmet and sword I hope they will not yet neither of these two could secure him from Gods stroke for he died of the Plague at London Anno 1258. Henry Sandwich Bishop of London tooke part with the Barons who rebelled against King Henry the third for which cause he was excommunicated by Ottobon the Popes Legate with other Bishops being the chiefe incendiaries in these warres of whom Matthew Westminster writes thus The high Priests that I say not the Pharises gathered a counsell together against the Lord and against his annoynted saying Ye see that we have profitted nothing if we let the King escape thus The Romans will come and take away our purses with the money let us therefore ordaine 24 Elders round about his Throne who excluding the Parthians Meedes Elamites and strangers of Rome and freeing Ierusalem from Egyptian bondage may governe and order all and singular the affaires of the Realme The Knights Barons and Prelates therefore meeting together at Oxford in the 42. yeare of King Henry the third his reigne the King and Edward his eldest sonne being present ordained by common consent that twelve men nominated by the King and twelve by the Barons and Prelates should governe the Realme to which order the King and his sonne for feare of perpetuall imprisonment assented all and singular the Prelates except Ethelmaâ— Bishop elect onely of Winchester the Kings brother tooke a corporall oath faithfully to observe this infidelity and a sentence of excommunication was denounced by all the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdome against the transgressors of it Moreover saith he it is not without admiration with what face these Senators that aged Bishop of Worcester and other Prelates the Fathers Iudges of mens consciences should give such free assent to take away the Kings royall power when as they had taken a corporall Oath of giving terrene honour to the said King and his Lords which they very ill observed in ordaining that they should never governeâ— but ever be governed by others After which the Lords and Knights perceiving the generall inconvenience of this Ordinance in setting up so many Kings in stead of one the Bishop of Worceter would by no means yeeld to alter it saying that this ordinance was ratefied by an Oath and that the Pope could not dispence with the Oath making conscience of this unjust Oath like Herod and of Schisme and error contrary to the Lawes and Cannons drawing many false Prophets to him to foment this his error After this the King commanded the Bishop of Hereford a great stickler against him in these rebellious courses an oppressour of his subjects apprehended imprisoned and his goods confiscatedâ— Not long after the Prelates Earles and Barons who so sediciously held their King captivated meete at London where they ordained that two Earles and one Bishop on the behalfe of the Comonalty should elect nine persons whereof three should alwayes be assisting to the King and that by the advise of those three and the other nine all things in the Kings house as well as in the Kingdome should be ordered and that the King should doe nothing without their advise at least without the consent of these three Whereupon the Earles of Lecester Worcester Glocester and the Bishop of Chechister who the day before the battell of Lewes absolved all those who fought against his Soveraigne Lord the King from all their sinnes were chosen out to be the chiefe Councellers and Captaines who eleâ—ted other nine The King for feare of perpetuall imprisonment and that they would chuse another King consented to the ordinance OMNIBVS EPISCOPIS all the Bishops Earles and Barons consenting thereunto and sealing it with their Seales The Bishops of London Winchester Worcester and other Bishops were sent to the Popes Legate Cardinall of Sabine whom they would not suffer to come into the Realme to confirme this agreement who sharply reprehended the Bishops because they consented to so great a depression of the Kings power citing them three dayes after to appeare before him at Boâ—onâ—e about the affaires of the Kingdome who neither appearing by themselves nor their Proctors the Legate thereupon suspended them excommunicated the Barons the Cinque ports the city of London and the Bishops to for hindring him from comming into England and for their default But the said Bishops and the rest not regarding this thunderbolt appealed from it to the Pope and the next generall Councell and to the Church as well Triumphant as Militant and trusting to the defence of the Martiall sword little esteemed the spirituall the Bishops presuming to be present at and to exercise divine offices notwithstanding this suspention and excommunication till Otho his comming into England who calling a Councell at Wiâ—â—minsterâ— suspended this Henry Bishop of Londonâ— Iohn Bishop of Winchester and Stephen Bishop of Chichesterâ— both from their office and Benefice who â—ostered and incouraged the part of the Kings enemies excommunicating the Bishop of Lincolne for the same cause who at last supplicated for mercy not judgement with Walter Bishop of Worcester who lying at the point of death confessed he had erred fovendâ— in fomenting and fostering the part of Simon Montford and thereupon sent Letters to the Legate desiring the benefit of absolution which he obtained and so died By which relation of Matthew Westminister seconded by the continuer of Matthew Paris and other of our Chroniclers it is most apparant that this Bishop of London and the other Prelates were the chiefe fomenters of all the warres and rebellions against the King and those that stirred up and encouraged the Barons in their unnaturall bloody wars against their Soveraigne Henry the third as Stephen Langton Archbishop of Canterbury was the principall author and contriver of those against King Iohn Anno. 1329. 1330. Richard Wentworth Bishop of London was accused by Edmond Woodstocke Earle of Kent for conspiring with him to helpe set up a new King Edward the second after his death whom Thoraas Dunhead a Fryer affirmed for cetaine by
Arch-Bishop being desirous to place his own Countrey-men in all roomes of speciall Authoritie and besides having a private grudge at Stigand for forcing him to yeeld Kentish men their ancient Liberties whereof see more in Canterbury procured him to be deprived of both his Bishoprickes upon this point that he had contrary to the Law held them both together He was deprived An. 1069. and dyed a prisoner in the Castle of Winchester soon after About the yeare 1107. King Henry the first taking upon him to bestow Bishoprickes giving investiture and possession of them by delivering the Ring and the Crosier placed divers of his Chaplaines in Bishoprickes without election commanding the Arch-bishop to consecrate them Among divers others hee appointed William Giffard Bishop of Winchester and required Anselme the Arch-bishop to consecrate him Anselme utterly denyed to afford consecration either to him or any other in the like case The King then sent unto Girard Arch-bishop of York whom he found nothing strange but Gâ—ffard saith Matthew Westminster timens rigorem sancti Anselmi spernit consecrationem ejus stood so much in awe of Saint Anselme as hee durst not but reject the offer of the others consecration The King angry hitherto with the Arch-bishop onely was now much more incensed against this Giffard and in great displeasure banished him the Realme In the end the King and the Arch-bishop grew to this agreement that the gifts of the King already passed should be ratified and his Clerkes nominated to Bishoprickes have consecration upon promise that hereafter he should not disturbe Canonicall Elections and utterly renounce his pretended priviledge So after much adoe he was consecrated togegether with divers others An. 1107. Henry de Bloys being Bishop of Winchester when King Henry the first dyed although he with the other Bishops of the Land had sworne fealtie unto Maud the Empresse yet she being absent in Normandy this Bishop doubting left some other stepping up before her arrivallâ— the Kingdome might be rent away quite from his kindred and passe to some strangerâ— by vertue of his power Legantine called a Councell of the Clergie who swayed all in those dayes and drawing Roger Bishop of Saliâ—bury to his partie easily procured his Brother Stephen Earle of Boloigne to be elected King whom they crowned and submitted to as their Soveraigne disinhereting Maud the right Heire The King not long after falling out with these two Bishops seized upon their Castles and imprisoned the Bishop of Salisbury who dyed for griefe The Bishop of Winchester summons a Counsell there to which the Bishop was cited the Case of the Bishops concerning their Castles was there long debated betweene the Pope the Bishops and those on the Kings side he would yeeld to nothing whereupon they moved the Legate to Excommunicate him who replied he durst not doe it without the Popes privitie The Kings unthankefulnesse to the Bishops who onely had set him up did so alienate them from him that thereupon they joyned with Maud the Empresse against him who by their meanes became able to make her part good with Stephen and tooke him prisoner the Bishop of Winchester and a great part of the Realme too receiving her for their Queene Hereupon this Prelate accurseth and excommuncates al the opposites of Maud the Empresse who denying him a suite in the behalfe of his Brother Eustace He thereupon revokes hâ—s Excommunication secretly falls from her stirres up the discontented Londoners against her mans divers Castles to resist her equivocates in his words and actions with her to worke her ruine fiers Winchester upon her and at last entraps her Thus this turne-coat trecherous Prelate with the rest were Traytors and Rebels on both sides of which see more in William Corbell Arch-Bishop of Canteâ—bury and Roger of Salisbury and in the Historians hereunto quoted The Pope sent a Pall to this Bishop desirous to constituâ—e a new Arch-Bishoprick at Winchester and to assigne 7. Bishops to him Peter de la Roche or de Rupibus Bishop of Winchester who was Protectour and had greatest sway in the Government of the Realme in the beginning of King Henry the 3. his Raigne by his evill Counsell to the King became the chiefe Incendiary and occasion of the Barons warres For having by his false accusations and policies wrought Hubert Earle of Kent out of the Kings favour and plotted his death that hee might solely raigne and predominate over the gentle young King The better to effect this his designe he procures him to displace the English Officers and in their roomes to surrogate Poictovines and Britons who comming over to the number of about 2000. hee stuffed his Castles with them and did as it were wholly intrust himselfe his Treasures strength and the Realme to them So that Judgements were committed to the unjust Lawes to the out-lawesâ— peace to wranglers and Justice to wrong-doers Such as would have prayed redresse for these abuses were interrupted and put off by this Bishop of Winchester Among them who were removed from their places in Court was one Sir William de Redune a Knight and Deputie Marshall to Richard Earle of Pembroke This was to the Earle very displeasant which joyned with a consideration of the publicke cause and danger hee associates to him certaine of the great Lords as was the fashion of those Lording times upon every discontent and in the company of them advanceth confidently to the Kingâ— whom in the hearing of many he reproveth for that hee had through finister advice called in the â—oictovins to the oppression of the Realme and of his naturall Subjects of their Lawes and Liberties humbly therefore hee beseecheth him that he would speedily reforme such abuses which threatned the imminent subversion both of the Crowne and Kingdome which if hee did not himselfe and other Lords would so long withdraw their attendance as hee entertained strangers The Bishop hereunto makes answer That the King might well and lawfully call in what strangers himselfe thought good for the defence of the Crowne and Realme and such and so many of them as might be able to compell his proud and rebellious people to due obedience When the Oracle would speake no otherwise they departed from Court greatly discontented firmly promising one to the other that in such a cause which did so touch them all they would like men stand together while any breath was in their bodies Those who were now most potent about the King nothing sorry for the discontentment of so great a Peere as the Earle Marshall but counting it a part of their strengths to use the Regall power towards the weakning of the English nourish in the King his aversion The Poictovins and other strangers thus bearing the swayâ— so as the Kings person went guarded with troopes of such the Earles and Barons being by the Kings command summoned to antoher Parliament at Oxford refused to come While the King was there one Robert Bacon who
as well in your Realme of France as in your Dutchie of Normandy and much other thing gone greatly as through the said colourable treatie and otherwise since the death of my brother of Bedford 14. Ite Now of late was sent another Embassador to Caleâ— by the labour and councell of the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke the cause why of the beginning is to me your sole Vncle and other Lords of your kin and Councell unknowne to your great charge and against the publike good of your Realme as it openly appeareth the which good if it be imployed for the defence of your Lands the marchandizes of the same might have had other courseâ— and your said lands not to have stood in so great mischiefe as they doe 15. Item after that to your great charge and hurt of both your Realmes the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke went to your said towne of Calis and divers Lords of your kin and of your Councell in their fellowship and there as there was naturall warre betweene the Duke of Orliance and the Duke of Burgonie for murther of their Fathers a capitall enmitie like to have endured for ever the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke licenâ—ed and suffered the said Duke of Orleance to intreate and commune apart with Councell of your said adversaries as well as with the Douchies of Burgondâ—e by which meanes the peace and alliance was made betweene the two Dukes to the greatest forâ—eâ—â—ing of your said capitall adversaries that could be thought and consequently my deare redoubted Lord to your greatest charge and hurt to both your Realmes under colour of which treatie your said adversaries in meane time wonne your city of Meaux and the country thereabout and many divers roades made into your Duchie of Normandy to the great noysance and destruction of your people as it sheweth openly 16. Item The said Archbishop of Yorke sent with others into this your Realme from the said Cardinall had with your advers partie at your said Towne of Calis made at his comming into your notable presence at Winsor all the swasions and colour all motions in the most appâ—rent wise that he could to induee your Highnesse to your agreement to the desires of your capitall Adversaries as I saw there in your noble presence of his writing at which time as I understood it was his singular opinion that is to say that you should leave your right your title and your honour of your crowne and your nomination of King of France during certaine yeares and that you should utterly abstaine and be content onely in writing with Rex â—ngliae c. to the greatest note of infamie that ever fell to you or any of your noble Progenitors since the taking of them first the said title and right of your Realme and Crowne of France to which matter in your presence there after that it had like your said Hignesse to aske mine advise thereupon with other of your bloud and Counsell I answered and said that I would never agree thereto to die therefore and of the same disposition I am yet and will be while I live in conservation of your honour and of your oath made unto your said Crowne in time of your coronation there 17. Item The said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke have so laboured unto your Highnesse that you should intend to a new day of convention in March or Aprill next comming where it is noised to be more against your worship then with it and where it was evident to all the world that the rupture and breaking of the said peace should have fallen heretofore of your adverse partie because of the great untruths now by that meanes it is like peradventure to be â—aid unto very great slander of you my doubted Lord like to come to none other purpose nor effect than other conventions have done aforetime and so by subtilties and counsell of your said enemies your land they in hope and trust of the said treatie not mightily nor puissantly purveyed for shall be like under the cullor of the same treatie to be burnt up and destroyed lost and utterly turned from your obeysance 18. Itera It is said that the deliverance of the Duke of Orleance is utterly appointed by the mediation counsell and stirring of the said Cardinallâ— and Archbishor of Yorke and for that cause divers persons been come from your adversaries into this your Realme and the said Duke also brought to your city of London whereas my Lord your Father poysing so greatly the inconveniences and harme that might fall onely by his deliverance concluded ordained and determined in his last Will utterly in his wisdome his conquest in his Realme of France And yet then it is to be done by as great deliberation solemnity and suretie as may be devised or thought and seeing now the disposition of your Realme of France the puissance and might of your enemies and what ayde they have gotten against you there as well under the colour of the said treatie as otherwise what might or ought to be thought or said for that labouring the said Duke all things considered by such particular parsons the Lords of your blood not called thereunto I report mee unro your noble grace and excellency and unto the said wiâ—e true men of this your Realme 19. Item Where that every true counsellor specially unto any King or Prince ought of truth and of dutie to counsell promote inâ—rease perferre and advance the weale and prosperity of his Lord The said Cardinall being of your counsell my right doubted Lord hath late purchased of your Highnesse certaine great Lands and livelihood as the Castle and Lordship of Chirke in Wales and other lands in this your Realme unto which I was called suddenly and so in eschewing the breaking and losse of your armies then againe seeing none other remedy gave thereunto mine assent thinking that who that ever laboured moved or stirred the matter first unto your Lordship counselled youâ— neiâ—her for your worship nor profit 20. More the said Cardinall hath you bound apart to make him a sure estate of all the said Lands by Easter next comming as could be devised by any learned counsell or else that suretie not made the said Cardinall to have and enjoy to him and his heires forever the lands of the Dutchie of Lancaster in Norfolke to the value of seven or eight hundred markes by the yeare which thing seemeth right strange and unseene and unheard wayes of any leige man to seeke upon his soveraigne Lord both in his inheritance and in his Jewels and goods for it is thought but that right and extreme necessity caused it there should nor ought no such things to be done from which necessity God for his mercy ever preserve your noble person Wherefore my redoubted Lord seeing that you should be so counselled or stirred to leave your Crowne and inheritance in England and also by fraud and subtill meanes as is before rehearsed so to
cause that the light of the world who had baptized the Lord was quite extinguished even she her selfe afterwards as Nicephorus records when she once passed over a river congealed with Ice the Ice breaking fell into the water up to the necke and little after her head was congealed with frost and cold and afterwards cut off not with a sword but with Ice and then made a deadly dance upon the Ice Knowest thou not what St. Ambrose saith for her sake One saith he may dance but the daughter of an adulteresse but shee who is chast let her learne her daughters Prayers not Dances Of Dances I will onely speake one word and for this cause principally that I understand how dancing seemes not a true evill to some and I know that at Lovan there are publike Schooles where the Art of dancing is taught But I verily if adultery and fornication be evill cannot see how it is not evill for men to dance with women since it most of all provokes thereunto Heare holy Iob I have made saith he a covenant with mine eyes that I would not so much as thinke of a mayde and shalt thou goe and dance with a maide and provoke thy selfe to lust by dancing and yet no danger hang over thy head To what end then doth the Wise man give this admonition Keepe not company with a woman that is a dancer least happily thou perish in her allurements but because if chaffe can come to the fire and not be burnt than a young man may dance with women and not burneâ— What holy men St. Anthony St. Hilarâ—on dwelt in the wildernesse they perpetually gave themselves to fastings and prayers and yet scarce defâ—â—ded themselves from the spirit of fornicatioâ—â— and from evill deâ—ires and thoughts and wilt thou â—dde â—o the heat of youthâ— the heat of drinking and then goe and laugh and sing and dance with beautifull maydens and shall I suspect no harme Who of all you shall dwell with everlasting burning If you cannot now abstaine from drunkennesse from dancing from toyesâ— how shall ye be able to endure those living flamesâ— and most bitter gnashing of teeth But concerning the madnesse of dancing heare yee what the ancients as well prophane as sacred have left written Marcus Tulliâ—s did so detest the filthinesse of Dances that in the defence of Muraena he said No sober man almost danceth unlesse perchance he be besides himselfe and extreme dancing is the Companion of many delights And in another place he objecteth dancing to Antonius as a most dishonest crime Blush therefore O Christian blush thou art overcome by an Ethnicke and without doubt thou shalt be condemned in judgement by an Ethneike He by the light of Nature onely without the light of faith could teach that dancing was not the practice of any but either of drunkards or mad men and thou the Sonne of Cod illuminated with a celestiall light with whom such vanities ought not so much as to be named art most mad in the very most famous and most sacred solemnities Let us relinquish prophane Authors and come to Christians Tell thou us O most blessed Ambrose thou most reverend old man the light of the Christian Church what thinkest thou of dances and morrisses Worthily saith he from thence we proceed to the injury of the Diuinity for what modestie can be there where they dance shreeke and make a noyse together Tell thou us also O blessed Hierom what thou deemest of dancing Moreover saith he in his Booke against Heluidius where the Tymbrils sound the Pipes make a noise the Harpe chatters the Cymballs strike together what feare of God can there be Let us passe over into the East and let us also advise with two of the Greeke Fathers Tell thou us O great Chrysostome the ornament of Greece tell thou us I pray thee thy opinion of banquets and dances Heare saith he in the 49 Homily upon Matthew heare these things O men who follow magnificent feasts full of drunkennesse heare I say and tremble at the gulfe of the devill where wanton dancing is there the devill is certainely present For God hath not given us our legges to dance but that we should walke modestly not that we should impudently skippe like Camels But if the body be polluted by dancing impudently how much more may the soule be thought to be defiled The devill danceth in these dances with these men are deceived by the ministers of the Devill Last of all heare with what words St. Basil the great a most holy man and most learned deplores this madnesse in his Oration against drunkards Men saith he and women together entring into Common dances having delivered their soules to the drunken devill wound one another with the prickes of unchast affections profuse laughter is practised and filthy songs meretritious habits inviting unto petulancie are there used Laughest and delighest thou thy selfe with an arrogant delight when as thou oughtest to power out teares and sighes for what is past Singest thou whorish Songs casting away the Psalmes Hyranes thou hast learned Dost thou stirre thy feete and caper furiously and dance unhappily when as thou oughtest to bend thy knees to prayer Thus great Basil. Now if the holy Fathers have spoken these things of dances in genarall how I pray had they exclaimed if they had knowne them to have beene used in the very Festivals of Christs Nativitie But let us leave men and heare what the Lord himselfe who cannot erre what the holy Ghost and the Spirit of Truth saith by the Prophet Esay the Harpe saith hee and the Violl the Taber and pipe and wine are in your Feasts but ye regard not the work of the Lord neither consider the operation of his hands Ah wretched miserable persons the Lord hath done an admirable worke in these dayes The Lord hath created a new thing upon the earth A mayd hath brought forth a Sonne God hath come unto men a new starre hath appeared the heavens are made mellifluous the Angels have left those blessed mansions that they might behold the little one who is given to us and ye onely for whom these things are done busied in wickednesse buried in sleepe and wine regard not the worke of the Lord and consider not the operations of his hands What therefore shall be done unto you Heare the sentence of your Judge Therefore saith he Hell hath inlarged its â—oule and hath opened its mouth without all bounds Peradadventure ye are ignorant how great a sacriledge it is to prophane dayes consecrated to God Why I beseech you doe we not every where use Churches Chalices and Priestly vestments what are these walls more than others What are Priests Garments more than others As to their matter nothing at all But therefore it is a wickednesse therefore a sacriledge therefore a most horrible villany to convert them
he fell into out of griefe of minde This Prelate was so high in king Henries favour that he denyed little or nothing to him that he demanded he gave him Lands Churches Prebends of Clarkes whole Abbies of Monkes and committed the kingdome to his trust making him Chancellor of England Roger therefore pleaded causes he moderated expences he kept the kings treasure and that without a companion and witnesse both while the king was present in England and absent in Normandy and not onely by the king but likewise by the Nobles and even by those who secretly envied his felicity and especially by the kings Servants and debtoâ—s all things almost that he could thinke of were conferred on him if any thing was contiguous to his possessions which might conduce to his utility that he either begged or bought if not he extorted it by violence he alone was in greatest honour abounding in wealth pompe â—riends authority stately houses and Castles and seemed the onely happy man on earth Yet at last in a moment fortune cruelly stung him with her Scorpions tayle so as he saw many of his friends wounded and his most familiar Souldiers beheaded before his face himselfe captivated two of his Nephewes most potent Prelates to be put to flight and taken prisoners and a third a young man whom he most loved to bee bound in chaines his Castles to be rendred up his treasures spoyled himself afterwards in a Councell torne with most foule reproaches the residue of his money and plate which he had layd upon the Altar to finish a Church to beâ— carried away against his will and which is the extremity of calamity Cum multis miser videreturâ— paucissimis miserabilis erat So much envy hatred had he contracted out of his over great power and that undeservedly with some whom he had advanced to honours So Malmesbury writes of him of whom you have heard sufficient Anno Dom. 1223. Huberâ— de Burgo Earle of Kent being taken and proclaimed a traytor escaped out of the Castle of Veâ—â— or Devises and tooke sanctuary in the next Church those who kept the Castle hearing of it sent and tooke him with those that helped him to make his escape out of the Church and imprisoned him againe in the Castle Robert Bingham the Bishop of Salisbury hereupon came to the Castle and threatned to curse them if they would not deliver the Earle restore him to sanctury againe They made answer they had rather the Earle should hang for them than they for him and so because they would not deliver him the Bishop excommunicated them and after riding to the Courâ— and taking with him the Bishop of London and other Bishops prevailed so much by complaint to the King that the Earle though a traytor was restored to the Church againe but so as the Sheriffe of the Shire had commandement to compasse the Church about with men to watch that no reliefe came unto him whereby he might bee constrained through famishment to submit himselfe but hee shortly armed was there rescued by a power of armed men who conveyed him armed and oâ— horsebacke into Wales where he joyned with other of King Henry the thirds enemies And all through the pride and practise of this Prelate to whose pretended jurisdiction even in case of Treason the King himselfe must submit William of Yorke the ninth Bishop of Salisbury about the year 1247. was a Courtier from his childhood and better seene the in Lawes of the Realme which hee chiefly studied than in the Law of God a great deale Matthew Paris reporteth that he firâ—â— brought in the custome that tenants should be suiters unto the Courts of their Landlords This Matthew Paris stiles a very bad custome in magnum subditorum damnum detrimentum superiorum parvum vel nullum emolumentum unde qui nunquam hoc fecerant mirabantur se ad hoc fuisse coactos And speaking of this Bishops death he saith This Bishop passed from these worldly cares and imployments to the dangers which secular men and Courtiers are beleeved to undergoe for their workes follow them Anno 1392. King Richard the second picked a quarrell against the Major and Sheriffes of London upon this occasion Walter Romay one of Iohn Walthams servants then Bishop of Salisbury and high Treasurer of England tooke a horseloafe from a Bakers man as hee passed by in Fleetstreet and would not deliver it againe but broke the bakers mans head when he was earnest to recover his loafe the cohabitants of the streete hereupon rose and would have had the Bishops man to prison for breaking the Kings peace but hee was rescued by his fellowes and escaped to the Bishops house in an Allie close by The people set in a rage for this rescue gathered in great multitudes about the Bishops Palace gate and would have fetched out the offender by force assaulting the house to breake it open but the Major and Sheriffes comming thither after some perswasions used appeased the people who retired quietly to their houses The Bishop being then at Windsor where the Court lay being informed of this riot tooke such indignation therewith that taking with him Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Yorke then Lord Chancellor of England he went to the King and made an hainous complaint against the Citizens for their misdemeanour whereupon the Major Sheriffes and great sort more of the Citizens were sent for to the Court and charged with divers misdemeanors notwithstanding their excuses they were all arrested and imprisoned the Major in the Castle of Windsor the rest in other places to be safely kept till the King by the advice of his Counsell should further determine what should be done with them Moreover the liberties of the City were seised into the Kings hands the authority of the Major utterly ceased and the King appointed Sir Edward Darlingrug to governe the City by the name of Lord Warding and to see that every man had justice ministred as the case required who because hee was thought to be overfavourable to the Citizens was removed and Sir Baldwin Radington put in his roome At length the King through suit and instant labour of certaine Noblemen especially of the Duke of Glocester began somewhat to relent and pacifie his rigorous displeasures against the Londoners and releasing them out of prison and confirming some of their priviledges and abrogating others hee was at last reconciled to them after they had purchased his pardon with many rich presents to him and his Queene whom they royally intertained and the payment of ten thousand pounds which they were compelled to give the King to collect of the Commons of the City not without great offence and grudging in their minds And aâ—l this came through the pride and malice of this Prelate of Salisbuâ—y whose servant had occasioned this riot and yet went Scotfree when the innocent Major and Citizens were thus rigorously dealt withall M. Fox observes truly
dominion of England and had never peace afterwards By the same counsell in our times the Kingdome was troubled and the interdict came and finally the Kingdome was made tributary and the Prince of Provinces alas for griefe is brought under tribute to ignoble persons and warres begun and long protracted your father died like a banished man neither in peace of the Kingdome nor of minde and so by them he incurred a very perillous death By the same counsell the Castle of Bedford was detained against you where you lost much treasure and many valiant men by meanes whereof in the interim you lost Rochell to the ignominy of the whole Realme Item the now imminent perturbation perilous to the whole Kingdome comes to passe through their wicked counsell because if your people had beene handled according to Justice and the right Judgement or Law of the Landâ— this perturbation had not hapned and you should have had your lands undestroyed your treasure unexhausted Likewise we tell you in that allegiance wherby we are obliged to you that your counsell is not of peaceâ— but of trouble to the Land because they that seeke to thrive by the trouble of the Kingdome and the disinherison of others cannot doe it by its peace Item because they have your Caâ—tles and your forces in their handâ— as if you ought to distrust your owne people Item because they have your Exchequor and all the greaâ—est Wards and Escheates in their power such an expectation pleaseth and how they will answer you in the end wee beleeve you shall prove Item because by your Seale or Precept without the Seale of Peter de Rivallis scarce any great businesse is done in the Realme as if they accounted you not to be King Item because by the same counsell the naturall borne subjects of your Kingdome are expelled out of your Court whence wee have cause to be fearefull both of you and the Kingdome when as wee see you to be more in their power than they in yours as appeares by very many examples Item because they have a mayde out of Brittany and your sister under their power with many other noble girles and women who are marriageable with Wards and marriages which they give to their owne creatures and disparage Item because they confound and pervert the Law of the Land sworne and confirmed and ratified by Excommunication and Justice likewise whence it is to be feared least they be Excommunicated and you also by communicating with them Item because they keepe to no man either their promise faith or oath or writing neither feare they Excommunication whence they who have receded from the truth are desperateâ— as remaining diffident in feare Now these things we faithfully relate to you and wee counsell beseech and admonish you before God and man that you would remove such counsell from you and as it is the custome in other Kingdomes that you governe your Kingdomes by your faithfull and sworne men of your Realme Wee denounce to you in verity that unlesse you correct these things within a short time we will proceede against you and all other contradictors by Ecclesiasticall Censureâ— expecting nothing but the Consecration of our venerable Father the Elect of Canterbury These things being thus spoken the King humbly desired a short time of truce saying that hee could not so sodainely remove his counsell untill he had received an account of the treasure committed to him and so the conference was dissolved all men departing with confidence of a concord speedily to be obtained soone after the Archbishop being consecrated upon the fifth of Aprill the King with his Nobles being at Westminster the Archbishop taking all the Bishops and other Prelates that were present with him whereof this Bishop of Chester was one went to the King and shewed him their counsell touching the imminent desolation and danger of the Kingdome repeating the former inconveniences mentioned in the conference and denounced to the King expresly that unlesse hee would speedily reforme his error and make a peaceable composition with the faithfull men of his Kingdome he with all the Bishops who were present would incontinently in ipsum Regem sententiam ferre excommunicationis pronounce a sentence of Excommunication against the King himselfe and against all others contradictors of this peace and perverters of concord The King hearing this humbly answered that hee would obey their counsels in all things Whereupon a few dayes after understanding his error moved with repentance he commanded Peter Bishop of Winchester to goe to his Bishopricke to intend the cure of soules and that from thenceforth Regiis negotiiâ— nequaquam interesset hee should by no meanes intermeddle with the Kings affaires Walter de Langton Bishop of Chester lived in great authority under King Edward the first who favoured him much but his sonne Edward the second molested disgraced him all that eyer he might His Fatherdying in the North country he â—ommanded this Bishop to conduct his corps up to London and when hee had done so for reward of his paines hee caused Sir Iohn Felton Constable of the Tower to arrest him seased upon all his goods and imprisoned him first in the Tower then in the Castle of Wallingford of which imprisonment he was not released in two yeares after In his fathers life time he had often reprehended the young Prince for his insolent and dissolute behaviour which good admonitions he taking in evill part wronged and disgraced him many wayes namely one time he brakâ— downe his Parkes spoyled and drove away his deare c. The Bishop complained of this outrage unto the King his Father who being greatly displeased therewith committed the Prince his sonne for certaine dayes And this was the cause of the grudge between the yong King and him for which he sent him from Castle to Castle as Prisoner seised his Lands Tenements into his own hands gave his moveables to Pierce Gaviston and his Lord Treasurership to Walter Reignold About the same time or I thinke a little sooner to wit in the yeare 1â—01 hee was accused of certaine hainous crimes before the Pope and compelled to answer the accusation at Rome in his owne person Though the proofes brought against him were either none or very slender yet well knowing whom they had in hand Noverant ipsum prae multis bovem valde pinguem saith Matth. Westminster they were content to detaine him there so long as it forced him to spend an infinite deale of mony yet was never a whit the nearer atlast for the Pope remitted the hearing of the cause to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury and yet reserved the determination of the â—ame unto himself at last The tempests of these troubles being over-blowne the rest of his time he lived for ought I finde quietly and being happily dismissed from the Court attended onely the government of his charge This Bishop setling his See towards his later end at Litchfield I finde no mention at all of any
the King of France and after slew Thomas Becket and last of all thou forsakest the Protection of Christs Faith The King was mooved with these wordâ— and sayd unto the Patriarch Though all the men of the Land were one body and spake with one mouth they durst not speake â—o me such words No wonder said the Patriarch for they love thine and not thee That is to meane they love thy goods temporall and feare the losse of promotion but they love not thy soule And when he had so said he offered his head to the King saying Doe by me right as thou didst by Thomas Becket for I had rather be slaine of thee then of the Sarasens for thou art worse then any Sarasen and they follow a prey and not a man But the King kept his patience and said I may not wend out of my Land for my owne Sonnes will arise against me when I am absent No wonder said the Patriarch for of the devill they came and to the devill they shall and so departed from the King in great ire So rudely have Prelates dealt with the greatest Princes as thus both in words and deeds to revile and contemne them as if they were their slaves to be at their command though with the hazard of their lives Crownes and Kingdomes upon every humour I now passe on to the Scottish Prelates The Bishops of Scotlands acts in this kinde TO passe from Normandy to Scotland before I enter into a Relation of any of the Scotish Prelates actions I shall inform you what Holinshed writes of King Davids erection of Bishoprickes in Scotland and his endowing of them with large temporall possessions This Church in the originall plantation of the Gospell having beene governed onely by Presbyters and wanting Bishops for some hundred of yeares following herein the custome of the Primitive Church as Iohn Fordon Iohn Major Bishop Vsher and Spelman testifie David King of Scots erected foure Bishoprickes within this Realme Rosse Brochin Dunkeld and Dublaine indowing them with rich Rents faire Lands and sundry right commodious possessions Moreover he translated the Bishops See of Murthlake unto Aberden for sundry advised considerations augmenting it with certaine revenues as he thought expedient He was admonished as the report goeth in his sleepe that he should build an Abbey for a religious Order to live in together Whereupon he sent for workemen into France and Flanders and set them in hand to build this Abbey of Canons regular as he was admonished dedicating it in the honour of a Crosse whereunto he bare speciall devotion for that very strangely it slipped into his hands on a time as he was pursuing and following of a Hart in the Chase But enough of these Monkish devises Many prudent men blame greatly the unmeasurable liberality of King David which he used towards the Church in diminishing so hugely the revenues of the Crowne being the cause that many Noble Princes his Successors have come to their finall ends for that they have beene constrained through want of treasure to maintaine their royall estates to procure the fall of sundry great Houses to possesse their Lands and livings also to raise payments and exactions of the Common people to the utter impoverishment of the Realme And sometime they have beene constrained to invade England by warres as desperate men not caring what came of their lives Other whiles they have beene enforced to stampe naughty money to the great prejudice of the Common wealth All which mischiefes have followed since the time that the Church hath beene thus enriched and the Crowne impoverished Therefore King Iames the first when he came to King Davids Sepulcher at Dunfirmling he said that he was a sore Saint for the Crowne Meaning that he left the Church over-rich and the Crowne too poore For he tooke from the Crowne as Iohn Major writeth in his Chronicles 60000. pound Scotish of yearely revenues Wherewith he endowed those Abbyes But if King David had considered how to nourish true Religion he had neither endowed Churches with such riches nor built them with such royalty for the superfluous possessions of the Church as they are now used are not onely occasion to evill Prelates to live in most insolent pompe and corrupt life but an assured Net to draw gold and silver out of Realmes Thus Holinshed of the Bishops and Bishoprickes of Scotland in generall In a Convocation at Fairefax under King Gregory Anno 875. It was decreed by the Bishops of Scotland that Ordinaries and Bishops should have authority to order all men both publike and private yea Kings themselves as well for the keeping of Faith given as to constraine them to confirme the same and to punish such as should be found in the contrary This was a high straine of insolency and treachery against the Prerogative of the King and Nobles priviledges whom these Prelates endeavoured to enthrall to their Lordly pleasures and perchance it was in affront of King Davids Law who ordained Anno 860. but 15. yeares before that Priests should attend their Cures and not intermeddle with secular businesses or keepe Horses Haukes or Hounds A very good Law had it beene as well executed Anno 1294. the Scots conspiring together against their Soveraigne Lord and King Iohn Bailiol rose up in armes against him and inclosing him in a Castle they elected to themselves twelve Peeres after the manner of France whereof the foure first were Bishops by whose will and direction all the affaires of the Kingdome should be managed And this was done in despite to disgrace the King of England who set the said Iohn over them against their wils Whereupon the King of England brought an Army towards Scotland in Lent following to represse the rash arrogancy and presumption of the Scotsâ— against their owne Father and King and miserably wasted the Country over-running it quite and making both them and their King whom he tooke Prisoner to doe homage and sweare fealâ—y and give pledges to him as Walsingham reciâ—es more at large Among these Bishops it seemes that the Bishop of â—lascow was one of the chiefe opposites against the King of Scotland and England for Anno 1298. I finde this Bishop one of the chiefe Captaines of the Rebellious Scots and leading an Army in the field which being disbanded for feare of the English forces upon promise of pardon this Bishop Ne proditionis notam incurreret lest he should incurre the brand of treason rendred himselfe to Earle Warren sent into Scotland with an Army who committed him prisoner to the Castle of Rokâ—burrow for a Rebell where he was detained William of Neubery records Thaâ— David King of Scots was divinely chastised by one Wimundus an English man of obscure parents made Bishop of the Scottish Islands who waxing proud of his Bishopricke began to attempt great matters Not content with the dignity of his Episcopall Office he did now in
Primate of Scoâ—land at what time he was not withstood by any of the oâ—her Bishops who being estranged from shewing any favour to Graham did often inâ—ringe his authority and in the end expelled the same Graham from his Archiepiscopall See After which in the yeare of Christ 1482. This Archbishop Schewes fled into his owne Country and after at the request of the King resigned his Archbishopricke contenting himselfe with the Bishopricke of Murry Andrew Steward Uncle to King Iames the third was upon the resignation of William Schews made Archbishop of Saint Andrewes after which in the yeare of Christ 1484. the King sent this Archbishop Embassadour to Rome for the obtaining of certaine priviledges which he brought to effect In the yeare of Christ 1491. in the time of King Iames the fourth about the third yeare of his Raigne was great contention betweene the Archbishops of Saint Andrewes and Glascow touching both their Authoritiesâ— Which when it had drawne many of the Nobility into divers factions it was ceased by the King for a certaine time untill all doubt thereof might be taken away by deciding the same by the Canon Law before Ecclesiasticall Judges Then in the yeare of Christ 1507. being about the nineteenth yeare of Iames the fourth the Bishop of Saint Andrewes with the Earle of Arrane were sent Embassadors into France Alexander Steward Bastard Sonne to King Iames the fourth was made Archbishop of Saint Andrewes in the yeare of Christ 1510. About the 22. yeare of the Raigne of the same Iames the fourth This man having long studyed with Erasmus in Germany and in the Low Countries was advanced to this See of the Arch bishopricke when he was yet in Flaunders who having intelligence thereof by his friends came forthwith into Scotland where he was joyfully received by the King the Nobility and his kindred He was slaine together with his Father King Iames the fourth and a Scottish Bishop more at Ploden field in the yeare of Christ 1513. The Cardinall of Scotland promised the Scots Heaven for the destruction of Englandâ— Perhaps they might obtaine it by their deaths but they got no more English earth then would interre their slaine bodies After which Iohn Hepburne Prior of Saint Andrewes strongly besieged the Castle of Saint Andrewes and forced the same to be yeelded unto him the cause of whiâ—h besiege grew that Hepburne being chosen Bishop of Saint Andrewes by his Canons of that Church whereunto the whole Nobility were helpers was hindered to possesse that Archbishopricke by such stipendary people of Gawine Dowglasse as kept the Castle whereupon the Queene and the Earle of Angus after that they understood how the Castle was by force come into the hands of Hepburne did take in evill part that he who was so troublesome unto them should ascend to so high a dignity and that Gâ—wine Dowglasse so deerely to them beloved and to whom they had given that Bishopricke should be helplesse of the recovery thereof Whereupon the Queene and the Duke of Albany diligently laboured by Embassadours sent to Rome that a third person sith Gawin Dowglasse could not obtaine it might be advanced thereunto which third man was Andrew Forman Bishop of Murry further requiring therewithall that he might be Abbot of Dumfermling and Aberbroth which in the end with much intreaty they obtained of the Pope Andrew Forman Bishop of Murry was at Edenburgh by the Popes Bulls on the eighth of the Kalends of Ianuary in the yeare of Christ 1515. being about the second yeare of the Raigne of Iames the fifth declared Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and Abbot of Dumfermeling and Aberbroth Whereupon the Prior of Sainâ— Andrewes before named still contending that he was Archbishop both in respect of the election of the Coven and the consent of the Nobility did labour all he could against Forman appealing him to Rome for which cause he with the Lord Hales and other his friends come to Edenburgh to defend the matter at what time the Lord Hume Chamberlaine of Scotland and such others as openly assisted Forman did oppose themselves against the Prior which Nobility because they were great in the Court did the more molest and hinder Hepburne shortly after by publike Edict and Proclamation of the King banishing the Prior and his followers proclaiming them Rebels and putting them to the home Hepburne being stricken with the sharpenesse of that Precept did privily depart the Towne and the Prior went to Rome hoping by the Popes authority to wrest from Forman the Archbishopricke which he could not obtaine by violence But how he sped at Rome I doe not know for I onely finde this that in the yeare following being the yeare of Christ 1516. about the third yeare of the same Iames the fifth that the Governour perceiving that all these contentions hatreds and divisions of the Nobility did arise by these bralls which were betweene Forman and Hepburne for the See of Saint Andrewes to the great diâ—quieting of the Realme by such part-takings as chanced thereabouts among the Lords desired to cure this grievous wound made in the Common-wealth Wherefore he perswaded Andrew Forman that he should resigne all his Ecclesiasticall Benefices into his hands in an open assembly at Edenburgh for by that meanes the Governour thought that he might pacifie the minds of the Nobility and utterly rout out those branches of dissention Whereupon there was a day appointed to the Nobility to assemble at what time Andrew Forman freely resigned to the Governour the Duke of Albanie all his Ecclesiasticall promotions to be disposed at the Dukes pleasure In consideration thereof the Duke bestowed the Archbishopricke of Saint Andrewes and the Abbey of Dumfermling upon the same Andrew Forman and gave the Bishopricke of Murry to Iames Hepburne greatly favoured of the Earle Bothwell and the Competitor of Forman being thereunto substitute by Iohn Hepburne Pâ—ior of Saint Andrewes in the place of the said Iohn to whom moreover the Duke appointed a yeerely pension of 1000. markes to be paid by the same Forman out of the Abbey of Dumfermling After which about sixe yeares or somewhat leâ—â—e this Forman departed this Life being in the yeare of Christ 1522. and the ninth yeare of King Iames the fifth to whom succeeded Iames Beton Iames Beton Archbishop of Glascow was Chancellor in the yeare of Christ 1513. being the first yeare of King Iames the fifth This man being of great wisedome was appointed amongst others to assist the Queene in the government of the Realme whereunto she was for a time advanced but the woman not induring to be directed by others taking quarrell against the Bishop did immediately after the marriage performed the sixth of August in the yeare of Christ 1514. betweene her and Archibald Dowglasse Earle of Angus which this Bishop incountred as much as he could take the great Sealâ— from the said Bishop of Glascow at Saint Iohns Towne whereupon the Bishop
Boswell serviteur to the said Sir George Montâ—rieff The Bishop of Orkneyes Recantation TO all and sundry whom it concernes to whose knowledge these presents shall come especially to the Reverent and Honorable Members of the future Assembly to be holden at Edenburgh the 12. day of August 1639. I Master George Gryame sometime pretended Bishop of Orkney being sorry and grieved at my heart that I should ever for my worldly respect imbraced the Order of Episcopacy the same having no warrant from the Word of God and being such an Order as hath had sensibly many fearefull and evill consequences in many parts of Christendome and particularly within the Kirke of Scotland as by dolefull and deplorable experience this day is manifest to have disclaimed like as I by the tenour hereof doe altogether disclaime and abjure all Episcopall power and Jurisdiction with the whole corruptions thereof condemned by lawfull Assemblies within the said Kirke of Scotland in regard the same is such an Order as is also abjured within the said Kirke by vertue of that Nationall Oath which was made in the yeare 1580 and 1581. Promising and swearing by the great name of the Lord our God that I shall never while I live directly nor undirectly exercise any such power within the Kirke neither yet shall I ever approve or allow the same not so much as in my private or publike discourse But on the contrary shall stand and adhere to all the Acts and Constitutions of the late Assembly holden at Glascow the 21. of November last by-past in Anno 1638 And shall concurre to the uttermost of my power sincerely and faithfully as occasion shall offer in executing the said Acts and in advancing the worke of Reformation within this Land to the glory of God the peace of the Country and the comfort and contentment of all good Christians as God shall be my helpe In testimony of the which premises I have subscribed these presents with my hand in Bricknes in Straines the second of February Anno Dom. 1639. Before these witnesses Master â—â—â—ter Stewart Minister at Souâ— randsley Master Iames Cheynie Minister at Buckwall Master Robert Peeâ—sone Minister at Firsâ— and Master Patricke Gryame Minister aâ— Holme My Sonne Before I passe to the Irish Prelates I shall close up this of the Scottish Prelates with this merry story out of the Booke of Martyrs Not long after the burning of David Stratton and Master Gurlay in the dayes of David Beaton Bishop and Cardinall of Saint Andrewes and George Treâ—chton Bishop of Dunkelden a Canon of Sainâ— Colmes Inche and Vicar of Delene called Deane Thomas Forret Preached every Sunday to his Parishioners out of the Epistle or Gospell as it fell for the time which then was a great novelty in Scotland to see any man Preach except a blacke Fryer or a gray Fryer and therefoâ—e â—he Fryers envyed him and accused him to the Bishop of Dunkelden in whose Diocesse he remained as an Heretique and one that shewed the mysteries of the Scriptuâ—es to â—he vulgar people in English to make the Clergy detestable in the sight of the people The Bishop of Dunkelden moved by the Fryers instigation called the said Deane Tâ—omas and said to him My Joy Deane Thomas I love you well and â—herefore I must give you my counsell how you shall rule and guide your selfe To whom Thomas said I thanke your Lordship heartily Then the Bishop began his Counsell on this manner My Joy Deane Thomas I am enformed that you Preach â—he Epistle or Gospell every Sunday to your Parishioners and that you take not the Cow nor the uppermost cloath from your Parishioners which thing is very prejudiciall to the Church men and therefore my Joy Deane Thomas I would you tooke your Cow and your uppermost cloath as other Church men doe or else it is too much to Preach every Sunday for in so doing you may make the people thinke that we should Preach likewise But it is enough for you when you find any good Epistle or any good Gospel that setteth forth the Liberty of the holy Church to Preach that and let the rest be Thomas answered my Lord I thinke that none of my Parishioners will complaine that I take not the Cow nor the uppermost cloath but will gladly give me the same together with any other thing that they have and I will give and communicate with them any thing that I have and so my Lord we agree right well and there is no discord among us And where your Lordship saith It is too much to preach every Sunday indeede I thinke it is too little and also would wish that your lordship did the like Nay nay Dean Thomas saith my Lord let that be for we are not ordained to preach Then sayd Thomas where your Lordship biddeth me preach when I finde any good Epistle or any good Gospell truely my Lord I have read the New Testament and the old and all the Epistles and Gospells and among them all I could never finde any evill Epistle or any evill Gospell but if your Lordship will shew me the good Epistle and the good Gospell and the evill Epistle and the evill Gospell then I shall preach the good and omit the evill Then spake my Lord stoutly and sayd I thanke God that I never knew what the old and New Testament was and of these words rose a Proverbe which is common in Scotland ye are like the Bishop of Dunkeldenâ— that knew neither new nor old Law therefore Deane Thomas I will know nothing but my Portuise and my Pontificall Goe your way and let be all these fantasies for if you persevere in thesâ— erronious opinions ye will repeâ—t it when you may not mend itâ— Thomas sayd I trust my cause be just in the presence of God and therefore I passe not much what doth follow thereupon and so my Lord and he departed at that time And soone after a Summons was directed from the Cardinall of Saint Andrewes and the sayd Bishop of Dunkelden upon the sayd Deane Thomas Forret upon two blacke Fryers called Fryer Iohn Kelow and another called Benarage and upon one Priest of Striveling called Duncane Sympson and one Gentleman called Robert Foster in Striveling with other three or foure with them of the towne of Striveling who at the day of their appearance after their summoning were condemned to the death without any place for recantation because as was alleadged they were Heresiarches or chiefe Heretiques and reachers of heresies and especially because many of them were at the bridall and marriage of a Priest who was Vicar of Twybody beside Stâ—iveling and did eate flesh in Lent at the sayd Bridall and so they were all together burnt upon the Castle hill at Edenburgh where they that were first bound to the stake godly and marvellously did comfort them which came behind This Bishop of Dunkeld and David Beton Arch-bishop of Saint Andrewes were very great persecutors of the true professors of
I trow that God would commend his Priests if they woulden forsake worldly Lordships and holden them apayd with lifelot and with cloathing and busie them fast about their heritage of Heaven And God saith Numer 18. That is You shall have no inheritance in their Land nor have no part amongst thâ—m I will be your part and inheritance amongst the children of Israel Deut. 18. The Priests and Levites and all that be of the same Tribe shall have no part nor inheritance with the rest of Israel because they shall eate the Sacrifices of the Lord and his oblations and they shall take nothing of the possession of their Brethren The Lord himselfe â—s their possession as he spake unto them And the fourteenth chapâ—er of Luke Even so every one of you which forsaketh not all that he possesseth cannot be my Disciple And Ierome in his 14 Epistle hath the like words And Bernard in his 20 Booke to Eugenius the Pope And aâ—so Hugo in his booke De Sacramentis the second part of his second booke the 7 chapter And also in the 12. q. first chapter Duo sunt and in the chapter Clericus And againe Bernard in sermone de Apostolis upon this place Ecce nos reliquimus omnia Behold we leave all c. Chrysostome upon the Gospell of Saint Matthew c. Walter Brute this Swinderbyes Disciple was Articled against before the Prelates for maintaining the same positions his Master did namely That all Priests are of like power in all points notwithstanding that some of them are in this world of higher dignity degree or preheminence And touching the wealth and Temporalties of Prelates and Clergy men and the taking away of tbem he thus concludes in his Examination before the Bishop of Hereford As touching the taking away of temporall goods from those that are Ecclesiasticall persons offending habitualiter by such as â—re temporall Lords I will not affirme any thiâ—g to be lawfull in this matter as in other matters before that is not agreeable to charity And that because it is a hard matter for a man to take another mans goods from him without breaking of charity because peradventure hee that taketh away is the more moved to such manner of taking away by reason of the desire he hath to those goods which he endureth to take away or else because of some displeasure or hatred to the person from whom he goeth about to take away those goods more then that he from whom those goods be takâ—n â—â—ould be amended Therefore unlâ—sse he that taketh away be onely moved of charity to the taking away of such goods â— dare not affirme that such taking is lawfull And if such taking away proceed of charity I dare not judge it unlawfull because that the Bishop of Rome which received his temporall dominion of the Empeâ—our when the Emperour rebelled and was not obedient unto him deprived him from his tâ—mporall jurisdiction How much more then may temporall Lords doe the same which have bestowed upon them many temporall Dominions and Lordships onely to the intent that they might the better intend to serve God and keâ—pâ— his Commandâ—ments Now if they perceive that they be against the Lawes of God and that they be oveâ— busily occupied about wordly matters I cannot see but that they may well enough take from them those temporall goods which to a good purpose they gavâ— them But if in time to come after this those that beâ— temporall Lords shall take from Ecclesiasticall persons such temporalties let him that desireth to understand this read the Prophet Ezâ—kiel in the chapter of the shepheards of Israel which fed themselves in stead of their flock and so let him read the Apocalyps of the fall of Babylon Let him also read the Popes Decretalâ— against Hereticks and in those he shall find that the taking away of the temporalties from the Clergy shall come to pasâ—e for the multitude of their sinnes This opinion That the temporall Lords might tâ—ke away the temporall goods from Churchâ—â— offending habitually wâ—s likewise maintained about the same time by Nicholas Hereford Philip Râ—â—â—ington John Asâ—â—on and generally by all the Wicklivists of that age and that without any danger at all of sacriledge or sinne with Walter Brute his limitations which opinion the Lordly Prelates of England 〈◊〉 very importunate to cause them to recant by force and flattery William Thorpe a Martyr in Henry the fourth his raigne averred That the covetousnesse of Priests and pride and the boast that they have and make of their dignity and power destroyeth noâ— onely the vertues of Priesthood in Priests themselves but also over this it stirreth God to take great vengeance both upon the Lords and upon the Commons which suffer these Priests charitably Whereupon Arundel the Archbishop said to him Thou judgest every Priest proud that will not goe arayed as thou doest by God I deeme him to be more meek that goeth every day in a Scarlet gowne then thou in thy thredbare blew gowne Whereby knowest thou a proud man And hee said Sir a proud Priest may be knowne when he denyeth to follow Christ and his Apostles in wilfull poverty and other vertues and coveâ—eth worldly worship and taketh it gladly and gathereth together with pleading menacing or with flattering or with Simony any-worldly goods and most if a Priest â—usy him not cheifly in himselfe and after in all other men and women after his cunning and power to withstand sinne And finally he adds that the viciousnesse of these foresaid named Priests and Prelates hath been long time and yet is and shall be cause of wars both within the Realme and without and in the same wise these unable Priests have been and yet are and shall â—e chiefe cause of pestilence of men and murren of beasts and the barrennesse of the earth and of all other mischiefes to the time that Lords and Commons able them through grace to know and to keep the Commandements of God inforcing them then faithfully and charitably by one assent to redresse and make one this foresaid Priesthood to the wilfull poore meeke and innocent living and teaching specially of Christ and his Apostles So hee Iohn Purvey a Martyr about the same time in a Treatise of his declared how the King the Lords and Commons may without any charge at all keepe fifteene Garrisons and find 15900 Souldiers having sufficient Lands and revenues to live upon out of the temporalties gotten into the handâ— of the Clergy and â—ained religious men which never doe thaâ— which pertaineth to the office of Curats to doe nor yet to secular Lords And moreover the King may have every yeare 20000 pound to come freely into his coffers and above also he may finde or sustaine fifteene Colledges more and 15000. Priests and Clarks with sufficient living and an hundred Hospitals for the sick and every house to have a hundred Markes in Lands And all this may they take
to take this my rude Supplication to the best as a fruit of my obedience wherein I have not dissembled but have opened fully unto your Grace the ground and very bottome of my heart not of any grudge evill will or malice that I beare to any spirituall Shepheard God I take to record but onely for the glory of God the honour of your Grace and the wealth and profit of your most naturall and loving subjects Thus this namelesse Supplicant Our learned Martyr Iohn Lambert alias Nicholson Anno 1538. in his answer to his 9. and 22. Articles thus determins of the parity and identity of Bishops and Ministers As touching Priesthood in the Primitive Church when vertue bare as ancient Doctors do deeme and Scripture in mine opinion recordeth the same most roome there were no more officers in the Church of God than Bishops and Deacons that is to say Ministers as witnesseth besides Scripture full apertly Ierome in his Commentaries upon the Epistles of Paul whereas he saith That those whom we call Priests were all one and none other but Bishops and the Bishops none other but Priests men ancient both in age and learning so neere as could be chosen Neither were they instituted and chosen as they be now adayes with small regard of a Bishop or his officer onely opposing them if they can construe a Collect but they were chosen not onely by the Bishop but also with the consent of the people among whom they should have their living as sheweth Saint Cyprian And the people as hee saith ought to have power to chuse Priests that bee men of good learning of good and honest report But alacke for pity such elections are now banished and new fashions brought in which if wee should conferre with the forme of the election shewed of Christ by his Apostle Paul wee should find no small diversity but all turned upside downe In the 2â— where you demand Whether I beleeve that it is lawfull for all Priests freely to preach the Word of God or no and that in all places at all seasons and to all persons to whom they shall please although they be not sent I say that Priests are called in Scripture by two distinct words that is to wit Presbyteri and Sacerdotes The first is to say ancient men Seniors and Elders and by that word or vocable are the secular Judges or such like head officers sometimes also signified as wee read in Daniel of these that defamed and wrongfully accused Susanna but this is seldome and nothing so customeablely as those be called Presbyteri which are set to be Prelates in the Church to guide the same by the word of God and his blessed Doctrine that is the rod of direction and the foundation of Christs faith And Priests thus called Presbyteri in the Primitive Church what time weâ—e but few traditions and ordinances to let us from the straight trade or institution made by Christ and his Apostles WERE THE SAME AND NONE OTHER BUT BISHOPS as I have shewed you in the first part of mine answer by authority of Saint Hierome and Paul recordeth the same right evidently and Tit. 1. in this forme I left thee Titus said blessed Paul behind mee in Crete that thou shouldest correct or set in a due order such things as lacke or be not else perfectly framed and that thou shouldest set Priests in every Towne like as I did appoint thee such as are without reproach or blamelesse the husband of one wife having faithfull children not subject to the vice of riot or that hee be not unruly for so ought a Bishop to be c. These are not my words but of Saint Paul in the Epistle to Titus where you may see that a Priest called Presbyter should be that same that a Bishop whom he requireth a little after to be able by wholsome Doctrine of Gods Scripture to exhort the good to follow the same doctrine and those that shall speake against it to reprove them thereby And marke you how hee would have a Bishop otherwise called an ancient man and a Priest to make exhortation by holy Scripture and thereby to reprove them that shall speake against the truth not to condemne them by might or authority only or else by traditions of men made in generall Councels And as many as are these wise Priests which are called commonly Presbyteri otherwise Bishops such as in the Church are set to take cure of soules and to be spirituall Pastors ought to Preach freely the Word of God in all places and times convenient and to whomsoever it shall please them if they suppose and see that their preaching should edifie and profit And whereas you adde this particle though they were not sent I say that all such are chosen to be Preachers and therefore sent for of this speaketh S. Gregory in his Pastorals in this wiseâ— Praedicationis quippe officium suscepit quisquis ad sacerdotium accedit c. So hee who much condemned Ex Officio Oathes and proceedings the Canon Law and inequality of Bishops and Ministers as contrary to Christs institution who made all his Apostles of equall authority in his answers to the 29.30.41 and 43. Articles too large and too common to transcribe The booke intituled The Image of a very Christian Bishop and of a counterfeit Bishop written printed cum privilegio regali in Henry the eight his raigne though by the Bishops practice called in by this Kings injunctions An. 1539. with sundry other orthodoxe bookes determins thus both of the Bishops callings and practices in those times The booke being very rare I shall transcribe more of it than otherwise I would doe Over and besides this the Ministers of the Word of God are principally bound hereunto that they shall more sharpely rebuke the Bishops and the Primates of the Church than the worldly Princes and Rulers and that for many causes first because that Ecclesiasticall highnesse and dignity as it is now is not of God for God doth not acknowledge not elect this disguised and painted deceitfull people and these childish and in a manner counterfeit and Nicholaicall Bishops forasmuch as they do neither teach noâ— yet do execute any point belonging to the office of a Bishop Secondly these shadows of Bishops have not beene constituted by men but they have exalted their owne selves and they have catched unto themselves Empire Dominion and Lordships against both God and men against reason common sense or judgement after the nature and property of Tyrants which doe rule onely by the wrath and great indignation of God The Temporall or Worldly Governours and Officers are constituted by the gracious favour and mercifull ordinance of God to the chastisement and punishment of evill men and to the protection defence and maintenance of good men Besides this the worldly Governours although they do injury and wrong never so much and do unjustly and wickedly yet for
crowne of glory Here thou seest that Peter even likewise as Paul did doth use these two words Presbyter and Episcopus both for one thing that is to wit that they are Episcopi which doe teach the people and doe preach the Word of Godâ— and he maketh them all of equall power one with another and he foâ—biddeth them to behave themselves so as if they were Loâ—ds or had dominions over those whom they have charge of He calleth himselfe a fellow Priest that I may so say by these words evidently declaring and proving that all Parish Priests and Bishops of Cities are of equall power among themselves and as touching the Authority of a Bishop that one is nothing superiour to another and that he himselfe also is fellow Priest with them and hath no more power authority in his own City then have the other or every one of them in their owne Congregationâ— Loe Peter maketh himselfe equall and not superiour to the Bishops what I beseech you will those beasts alleadge here against these things which doe not cease nor onely to be Lords and have dominion but also to exercise most cruell tyranny upon our soules and our goods which also doe never cease with exceeding mad brawlings and suites to contend and strive among themselves about the difference and degrees of power and authority And that I may once make an end Christ himselfe in the 22. chapter Luke saith The Princes of the Paynims are Lords over them and they which have power and authority over them are called beneficiall and gracious but it shall not be so among you but he that is eldest among you let him be made as youngest Hereunto hearken and give good attendance you pompous and Lordly Bishops Loe all the holy Christian people require of you a reason and cause of your domination and Lordship which you have hitherto with so many titles and also with so many tyrannous deedes taken violently usurped and challenged unto your selves Loe I say the Christian world requireth a cause of this your doing for this you cannot deny which is so open and evident afore the eyes of all men that your Kingdome is an outward and a worldly Kingdome yea and that more worldly than the Kingdome of any worldly Prince For you play the Lords openly both upon the bodies and also the minds and that not by the Word of God but by exteriour pompe by exteriour and worldly tyranny as other Princes and Rulers of the heathen people doe I say goe to therefore now and tell me how those Words of Christ vos autem non sic that is but so shal not you doe how do tâ—ey agree with that your Kingdome Goe to now because you shall not as you are very slippery slip from me let us ensearch and ponder well the signification of the words What is the meaning of these words But you not so for here undoubtedly is rebuked your Kingdomeâ— your condition state for this ought not to be such a one as it is if it were a Christian state Now let it be whatsoever manner one you will yet for all that Christ speaking of the domination of those worldly Princes saith plainely unto you for you will seeme to be Bishops But ye shall not doe so Which words hee largely prosecutes and afterwards proceedes thus You doe â—eede and nourish your selves most delicately and â—enderly in riot and pleasures with the blood and sweate of poore menâ— besides impoverishing and beggering the world with your guâ—â—es and deceipts you doe with your Excommunications and Interdictions vex and tosse all things up and downe afflicting and tormenting poore men both in soule in body and in their goods you doe extinct and destroy the Gospell and not onely your selves doe no manner of worke belonging to the Office of a Bishop but also you will not suffer any other men to preach the Word of God you doe pursue the Preachers from City to City as it was prophesied in Matth. 24. and you do expulse them as knaves and vild wretches out of all your dominions destâ—â—ctionâ— I verily to give you good and faithfull counsell would advertise you that you should purchase and get unto your selves the favour and love of the people with mildnesse with mercifulnesse with softnesse with patience and Apostolicall sincerity that is to wit with those vertues with those holy means which S Paul did use goe forth and hold on as you have begun this is even the right and next way to undoubted destruction whereunto you do so greatly make haste for even so did your Fathers the Iewes into whose hypocrisie you are succeeded who when they had slaine the Lord and author of life Jesuâ— Christ and had by degrees promulged and published the Gospell to be for bidden yet could they not rest untill they had provoked the Romans and so had sought their owne undoubted mischiefe which said Romans at the last setting violently upon them slew them and utterly destroyed them for how could you better observe and fulfill that which becommeth your personages to do than if you do goe about and endeavour to prove and shew your selves the very right and true sonnes and heires of such manner of Parents But here I see they will put upon them all the whole Episcopall armour that is to say a purple pall and a forked Miter upon their heads their gloves and their rings with precious stones to fence both their hands withall they sâ—all also have their feet shod not with the preparation of the Gospel of peace but of the sandall of vanity and a silver Crosse hanging downe to the midst of their breast and if I be not deceived a Roman Pall also covering their shoulders and a shepheards staffe to measure their pace and so then having this armour upon them with a stately and solemne gate they shall come forth c. Who hath commanded that Bishops should so play the gallants and use such pompe and gorgeousnesse of the Court Christ did openly forbid them to be as the Kings and Princes of the Gentiles where â—ee dotâ— by expresse and open words separate and divide tâ—em from Princes of the World aâ—d saith The Kings and Râ—lers of the Gentiles are Lords over them but you shall not do soe These words that Prince of Princes and King of Kings and that Lord of Majesty will not revoke hee will not abolish them nor suffer them to be thrust out of place and made void for thy peevish excuses wherewith thou dost in thy conscience coldly and faintly comâ—ort thy selfe Why dost thou not rather forsake thy Lordly Port be it never so pleasant if thou caâ—st not eâ—ecute and fulfill the offiâ—e of a Bishop why dost thou for transitory and most vild honour forget thine owne health and salvation yea moreover wittingly and willingly dost cast away thine owne soule for the most deceitfull pleasure of this life Why dost thou I say wittingly aâ—d wilfully perish Even those
men are scantly saved at the last which with couragious faith continually wrestling and fighting with their flesh and the Devill do live in a good and a vertuous kind of life why dost thou then hope in vaine â—hat thou shalt be saved among so many jeâ—pardies among so many voluptuous plaasures What doth it profit saith Christ himselfe if hee do possesse all the World and all the Kingdomes and do cast away his owne soule But whereof or which way will some say should Kings Princes Earles Barons Knights briefely all the Nobles of the world provide for their younger children if these Bishopricks if those Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches were not And therein first we may openly see the exceedinge foolishnesse and blindnesse of all Christendome which hitherto have bought commonly of the Romanists the Benefices and Prebends founded by themselves with the blood of their Children Loe here I doe speake unto thee whosoever thou art who dost wittingly so cast away thy children If any Ploughman or Smith did wound or kill thy Sonne or did defile thy daughter or thy Sister thou wouldst for anger goe about to doe the uttermost mischiefe that thou couldst to overthrow and destroy even whole Cities whole Provinces for the revenging thereof would seeme but a small matter unto thee thou wouldst thinke in thy minde it to be so high and so hainous an offence that was done unto thee but I beseech thee here open the eyes of thy minde and looke whether there can be a more sure Homicide and murtherer of thy children any more grievous and more cruell enemie unto them than thou art thine owne selfe advancing and promoting them to a Bishopricke or thrusting them downe into such a Church as they doe call it for thou makest thy sonne a Bishop which state as it is now far away from the ministration of the word and from all godlinesse thou knowest undoubtedly to be a devillish state in which thy sonne can in no wise be saved Sith it is so that thou dost know this tell me I beseech thee whether thou dost not more sore rage and use more cruelty against him than if thou cut him into gobbets and didst throw his flesh unto dogs to be devoured if thy sonne through his owne mis-understanding ignorance or error had stumbled and falne into such a certaine kind and manner of living thou oughtst with all diligence and with all thy power to labour and goe about if there were any wisedome or any point of a Christian mind in thee to rid him out of it although thou hadst but onely one loafe of bread to live on thy selfe whereof thou shouldst be faine to give him the one halfe but here I beseech thee looke upon thy selfe somewhat more neere and more narrowly whosoever thou art which dost cast downe thy children headlong into these kindes and manners of living and consider what manner of father thou art onely to keepe thy Dominion and thy riches upright and from decay onely lest thy gold and silver should be diminished if it were divided among many heires thou dost thrust downe willingly cast headlong thy Sons and kinsmen into the deep dungeon of hell neither doth it move or stirre thee any whit to see thine owne blood supped and swallowed up in the throate of the Devill and perpetually to perish so that thou be not compelled to diminish or debate any thing of thy superfluity or any parcell of thy pompe and royalty Lo this most ungracious opinion this custome is crept in and used in many places that as oftentimes as any great mans Sonne being meete rather for any other thing than for a Bishopricke is chosen and â—lected Bishop or is brought into the Temple then with solemne pompe and a solemne company set in their array are madde cries and loud shouts as it were in a triumph then all the Halls and Courts doe sound and ring with the noise of trumps with trumpets with â—â—breâ—sâ— then are in every place lighted tapers and torches then that solemne Song Te Dewn laudamus is thundered out so that these triumphs do plainly represent unto us the image of those foolish Kings of Israel which did burne up their sonnes and daughâ—ers for a Sacrifice in the honour of the Idol Moloâ—â— and with the divers loud sounds of trumps did bring to passe that the lamentable crying ouâ— and wayling of them that were in the midst of the fire could not be heard The author of this booke hath many such like passages against Bishops And as for Cathedrall Churches hee stiles them Stewes and the Gates of hell a certaine unsatiable bottomlesse whirle poole which swallowes up the riches of Kings of Princes of Dukes of Earles of the Common people and of all the world But I passe from this old Treatise About the same time there was a Treatise expressing the causes of the Divisions betweene the Spiritualty and the Temporalty Printed Londini in aedibus Thomâ— Bartheleti prope aquagium sitis sub intersignio Lucretiae Romanae excus Cum Privilegio I shall transcribe no passages out of this Treatise but onely the Table of the Chapters at the end thereof wherein the causes of the division betweene the Spiritualty and the Temporalty are summarily expressed Chap. 1. That the Division among spirituall men themselves hath beene one cause of the Division that is now betweene the spiritualty and temporalty in this Realme Chap. 2. That the omitting of divers good lawes with certain defalts disorders in men of the Church which among others be recited and declared by John Gerson have been another occasion of this division Among these he numbers the neglect of these two Canons That Bishops should have poore apparell lodging and table and should not strive for transitory things And the Clerkes shall not take upon them the acts or procurations of spirituall men Chap. 3. That certaine Lawes made by the Church wherein it is recited Quod Laici sunt Clericis infesti That is to say That Lay men be cruell to Clerkes hath beene another cause of this division Chap. 4. That the extreme Lawes made by the Church for laying violent hands upon Clerkes have beene another cause of this Division Chap. 5. That the disordering of the generall sentence of excommunication hath beene another occasion of the said division which saith hee will never be appeâ—sed till the heads spirituall will reforme themselves and shew a fatherly affection to the people and not extend the sentence oâ— the Church upon so light causes and upon such partiality as they have done in times past Chap. 6. That another occasion of this division hath partly risen by temporall men through disordering of their Chaplaines and Chauntry Priests Chap. 7. That suits taken in the Spirituall Courts Ex officio have beene another occasion of this Division which suits together with Oathes Ex officio whereby a man shall be condemned and not know the names of them that be causes
in their office as Prelates be wee should not long live for lacke of sustenance And as it is necesâ—ary to have this ploughing for the sustentaâ—ion of the body so must wee have also the other for the â—atisfaction of the soule or else we cannot live long ghostly for as the body wasteth and consumeth away for lacke of bodily meate so doth the soule pine away for want of ghostly meate And as diligently as the Husband man plougheth for the sustentation of the Body so diligently must the Prelates and Ministers labour for the feeding of the soule Both the Ploughs must still be going as most necessary for man they have great labours and therefore they ought to have good livings that they may commodiously feed their flocke for the preaching of the Word of God is called meate Scripture calleth it meate not strawburies that come but once a yeare and tarry not long but are soone gone but it is meate it is no dainties the people must have meate that must be familiar and continuall and daily given unto them to feed on c. And wherefore are Magistrates ordained but that the tranquillity of the Common-wealth may be confirmed limiting both Ploughes But now for the fault of unpreaching Prelates mee thinkes I could guesse what might be said for excusing of them they are so troubled with Lordly living they be so placed in Palaces couched in Courts ruffling in their rents dauncing in their Dominions burthened with Embassages pampering of their paunches like a Monke that maketh his Iubilee mounching in their maungers and moyling in their gay Mannors and Mansions and so troubled with loytering in their Lordships that they cannot attend it they are otheâ—wise occupied some in Kings matters some are Embassadours some of the Privie Counsell some furnish the Court some are Lords of Parliament some aree Presidents and controllers of Mints Well well Is this their duty is this their calling is this a meere office for a Priest to be controllers of Mints is this a meete office for a Priest that hath cure of soules is this his charge I would here aske a question Who controlleth the Divell at home at his Parish whiles hee controlleth the Mint If the Apostles might not leave the office of preaching to be Deacons shall one leave it for minting I cannot tell you the saying is that since Priests have beene Minters money hath beene worse than it was before And they say that the evilnesse of money hath made all things deere And in this behalfe I must speake to England Heare my Country England as Saint Paul said in 1 Cor. 6. for Paul was no sitting Bishop but a walking and a preaching Bishop Is there saith hee Congregationâ— Which hee speaketh in rebuking them â—or saith hee ad eâ—ubescentiam vestram dico I speake it to your shame So England I speake it to thy shame is there never a Nobleman to be a Lord President but it must be a Prelate Is there never a wise man in the Realm to be a Controller of the Mint I speake it to your shame I speake it to your shame If there be never a wise man make a water-bearer a tinker a cobler a slave a page controller of the Mint Make a meane Gentleman a Groome a Yeoman make a poore Begger Lord President Thus I speake not that I would have it so but to your shame Is there never a Gentleman meete nor able to be Lord President For why are noâ— the Noble men and young Gentlemen of England so brought up in the knowledge of God and in learning that they be able to execute offices in the Common-wealth the King hath a great many Wards and I heare there is a Court of Wards Why is there not a Schoole of Wards as well as there is a Court for their Lands Why are they not set to the Schooles where they may learne or why are they not sent to Universities that they may be able to serve the King when they come to age The onely cause why Noble men be not made Lord Presidents is because they have not beene brought up in learning yet there be already Noblemen enough though not so many as I could wish able to be Lord Presidents and wise men enough for the Mint and as unmeet a thing it is for Bishops to be Lord Presidents or Priests to be minters as it was for the Corinthians to plead matters of variance before heaâ—hen Judges It is also a slaunder to the Noblemen as though they lacked wisedome and learning to be able for such offices A prelate hath a charge and cure otherwise and therefore he cannot discharge his dutyâ— and be a Lord President too for a Presidentship requireth a whole man and a Bishop cannot be two men A Bishoop hath his office a flocke to teach to looke unto and therefore he canâ—ot meddle with another office which requireth an whole manâ— hee should therefore give it over to whom it is meete and labour in his owne businesse as Paul writeth to the Thessalonians Let every man doe his owne businesse and follow his calling Let the Priest preach and the Noblemen handle Temporall matters Well I would all men would looke to their duty as God hath called them and then wee should have a flourishing Christian Commonweale c. You may read all the Sermon to this purpose In the close whereof he proves the devill to be the best Bishop in England because hee alwaies followes his plough night and day is never a Non-resident and manifests our Bishops even in King Edwardâ— dayes when they were best to be as bad or worse than the Devill and chargeth the King in many of his Sermons to out with them and make them all Quondamâ— In his fift Sermon before King Edward f. 61 62. he thus prosecutes the same argument Though I say that I would wish more Lord Presidents I meane not that I would have Prelates Lord Presidents noâ— that Lord Bishops should be Lord Presidents As touching that I said my mind and consâ—ience the last yeare And although it is said Praesint it is not meant that they should be Lord Presidents the office of a Presidentâ—hip is a Civill office and it cannot be that one man shall discharge both well c. In his Sermon at Stanford p. 96. Christ was not the Emperours Treasurer therefore he meddled not with that point but left it to the Treasurer to define and determine Hee went about another vocation to preach unto the people their duty and to obey their Princes Kings Emperours and Magistrates and to bid them give that the King requireth of them not to appoint a King what hee shall require of them It is meete for every man to keepe his owne vocation and diligently walke in it and with faithfulnesse to study to be occupied in that God hath called him unto and not to be busie in that God hath not called him unto c. In his Sermon on S. Iohn Evangelists
Parliament holden in the first yeare of the Queenes Majesties Raigne was no Parliament for that your Bishops refused wilfully to agree unto the godly Lawes there concluded yee seeme therein to bewray in your selfe some want of skill the wise and learned could soone have told you that in the Parliaments of England matters have evermore used to passe not of necessity by the speciall consent of the Archbishops and Bishops as if without them no Statute might lawfully be enacted but onely by the more part of the voyces yea altâ—ough all the Archbishops and Bishops were never so earnestly bent against it And Statutes so passing in Parliament onely by the voyces of the Lords temporall without the consent and agreement of the Lords Spiriâ—uall have neverthelesse alwayes bin confirmed and ratified by the reall assent of the Prince have bin enacted published under the names of the Lords spirituall Temporall Read the Statutes of King Edward the first There shall yee finde that in a Parliament solemnly hoâ—tlen by him at S. Edmundbury the Archbishops and Bishops were quite shut forth and yet the Parliament held on and good and wholsome lawes were there enacted the departing or absâ—nce or malice of the Lords Spirituall notwithstanding In the records thereof it is written thus The King keeping the Parliament wiâ—h his Barons the Clergy that is to say the Archbishops and Bishops being shut forth it was enacted c. Likewise In provisione de Martona in the time of King Henry the third Whereas matter was moved of Bastardy touching the Legitimation of Bastards borne before Marriage The Statute past wholly with the Lords Temporall whether the Lords Spirituall would or no yea and that contrary to the expresse Decrees and Canons of the Church of Rome The like hereof as I am informed may be found Rich. 2. An. 11. c. 3. Howbeit in these cases I must confesse I walke somewhat without my compasse Touching the judgement hereof I reâ—erre my selfe wholly unto the Learned Further whereas yee call the Doctrine of Christ that now by Gods great mercy and to your great griefe is universally and freely preached a Parliament Religion and a Parliament Gospell for such sobriety becommeth you well and may stand you in stead when learning fayleth yee might have remembred that Christ himselfe at the beginning waâ— universally received and honoured through this Realm by assent of Parliament and further that without Parliament your Pope himselfe was never received no not in the late time of Queene Maâ—y Yea and even then his holinesse was clogged with Parliament conditions that whatsoever had beene determined in Parliament and was not repealed were it never so contrary to his will and Canons should remaine still inviolable and stand in force Otherwise his holinesse had gone home againe Such M. Harding is the authority of a Parliament Verily if Parliaments of Realmes be no Parliaments then will your Pope be no Pope Therefore as you now call the truth of God that wee professe a Parliament Religion and a Parliament Gospell even so with like sobriety and gravity of speech yee might have said Our Fathers in old times had a Parliamenâ— Christ. And your late Fathers and Brethren had of late in the time of Queene Mary a Parliament Faith a Parliament Masse a Parliament Pope Neither is it so strange a matter to see Ecclesiasticall causes debated in Parliament Read â—he Lawes of K. Inas K. Elfred K. Edward K. Ethelstane K. Edmund K. Edgar K. Canute and yee shall find that our godly fore-fathers the Princes and Peeres of this Realme never vouchsafed to intrâ—at of matters of Peace or Warre or otherwise touching the Common State before all controversieâ— of Religion and causes Eâ—clesiasticall had beene concluded King Canutâ— in his Parliament holden at Winchester upon Christmas day after sundry Lawes and Orders made touching the Faith the keeping of Hâ—ly-dayes Publikâ— prayers learning of the Lords Prayer receiving of the Communion thrice in the yeare the manner and â—orme of Baptisme Fasting and other like matters of Religion in the end thereof saith thus Iam sequitur institutio Legum Secularium Now followeth an order of Temporall Lawes In a Parliament holden by King William the Conquerour it is written thus Rex quia Vicarius Summi Regis est ad hoc constituitur ut Regnum populum Domini super omnia sanctam Ecclesiam regat defendat c. The King for as much as hee is the Vicar of the Highest King is thererefore appointed to this purpose that hee should rule and defend the Kingdome and people of the Lord and above all things the holy Church c. Hereby it appeareth that Kings and Princes are specially and of purpose appointed by God not onely to defend but also to Governe and Rule the Holy Church Thus farre Bishop Iewell who here clearly affirmes that Parliaments may be kept and matters of Religion there determined without Bishops Neither is this any strange doctrine for not onely Mâ— Richard Crompton in his Iurisdiction of Courts fol. 19 20. who cites this passage of Bishop Iewell is of the same opinion but in the famous case of Doctor Standish in the 7. yeare of King Henry the eight at a meeting at Blacke Fryers before the King himselfe the whole Temporall Councell and a Committee of both Houses of Parliament it was resolved by all the Judges That our Lord the King may very well hold his Parliament by himselfe his Temporall Lords and by his Commons altogether without the Spirituall Lords for the spiriâ—uall Lords have no place in the Parliament Chamber of reason of their spirituality but only by reason of their Temporall possessions or Baronies And if this be not sufficient evidenceâ— Bishop Latimer in his fourth Sermon of the Plough p. 19 20. complaines against Bishops placing in being Lords of the Parliament makes this one chiefe cause that they be unpreaching Prelates lazie loyterers and idle Ministers Yea Thomas Bilson Bishop of Winchester a great Patriot of Episcopacie resolves and proves as much in his Booke intituled The true difference betweene Christian Subjection and unchristian Rebellion part 3. p. 540 541 542. If her Majesâ—y receivâ—d and â—stablished nothing but the truth of Christ in her Paâ—liament in vaine do you barke against God and the Magistrate for lacke of competent Courts Ecclesiasticall Judges and legall meanes to debate and decide matters of Religion Whâ—n God commandeth all humane barres and Lawes do cease If they joyne with God they may be used if they impugne the truth they must be despised And yet in our case the Scepter united and adjoyned it selfe to the word of God and therefore if Princes may command for truth in their owne dominions as I have largely proved they may why should not the Prince having the full consent of her Nobles and Commons restore and settle the truth of God within her Realme Phil. Lay men may not pronounce of
Faith Theo. But Laymen may choose what faith they will professe and Princes may dispose of their Kingdomes though Priests and Bishops would say nay Phi. Religion they may not dispose without a Councell Theo. Not if God command Phi. How shall they know what God commandeth unlesse they have a Councell Theo. This is childish wrangling I aske if God command whether the Prince shall refuse to obey till the Clergy confirme the same Phi. You may be sure a wise and sober Clergy will not dissent from Gods precepts Theo. What they will doe is out of our matter But in case they doe to which shall the Prince hearken to God or those that beare themselves for Priests Phi. In case they doe so you need not doubt but God must be regarded and not men Theo. And hath the Prince sufficient authority to put that in â—re which God commandeth though the Priests continue their wilfulnes Phi. There is no Councell nor consent of men good against God Theo. Hold you there Then when Châ—istian Princes are instructed and resolved by learned and faithfull teachers what God requireth at their hands what need they care for the backward disposition of such false Prophets as are turned from the truth and preach lyes Phi. In England when her Majesty came to the Crowne it was not so The Bishops that dissented were grave vertuous and honourable Pastors standing in defence of the Catholicke and ancient Faith of their Fathers Theo. You say so wee say no. Phi. Those be but words Theo. You say very right and therefore the more to blame you that in both your bookes doe play on that string with your Rhetoricall and Thrasonicall fluence and never enter any point or proofe that my profiâ— your Reader you presume your selves to have such apparent right and rule over the Faith over the Church over Christian Princes and Realmes that without your consent they shall neither conclude nor consult what religion they will professe Their acts shall be disorders their Lawes injuries their correction tyranny if you mislike them This dominion and jurisdiction over all Kingdomes and Countries if your holy Father and you may have for the speaking you were not wise if you would not claime it but before we beleeve you you must bring some better ground of your Title then such magnificall and majesticall florishes The Prince and the parliament you say had no power to determine or deliberate of those mattersâ— And why so you to wit Bishops did dissent May not the Prince command for truth within her Realme except your consents be first required and had May not her Highnesse serve Christ in making Lawes for Christ without your liking Claime you that interest and prerogative that without you nothing shall be done in matters of Religion by the Lawes of God or by the liberties of this Realme By the Lawes of the Land you have no such priviledge Parliaments have beene kept by the King and his Barons the Clergy wholly excluded yet their Acts and Statutes good And when the Bishops were present their voyces from the Conquest to this day were never negative By Gods Law you have nothing to do with making Lawes for Kingdomes and commonâ—wealths you may teach you may not command Perswasion is your part compulsion is the Princes If Princes imbrace the truth you must obey them If they pursue truth you must abide them By what authority then claime you this Dominion over Princes that their Lawes for Religion shall be void unlesse you consent Phi. They be no Judges of faith Theo. No more are you It is lawfull for any Christian to reject your doctrine if he perceive it to be false though you teach it in your Churches pronounce it in your Councels to be never so true Phi. That proveth not every private mans opinion to be true Theo. Not yet to be false the greater number is not ever a sure warrant for truth And Judges of faith though Princes be not yet are they maintainers establishers and upholders of faith with publike power and positive Lawes which is the point you now withstand Phil. That they may do when a Councell is precedent to guide them Theo. What Councellâ— had Asa the King of Judah when he commanded his peoplâ— to do according to the Law and the Commandment and made a covâ—nant that whosoever would not seeke the Lord God of Israel should be slaine Phi. He had Azariah the prophet Theo. One man is no Councell and he did but encourage and commend the King and that long after hee had established Religion in his Realme What councell had Ezechiah to lead him when he restored the true worship of God throughout his land and was faine to send for the Priests and Levites and to put them in mind of their duties What Councell had Iosiah when ten yeares after his comming to the Crowne he was forced to send for direction to Huldath the Prophetesse not finding a man in Iudah that did or could undertake the charge Phi. These were Kings of the Old Testament and they had the Law of God to guide them Theo. Then since Christian Princes have the same Scriptures which they had and also the Gospell of Christ and Apostolike writings to guide them which they had not why should they not in their Kingdomes retaine the same power which you see the Kings of Judah had and used to their immorâ—all praise and joy Phi. The Christian Emperours ever called Councells before they would attempt any thing in Ecclesiasticall matters Theo. What Councell had Constantine when with his Princely power he publikely received and settled Christian religion throughout the World twenty yeares before the Fathers met at Nice What councels had Iustinian for all those Ecclesiasticall constitutions and orders which hee decreedâ— and I have often repeated What Councels had Charles for the Church Lawes and Chapters which he proposed and enjoyned as well to the Pastors as to the people of his Empire Phi. They had instruction by some godly Bishops that were about them Theo. Conference with some Bishops such as they liked they might have but councells for these causes they had none In 480. years after Christian Religion was established by Christian Laws I mean from Constantine the first to Constantine the seventh there were very neere forty Christian Emperours whose Lawes and Acts for Ecclesiasticall affaires were infinite and yet in all that time they never called but sixe generall Councels and those for the Godhead of the Sonne and the Holy Ghost and for the two distinct natures and wills in Christ. All other points of Christian Doctrine and Discipline they received established and maintained without â—ecumenicall Councels upon the private instruction of such Bishops and clerkes as they favored or trusted Theodosius as I shewed before made his owne choyce what faith he would follow had no man nor meanes to direct him unto truth but
Caesar as matters committed of trust to you by Christian Princes are nothing else but open and wifâ—ull invasions of other mens rights you changing the names and calling those things Spirituall and Ecâ—lesiasticall which indeede be civill and temporall and shouldering Priâ—ces from their cushins who first suffered Bishops to sir judges in those causes of Honour to their Persons and favour to their sunctions which on your part is but a bad requitall of their Princely graces and benefits He addes S. Paul expressely writeth of the Prince that He beareth the sword not without cause and is Gods minister to revenge him that doth evill And our Saviour severely forbiddeth Peâ—er and the rest of the Apostles to meddle with the sword All that take the sword shall perish by the sword and to them all you know that Kings of Nations raigne â—ver themâ— and they that be great exercise authority with you it shall not be so The sword is but the signe of publicke and Princely power and where the thing is not lawfull the signe is unlawfull Since then the Lord interdicteth his Apostles and messengers all Princely power it is evident the sword which is â—ut a signe thâ—reof is likewise interdicted them Thus much Bernard sticketh not to tell Pope Eugenius to his face It is the Lords voice in the Gospell Kings of Nations are Lords over them and they that have power over them are called gratious and the Lord inferreth you shall not be so It is a cleare case the Apostles are forbidden dominion Gâ— thou then saith Bernard to the Pope and usurpe if thou dâ—re either an Apostleship if thou be a Prince or dominion if thou be Apostolike Thou art expresly forbidden one of them If thou wilt have both thou shalt lose both The patterne of an Apostle is this Dominion is interdicted service is enjoyned Gird thy selfe with thy sword the sword of the spirit which is the Word of God And this Pope Nicholas fairely confesseth The Church of God hath no sword but the spirituall wherewith she quickneth shee killeth not Your owne Law saith It is easily proved of Bishops and other Clergy mâ—n whatsoever that they may not either by their owne authority or by the authority of the Bishop of Româ— take weapon in hand and excercise the materiall sword and addeth his reason For every man besides him and his authority which hath lawfull â—â—wer and which as the Apostle saith beareth the sword not without cause to whom every soule ought to be subject every man I say that without his authority taketh the sword shall perish with the sword He that beareth the sword may lawfully put malefactors to death and wage warre with his enemies when need so requireth which Bishops may not doe The weapons of our warfare are not carnall saith Saint Paul Quid Episcopis cum bello what have Bishops to doe with battle saith Athanasius and Aâ—brose Pugnâ—re non debâ—o I ought not to fight If they may not fight much lesse kill if they may do neither they cannot beare the sword which is appointed by God and received of men to do both The words of our Saviour are cleare with us for the negative My Kingdome saith hee is not of this World if then your Priests Prelates and Popes will be the servants of Christ they must challenge no worldly Kingdome as from him or in his name The servant is not above his Master If the master with his owne mouth have denyed it the servants may not affirme it or usurpe it The souldiers of Christ must not intangle themselves with secular affaires much lesse make themselves Lords and Judge of earâ—hly matters which office properly belongeth to the sword and must be sustained of all those that beare the sword The Popes themselves beâ—ore their power and pride grew so great were of this opinion with us Thus and much more Bishop Bilson to the same effect Not to trouble you with more quotations of this nature which are infinite I shall conclude onely with two more auâ—horities of men of greatest eminence and learning in our Church in Queene Elizabeths later dayes The first of them is Dr. Whitakers Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge he in his Booke Contra Duâ—eum l. 6. sect 19. Controvers 4. De Ecclesiae regimine Quest. 1. c. 1. sect 1. 2. c. 2. sect 16. Quest. 4. c. 3. sect 25 26 27 28 29 30 31. De notis Ecclesiae qu. 5. c. 6. p 509 and Contr. 2. Concil qu. 3. c. 2. p. 586 587. reciting Saint Ieromes words at large on Titus 1. and to Euagrius concludes with him That in former times Bishops and Presbyters were all one and the same that every where a Presbyter was the same that a Bishop is that ALL Churches were not under the Government of one man but were governed by the Common Counsell of their Presbyters Ecclesiae inquit Jeronymus gubernabantur c. id est VBIQVE OMNES fuit hiâ— MOS Ecclesiarum gubernandarum That this custome was not changed by the Apostles sed POST Ecclesie judicto That Bishops are greater now than Ministers not by divine institution but custome and that humano non divino jure totum â—oc discrimen constat the whole difference betweene them is by humane not by divine Law or right That by ancient and divine right a Presbyter was lesse than a Bishop NIHILO in nothing After which he proceeds thus If the Apostles had changed that order as Sanders pretendeth what had it profited Hierome with so great diligence to have collected testimonies out of the Apostles whereby to shew that they were sometimes the same It might easily come into his memory that this order was changed by the Apostles themselves after the Church was disturbed and torne with discords But wherfore then saith Hierom Before it was said I am of Paul c. the Church was Governed by the Common Councell of Presbyters c. I answer this might deceive Sanders Hierome onely alluded to the place of the Apostle that hee might shew that schismes were the cause of changing this order as hee saith elsewhere that this was done to remedy schismes But this remedy was almost worse than the disease For as at first one Presbyter was set above the rest and made a Bishop so afterwards one Bishop was preferred before the rest and so this custome brought forth the Pope with his Monarchy by little and little and brought it into the Church Ierome so openly oppugneth the Pontificall Hierarchy that the Papists know not what to determine or answere concerning Hierome Michael Medina doubts not to affirme that Ierome was an Hereticke in this kinde and that he held the very same opinion that Aerius did verily Hierome was of the same opinion with Aerius whereby we may the lesse regard that Aerius is so often objected to us AB INSULSIS HOMINIBUS
very necessary nor usefull in the Church for after the death of Paulinus the first Bishop of Yorke that See continued voyd of a Bishop 30. yeares So after the translation of Mellitus to Canterbury Anno. 617. that See continued voyd neere 40 yeares and how these and other Bishoprickes have continued voyd in severall ages 2.3.4.6.10.15.20 and 30. yeares together without any prejudice I have elsewhere manifested more at large If then our Bishoprickes may want Bishops for so many yeares space without any inconvenience to our Church when as no Parish Church by our Common and the Canon Lawes ought to be voyd above sixe moneths at most I presume by the selfe-same reason our Church may well subsist without for all future times especially now when there are so many complaints and petitions against them and so many Bishoprickes voyde of Prelates already Finally in those primitive times Bishops were not so great but that some of them were subject unto Presbyters For our venerable Beda informes us of an Island in Ireland which in those dayes had an Abbot Presbyter for its governour to whose jurisdiction the whole Province Et etiam Episcopi sunt subjecti and even Bishops themselves were subject according to the example of the first Teacher thereof who was no Bishop but a Presbyter and a Monke So the Abbot of Glastonbury exempt from all Episcopall Jurisdiction had a kinde of superiority above the Bishop of Bath and Wells which Bishop by the Charter of King Ina was bound with his Clerkes at Wells every yeare Ipsam matrem suam Glastoniensem Ecclesiam feria secunda post ascensionem Domini cum Litania recognoscere to doe his homage to his mother Church of Glastonbury with a Letany quod si superbia inflatus distulerit and if he refused to doe it out of pride then hee was to forfeite two houses which this King gave him And in the Excerptions of Egbert Archbishop of Yorke Anno. 750. I finde these Canons of the fourth Councell of Carthage revived here among us as Ecclesiasticall Lawes That Bishops and Presbyters should have Hospitiolum a little Cottage not a Lordly Palace neare the Church That the Bishop in the Church by the consent of the Presbyters should set somewhat above them but within the house Collegam Presbyterorum se esse cognoscat should know himselfe to be the Colleague or Companion of the Presbyters That a Bishop should not ordaine Clerkes without a Councell of his Presbyters That a Bishop should heare no mans cause without the presence of his Clerkes except the cause of confession because a decree cannot be firme which shall not seeme to have the consent of many All which considered it is evident that our Bishops in those dayes had no Lordly Jurisdiction over other Ministers no such sole power of Ordination and judicature as our present Lord Bishops now claime and exercise as their peculiar right Therefore their Antiquity and Episcopacy can be no warrant at all for the lawfulnesse or continuance of our Lordly Prelacy Thirdly admit our Bishops as ancient as King Lucius dayes or there abouts yet this is no good Plea for their continuance First because our Abbots Priors Monkes could make as good if not a better prescription for themselves as our Lordly Prelates who can alleadge nothing for their continuance but what these either did or might have done when they were suppressed For first our Monkes Abbots Priors and their Abbeyes were every way as ancient if not elder then our Lordly Bishops and Bishoprickes the Monkes and Abbey of Glastonbury deriving their pedegree from Ioseph of Aramathea which Church and Abbey our writers call Prima Ecclesia fons Origo totius Religionis c. the first Church the fountaine and Originall of all our Religion And many other of our other Abbies as that of Winchester S. Albans Westminster with others being ancienter than all or most of our Bishoprickes Secondly Most of them were confirmed by more Acts of Parliament Bulls of Popes and Charters of our Kings endowed with greater priviledges than any of our Bishoprickes whatsoever as is evident by the Charters Bulls and exemptions granted to Glastonbury Saint Albans Berry Redding Westminster Saint Augustine of Canterbury Abingdon and Wâ—â—â—â—â—â—ster Thirdly many of our Abbots and Priors sometimes above an hundred were mitred had Episcopall Iurisdiction and sate in Parliament as Barons and Peers of the Realme as well as Bishops yet notwithstanding they were all suppressed by Acts of Parliament even in time of Popery though double in number to our Bishops therefore our Bishops and Bishoprickes being now found by long experience not onely unprofitable but pernitious to our Kings and State as here I have manifested and to our Church our Religion as our Booke of Martyrs largely demonstrates may lawfully be extirpated notwithstanding this Plea of Antiquity as well as they Fourthly the Bishops in other reformed Churches could and did plead as large Antiquity and prescription for their continuance as our Prelates doe yet that could not secure them from dissolution but these Churches wholly suppressed them therefore it is no good Plea for us to continue our Prelates yea in my weake judgement it is an argument not for but against our Bishops continuance that they have beene tolerated so long since evils and grievances as our Lordly Prelates have ever beene to our Church and Kingdome are so much the more speedily and carefully to be suppressed by how much the more inveterate and lasting they have beene In a word the government of our Church by a Presbytery hath beene more ancient more profitable and lesse prejudiciall to our State Kings Church than the Government of our Lordly Prelacy therefore it is most reasonable that it should be revived reestablished and the Prelacy suppressed All which I hope may suffice in Answere to the first part of this grand objection which hath stumbled many To the second branch of it touching the danger and inconvenience of this change in suppressing Episcopacy I answer First that there can bee no danger or inconvenience at all therein because the people generally most earnestly desire pray for expect it and have preferred many Petitions to the High Court of Parliament to effect it Secondly because all things are now prepared for this alteration the wickednesse misdemeanors prophanenesse superstition oppression of our present Prelates with the great troubles and combustions they have raised in our Church our State to their intolerable charge and molestation deserve and call for this alteration the present constitution of our Church State people yea our correspondency with Scotland with other reformed Churches requires it the divisions and distractions in our Church which in many wise mens apprehensions cannot be reconciled nor any unity or uniformity in Gods worship established among us without it call for it Episcopacy being now growne such a roote of bitternesse and wall of partition as there is
little hope of any unity peace or harmony in our Church if it continue Thirdly admit some petty inconveniences may arise by such an alteration and extirpation of Episcopacy yet these are nothing comparable for weight or number to those mischiefes which will certainely accrue by its continuance Since therefore of two evils the lesse is ever to be elected it will bee farre more expedient to our Church and State totally and finally to suppresse then to support our Lordly Prelacy And thus much for this Capitall Objection The second Allegation for the continuance of Episcopacy is this that if Bishops be taken away we shall have nothing but Sects Schismes and divisions in our Church and almost as many Religions as men To this I answere First that the tyranny Lordlinesse prophanenesse Superstition and Innovations of our Prelates both in Ceremones Doctrine Worship have beene the Originall Principall if not onely cause of all those Sects divisions and Separations lately sprung up in our Church for proofe of which I appeale onely to every mans conscience and experience it being a most knowne undubitable truth the removing therefore of our Bishops the cause of all our Schismes and devisions must needes be a meanes of future peace and unity not cause of Schismes or divisions in Religion as is vainely suggested Secondly Episcopacy it selfe is now a maine ground of Separation from our Church the great stumbling blocke which causeth many dayly to fall off from us and hinders others from closing with us all other grounds of Separation and division depending on or arising from Episcopacy And unlesse this be removed in my poore apprehension there can be no hopes at all of any reconciliation of those who are fallen off from us or keeping others from separation but the rent will still grow greater what ever course else be taken to effect a Union Therefore questionlesse the abolishing of Episcopacy cannot be a meanes of increasing Schismes or divisions but the best and readiest way to remedy and prevent them Thirdly Saint Ierome and others informe us that Episcopacy was first instituted to prevent and extirpate Schismes but it hath beene so farre from effecting this that it hath on the contrary occasioned all or most of those Schismes and divisions that ever happened in the Church of God since its first institution both at home and abroad as is evident by all Ecclesiasticall Histories by the severall Schismes of the Popes and other Prelates in forraigne parts of Canterbury Yorke and other Lordly Prelates at home which if God send life and opportunity I shall irrefragably manifest in a peculiar Treatise of that Subject if there be occasion It cannot be then but that their suppression should rather remedy than procure Sects and Schismes Fourthly in the reformed Churches of France and Geneva where there are no Bishops there are no Sects or Schismes at all or at least not so many as where there are Bishops And though im Germany and the Netherlands there bee many Sects yet this is not through want of Bishops but by reason of the connivance of the temporall Magistrates who permit them and wil neither suppresse them themselves nor suffer their Presbyteries to doe it out of I know not what State policy permitting all Religions and Sects Fifthly our Bishops ever since the Reformation and before have beene the greatest opposers and hinderers of the reformation of those abuses and fooleries the introducers and maintainers of those Ceremonies and Superstitions which have beene the grand occasions of Schismes and Separation How often have Pluralities Non-residence abuses of Excommunication Ex Officio Oathes and proceedings Visitation Fees and extortions abuses of Ecclesiasticall Courts and processes Selling of Orders of licenses to preach keepe Schoole and the like commutations of penance admission of prophane and scandalous persons to the Sacrament toleration of scandalous superstitious lasie non-preaching rare-preaching and insufficient Ministers Altars Images Tapers Cathedrall chaunting and musicke bowing at Altars and to the name Jesus with those Superfluous Ceremonies of the Crosse Ring Surplesse and kneeling at the Sacrament which scandalize many and may be better omitted than retained beene complained against from time to time in Parliament and elsewhere without any the least redresse or reformation and all by reason of our Prelates obstinacy who peremptorily maintaine and will not suffer them to be either amended or removed to the glory of God the honour of our Religion the satisfying of tender Consciences the peace of our Church and State and doe they not now in this present Parliament which threatens ruine to their Lordly chaires oppose with all their mightâ— the reformation of all or most of those corruptions which are the occasions of our Schismes and distractions Yea did they not in their late new Canons in affront of the whole Parliament and Kingdome not onely justifie but establish as much as in them lay and that for perpetuity all those Innovations extravagances and grievances which were chiefe occasions of our late unhappy divisions and of many thousands separations from our Church This being then an experimentall knowne â—ruth the removing of these incorrigible Prelates who will neither refoâ—me themselves nor suffer any abuses in our Church to be redressed must of necessity be the onely cure of our renâ—s and divisions for the present and the best meanes to prevent them for the future Sixthly I appeale to all indifferent men whether Schismes and diversities in matters of Religion may not be better prevented suppressed by good Lawes by godly Magistrates and Ministers specially authorized to suppresse them than by a company of corrupt Prelates and their Officers who for their owne private Lucre as experience manifests will bee content to tolerate and connive at any erronious doctrines Sects and Schismes especially Papists and Arminians the chiefe patriots and supporters of their Hierarchy but those who directly oppose their Prelacy and corruptions as â—hose they nickename Puritanes doe who shall be sure to smart and feele the Bishops severity to the uttermost how ever others scape If so then I hope there is no neede at all to continue our Lordly Prelates to suppresse these mischiefes which may be better reformed and suppressed by others than by our Bishops and their Officers I shall conclude this point with the words of learned Antonie Sadeel in his answere to Turrian the Jesuite who made the same objection for the defence and continuance of Bishops as our Prelates doe here I answere in few words That this superiour degree of Bishops is an ancienâ— but yet ONELY a humane Institution whereby the pious Ancients intended to prevent Schismes And although perchance considering those times this remedy was not unusefull yet experience hath taught us that these good Fathers while they desired to shunâ— Charybdis fell into Scylla For the ambition of Prelates which followed soone after was no lesse pernicious to the Church than those Schismes And to speake truely THIS
Privilegium meretur amittere qui abutitur potestate Now whereas some Object that if the Bishops were put out of the Upper House of Parliament the Clergie could not grant subsidies to the King I answere it is a most grosse mistake for the Clergie ever grant their subsidies in the Convocation not in the Lords house and if the Major part of the Clerkes in Convocation grant subsidies without the Bishops and then send their Bill by which they grant them to the Commons and Lords House to be confirmed as they usually doe if the Commons and Temporall Lords without the Bishops passe it this with the Kings Royall assent will binde all the Clergie and Bishops too So as their presence and votes in Parliament is no wayes necessary for the granting of Subsidies Wherefore they may be thence excluded without any prejudice to the King or Subject if not with great benefit unto both For the third clause of the Objection that the removall of them will breede a great confusion in the Common and Statute Law I answere first that the same Objection might have beene made for the continuance of the Pope and Popery yea against the severall Statutes for Creating estate Tayles levying of Fines Vses Devises Ioyntures and the like which bred greater alterations in the Common and former Statute Lawes than the removing of Bishops can doe Secondly that one Act of Parliament â—nabling certaine Commissioners to execute all those Legall Acts which Bishops usually did will prevent all this pretended confusion so that this part of the Objection is scarce worthy answere For the fourth clause that the King by his Coronation Oath is sworne to preserve to the Bishops and their Churches all their Canonicall priviledges and to protect and defend to his power the Bishops and Churches under his government I answere First that this Oath was at first cunningly devised and imposed on our Kings by our Bishops themselves out of a policy to engage our Princes to maintaine them in their usurped authority possessions and Jurisdictions which had no foundation in the Scripture and to captivate our Kings to their pleasures as the Popes by such a kind of Oath enthralled the Emperours to their Vassallage Secondly that this Oath was first invented by Popish Prelates and meant onely of them and their Popish Church and Priviledges and so cannot properly extend to our Prelates if Protestants Thirdly this Oath doth no way engage the King to defend and maintaine our Bishops if the Parliament see good cause to extirpate them For as the King and Judges who are obliged by their Oathes to maintaine and execute all the Lawes of the Realme are not bound by their Oath to continue former inconvenient Lawes from alteration or repeale or to execute them when repealed for then all ill Lawes should be unalterable and irrepealeable So the King by this his Oath is no wayes obleiged to defend protect and preserve the Bishops if there be good cause in point of piety and policy to suppresse them especially when any of them prove delinquents For as Bishops and other Subjects by their misdemeanours may put themselves out of the Kings Protection and forfeite both their goods lives and estates notwithstanding this Coronation Oath So by the same reason when Bishops and Bishoprickes by their misdemeanours prove intolerable grievances both to Church and State as now they have done they have thereby deprived themselves of the Kings Protection and deâ—ence specified in this Oathâ— and thereupon may be justly suppressed by the King and State without the least violation of this most solemne Oath as Abbots Monkes and Sanctuaries were Having thus removed all the principall Objections for the continuance of our Lordly Prelates I shall in the last place answere one Evasion whereby our present Lord Bishops thinke to shift off this Antipathy from themselves as having no relation at all to them They say that those Prelates whose Treasons Rebellions Seditions Oppressions and Antimonarchicall practises I have here collected were Popish Bishops Limbes of that body whose head they all abjure the fault of their wickednesse was in the Popery not in the Episcopacy in the men not the calling and so utterly unconcerneth them and haveth no reflection at all on them who are generally taxed for being excessive royalists and siding too much with the King and Court To this I answere first that most of all the premised rebellious disloyall seditious extravagant actions of our Bishops have proceeded from them onely as Lordly not Popish Prelates and issued from their Episcopacy not their Popery their Prelaticall functions not personall corruptions as the Histories themselves sufficiently demonstrate Secondly I answer that some of the recited Bishops were no Papists but Protestants who were no limbes of that body of Rome whose head our Bishops say they have abjured therefore it is evident that their Episcopall function not their Religion was the ground both of their disloyalties and extravagancies Thirdly I suppose our Prelates will not renounce Arch-Bishop Laud Bishop Wren Peirce Mountague and other of their fellow Bishops yet alive or lately dead as Popish Prelates and members of the Church of Rome as some account them yet their impious seditious oppressive prophane not trayterly Actions equall or exceede many of our Popish Arch-Bishops and Bishops as he that will but compare them may easily discerne It is not then the leaven of Popery but of the Lordly Prelacy it selfe which infected our Bishops and made them so treacherous and impious in all ages It is true indeed that Popery some of whose positions are treasonable and seditious and dependency upon the Pope hath made some of our Bishops more disloyall and Rebellious than otherwise they would have beene as is evident by the first proceeding of Stephen Langhton and his confederates against King Iohn but yet afterward when the Pope sided with King Iohn and Henry the third against Langton and the other Bishops who stirred up the Barons Warres these Bishops continued as trayterous and rebellious to these Kings as ever they were before whiles they adhered to the Pope and the Pope to them therefore their Hierarchy the cause of all these stirs not their Popery was the ground worke of their Treachery and enormities Now because our present Prelates boast so much of their loyalty to his Majestie whose absolute Civill Royall prerogative they have lately overmuch courted and endeavored to extend beyond due limits to the impeachment of the Lawes and Subjects hereditary liberties not out of any zeale to his Majesties service but onely to advance their owne Episcopall power and Jurisdiction and to usurpe a more than Royall or Papall authority over all his Majesties Subjects for the present and over himselfe at last I shall make bold to present them with some particular instances whereby I shall demonstrate that all or most of our present Lordly Bishops have beene more seditious contumacious disloyall and injurious to his
Prelates calling not to be divine and thereupon induced me to search into the bottome of it as farre as my poore abilities and leasure would permit till I found it to be so iâ—deed was the pravity of their actions and enormities of their lives In which if I have erred it is in following my Saviours infallible rule Matth. 7.15 to 20. Beware of false Prophets which come to you in sheeps cloathing but inwardly they are ravening wolves ye shall know them by their â—ruits A good tree cannot bring forth evill fruit neither can a corrupt trâ—e bring forth good fruit wherefore by their fruits ye shall know them Fifthly That it can neither be safe for King nor State to tolerate Lordly Prelates or to admit them to manage the chiefe Offices Councels and affaires of the Kingdome to which thâ—ir consultations and imployments for the most part have â—vâ—r proved pernicious as ancient and present experience abundantly testifie And that the readiest way to provide for our Kingdoms and Churches future security and tranquillity will be utterly to suppresse and remove them from all such offices and consultations Sixthly That those who have beene so perfidious and rebellious to our Kings and Kingdome will hardly prove faithfull and trusty in matters of Religion in which they have extraordinarily prevaricated in all ages and not a little of late yeares as is too manifest by sundry evidences and complaints in Parliament And here give me leave to recommend â—nâ— serious consideration to you how dangerous it is to intrust our Religion in the Prelates hands grounded upon these words of our famous Occham Who writing against the Popâ—s Monarchy alleadgeth this reason among others against it that there is greater danger of poysoning â—he people and whole Church by one supreame head then by many We know all the Bishops of England are to be consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time being and are subject to him as Primate and Metropolitan of all Eâ—gland taking an Oath of Canonicall obedience to him so as they all in a manner depend on him Againe we know that no Minister can be ordained or admitted to Preach or instituted to any living as an Incumbent or Curate but by these Bishops who take upon them to visitâ— silence and suspend them at their pleasure yea and to dispose of most Patrons benefices to whom they please as we see by late wofull experience Suppose then which I trust shall never happen that any to whom the Crowne of England shall descend should be ill affected to our Religion if he should make choice of such an Archbishop and he of other inferiour Prelates sutable to his disaffectiâ—on who must ordaine all other Bishops Ministers and may suspend and silence them or deny to admit those that are Orthodox at his pleasure how easily might our Church and Religion by one over-potent Arch-bishop or Prelate backed by his Soveraigne be undermined suppressed and eradicated in a short space Whereas if this jurisdiction were devested from the Bishops which are but 26. and depend on one Arch-Prelate and setled in the Ministers which are many and more independent on the Prince then they our Religion would be farre more secure and the Ministers and people lesse subject to be infected with Romish Innovations which one Archbishop of Canterbury is now able sodainly to poyson our Church and people with Seventhly That these Bishops were the chiefe instruments to introduce advance and support the Popes Antichristian authority usurped jurisdiction and erronious doctrines among us and to revive them again when diminished or extinguished the Pope and popery still raigning among us till the Prelates attainted by King Henry the eight in a Praemunire were inforced sore against their wils to renounce the Popes authority to acknowledg him the supreame head on earth of our English Church and by speciall Letters patents and Acts of Parliament to confesse all their Episcopall jurisdiction to be derived not from God or the Pope but ONELY from by and under him their Soveraigne And I dare further averre for ratification of this Conclusion that the Prelates of Italy Germany France Spaine Hungary and Poland are the maine pillars which support the Popes Monarchy false Doctrines Ceremonies and Superstitions in those Countries and Kingdomes which would soone turne Protestants were but the Bishops suppressed and their great temporall revenues taken away the enjoyment of which Antichristian dignities and possessions engageth them to maintaine and uphold the Pope and popery against their consciences The truth of which will appeare by most of the transmarine reformed Churches who could never utterly abandon the Pope with his Doctrines and superstitions till they had extirpated their Lordly Bishops â— That as long as our Lordly Prelates continue there will not onely be a possibility but a probability of bringing in popery and the Pope againe among us since their Lordly Hierarchy is supported onely by popish Doctrines Canons Ceremonies and Principles which they are engaged to maintaine to preserve their tottering thrones from ruine How farre the Pope his Doctrines and Superstitions had of late in a little time serued themselves into our Church almost to the utter ruine of our Religion and of the Ministers and professors of it persecuted and driven out into forraine Countryes and that onely by the Bishops and their instruments machinations is so well knowne to all and so abundantly discovered to and by this present Parliament that I need not relate itâ— Onely this I dare say that if ever they get head and life among us againe as they did in Queene Maries dayes and that principally by the Prelates meanes it will be by our Lordly Bishops activity who if once totally suppressed both Pope and papists would utterly despaire of ever reducing England to their vassallage Eighthly That Bishops have done a world of mischiefe to our Kings and Kingdomes as appeares by all the premises but little or no good that I can read off And as for the diligent preaching of Gods word and publishing Christs true Religion the chiefe and almost onely duty of Bishops from Augustine the first Archbishop of Canterbury and first introducer of the Popes authority errours and superstitions among usâ— till Cranmers time which is above 800 yeares I thinke there was not one Archbishop guilty of it The like I may say of other Seas and I presume I may justifie that some two poor Country Curats or Lecturers in our dayes have converted more soules to God by their diligent zealous preaching then all the Archbâ—shops of Canterbury put together most of whom I read to have been Rebels Traytors State-officers persecutors of Religion but very few of them soule-converting Preachers Why then should â—hese Popes of another World as the Pope of Rome once stiled them be still tolerated when they have done so much mischiefe and so little good to our State and Church Ninthly That the endowing of the Prelates with great Temporall
revenews was the very bane and poyson of Religion and one principall cause of the Bishops rebellions Treasons and exorbitances forementioned And therefore they may both with good conscience and reason be substracted from them and put to better usâ—s and they like other Ministers be confined to one compâ—tent living with cure there conâ—â—antly to reside and instruct the people like Bishops in the primitive times Tenthly That our Lorâ—ly Prelates will be still undermining the Lawesâ— and libâ—râ—ies of â—he Subjects his Majesties royall pâ—erogâ—tive his Eccleâ—â—asticall and temporall jurisdiction and vexing his Subjectâ— in their Courts till both their usurpâ—d Authoritiesâ— and Consistories be better regulated or totally abolished Eleventhly That the very Spirit of insolency contumacy tâ—eachery sedition rebellion ambition pride covetousnesse vaineglory malice hypocrisie tyranny and oppression is almost inseparably united to the Chaires of Lordly Prelates since they infect almost all who once sit in them and either infuse these vices into them or augment them in them none growing better men but most farre worse by their Sees Twelfthly that the government of our Church in common by a Presbytery or Synod of Ministersâ— or any other way used in the primitive Church and other refoâ—med Churches can no way be so pernicious or inconvenient to our Kings and Kingdomes as the Government by Lordly Prelates is and hath been Our Prelates chiefe objection in point of Monarchy against a Presbyteriall or Synodall government is that if this forme should be introduced the King and Nobles must submit therâ—to and be liable to their excommunications But this is a foolish Bugbear which recoyles and lights heavily on their owne heads For the Archbishops and Bishops of England and those of forraine Countrys too have many times not onely excommunicated their Soveraignes but also interdicted their Kingdomes enjoyned hard penances to them absolved their Subjects from their allegiance and oathes armed their people and strangers against them and deprived them of their Crownes offering them more and greater affronts and requiring more submission from them then all other their Subjects whatsoever Did ever any Presbytery doe the like or take so much upon them or did they ever deal so with their Princes as our Prelates did with King Iohn or with Edward and Richard the second If yea then prove it If no then this is no solid objection but a malicious suggestion against the Presbyteriall and Synodall Government In a word I would demand this question of the Objectors whether Kings and great men when they scandalously offend be subject to the censures of Excommunication by the law of God If so then why may not the Presbytery and Synode of Ministers anathematize them as well as Lord Bishops and Popes If not then there is no feare of such a censure to which they are not liable by Gods Law or mans These twelve conclusions are sufficiently warranted by the premises yet for the Readers better satisfaction I shall back them with some passages and Authorities of our owne approved ancient and Moderne Writers Martyrs Prelates and Authors of speciall note and so conclude Caelius Sedulius Scotus one of the ancientest of our owne Writers flourishing about the yeare of our Lord 390. determines thus of the parity of Bishops and Presbyters by divine right against our Lordly Prelates doctrine in these dayes in his Exposition on Titus Chap. 1. For a Bâ—shop must be blamelesse c. He calleth him a Bishop whom before he named a Presbyter Before by the Devils instinct parties were made in Religion and it was said among the people I am of Paul but I am of Apollo and I am of Cephas the Churches were governed with the common Councel of the Presbyters But after that every one thought those whom he baptised to be hiâ—â— not Christs it was decreed throughout the World that one chosen 〈◊〉 of the Presbyters should be set over the rest to whom all the care of the Church should appertaine and that the seeds of schismes should be taken away In the Acts of the Apostlâ—s it is written thaâ— when the Apostle Paulâ— came to Miletus he sent to Ephesus and called the Elders of that Church unto whom among other things he spake thus Take heed to your selves and to all the flocke over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops to feed the Church of God which he hath purchased with his owne blood And here observe more diligently how that he calling the Elders of but one City Ephesus doth afterwards stile them Bishops These things I have alleadged that we mâ—ght shew how that among the Ancâ—â—â—ts fuisse Presbyteros quos Episcopos Prâ—sbyters to hâ—ve been THE SAME THAT BISHOPS WERE But by little and little that the seeds of dissention might be utterly extïrpated the whole cure was traâ—sferred to one And on the 1 Timothy 5. â—â— It is demanded writes he why Paul here makes no mention of Presbyters but onely of Bishops and Deacons Sed etiam ipsos in Episcoporum nomine comprehendit But truely he also comprehâ—ndeth thâ—m in â—he name of Bishops To him I might annex our famous Gildas in his Acris Correptio Cleri Angliae our Venerable Beda in Acta Apostolorum cap. 20. Tom. 5. Col. 657. and Alcuinus de Dâ—vinis Officijs cap. 35.36 Epistola 108. ad Sparatum and Comment in Evang. Ioannis l. 5. to 25. Col. 547 548 549. Who maintaine the selfe same Doctrine of the Parity of Bishops and Presbyters declaime much against the pride Lordlinâ—sse ambition domineering power and other vices of Prelates and conclude that a Biâ—hopricke is Nomen Operis non honoris A name of Labour not of honour A worke not a dignity A toyle not a delâ—ght But I rather passe to Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury a man without exception and the greatest Scholler in his age who neare 600 yeares since in his Enarration on the Epistle to the Phillippians cap. 1. vers 1. resolves thus With the Bishops that is with the Presbyters and Deacâ—ns for he hath put Bishops for Elders after his custome For there were not many Bâ—shops in one City neither would he intermit Presbyters that he mâ—ght descâ—nd to Deacons But he declares the dignity and excellency of the Presbyters whilâ—s he manifests the same men who are Presbyters to be Bishops But that AFTERWARD one was elected who might be preferred before the rest it was done to prevent schisme leâ—t every one drawing to himselfe the Gospell of Christ should divide it Constat ergo Apostolica institutione omnes Presbyteros esse Episcopos It is therefore MANIFEST BY APOSTOLICALL INSTITVTION THAT ALL PRESBYTERS ARE BISHOPS albeit NOW those greater ones have obtained that Title For a Bâ—shop is called an Overseer and every Presbyter ought to attend the cure over the flock committed to him In his Commentary on the first Chapter of Titus v. 5 7. he hath the selfesame words that Hierom and Sedulius used before him concluding from Acts 20.17 28.
the people and also that the labour should be more easie to beare c. Also Chrysostome on that same text Hee would not that a whole Country should be permitted unto one man but hee enjoyned unto every man his Cure by that meanes hee knew that the labour should be more easie and the subjects should be with more diligence governed if the teachers were not distracted with the governing of many Churches but had cure and charge of one Church onely c. Mee thinketh these be plaine words and able to move a man â—o speake as much as I did But grant that you may have all these Câ—â—ies yet can you make it no heresie For my Lord Cardinall granted that it was but against him and against you who be no gods But I poore man must be an heretique there is no remedy you will have it so and who is able to say nay Not all Scripture noâ— yet God himselfe Sure I am that they cannot by the Law of God have any jurisdiction secular and yet they challenge both powers which if they have why do â—hey not put them both in use for they must say as the Jewes said Wee may kill no man This is the Article that did bite you for you cannot be content with the office of a Bishop but you will be also Kings How that standeth with Gods Law and with your Oatâ— I have declared it to our Noble Prince I doubt not but he will put you to the tryall of it Have you not this many yeares condemned many a poore man and then delivered him to the Temporal power to be put to death which knew nothing of his cause And if he would that yee should put him to deaâ—h your selves â—hen answered yee how you might kill no man So that they were always your hangmen They say they bâ—â—he Successors of Christ and of his Apostles but I can see them follow none but Iudas For they beare the purse and have all the money And if they had not so great possessions I am sure an hundred would speake against them where now dare not one for losse of promotion And for this Article I will overcome you with the witnesse of all the world you may well condemne it for hereâ—ie but it is as true as your Paâ—er Noster Iudas sold our Master but once and you â—ell him as often as heâ— commeth in your hands But I would it were that yee could prove mee a lyeâ— and that you followed â—ny of the Apostles â—aving Iudas onely yet I would that yee were in certaine points as good â—s Iudas was These ordinary Bishops and Prelates do follow that â—â—lse Prophet Baâ—aâ—m For they would curse the people but by the provision of Goâ— they were compelled to blesse them that is to say to â—each them to live well though they themselves live most mischievously And so the Asses which they ride upon that is the common people have their lives in abominatâ—on This is the hainous hereâ—ie For it speaketh against the holy Fathers which be almost as holy as Balaams Asse that did once speake the Word of God to a good purpose And so do they never But I grant that I did offend in calling you Ordinary Bishops for I should have called you inordinate butchers And as â—or that that I compared you to Balaam it is your owne Law 2. quest 7. Secuti sunt And cap. Nos si And as for your living all the world knoweth it I could tell here many holy points of Bishops living as keeping of mens wives and daughters but I will not for I should be reckoned uncharitable But you may do them breaking not your holy charity So he The namelesse Author of a Supplication to King Henry the eight printed 1544. writes thus of Bishops their calling practises and great revenues How cruelly do the Bishops punish all them which pretend to have learning and especially in Gods Word such â—hey call heretiques and persecute with putting them to open shame with imprisonment and in conclusion with death most feaâ—efull and painfull All this they do to discourage all men from the study of Gods word fearing lest that by such studious braines which learne Gods Word and publish the same their iniquity should be made manifest What study and pains do they take to keep the light from the peopleâ— But no man which knoweth the Scriptures will marvell of â—his their policie and cruelty For Saint Iohn declareth their practice plainly saying Hee that doth evill hateth the light and why becâ—use his workes which be evill should not be reproved by the light And for as much as our Bishops counâ—enance of living their great possessions and Lordly Dominions in them agreeth with Gods Word â—s death with life God with the Devill light with darknesse therefore they hate the light which declareth the same and study 〈◊〉 â—uppresse the same by all â—raâ—t and poliâ—y Also they be enemies 〈◊〉 all men which can and doe preach Gods Word sincerely and truly because they live â—ontrary to the same And â—his iâ— the originall ground and caâ—se of the abâ—ndance of â—nd iâ—crâ—â—se of darkenes and of sinne 〈◊〉 â—lso of the long continâ—â—nce oâ— Popish blindnesse which hath â—aigned in this Realme so lâ—â—g After which he proceeds thus Most dread Soveraigne Lord I see two foule deformitiesâ— and great lamentable mischiefes annexed to the vocation and office of Bishops which not reformed will poyson and utterly corrupt the godly vocation and election of the said Bishops The onely infection and pestilent poyson is their great Lordships and dominions with the yearly provents of the same which hath so fashioned them in proud countenances and worldly behaviour that now they be most like the Heathen Princes and most unlike unto Christ although they would be esteemed of all men to be his true successours yet poore Christ saith The fâ—xes have holes the birds have nests but the Sonne of man hath not wherein to lay his head But our Bishops have gorgeous and sumptuous builded houses mannors and castles pleasantly set about with Parkes well replenished with Deare warrens swarming full of conyes and pooles well stored with divers kinds of fishes And not onely these commodities and pleasures but also divers other pleasures How doth this Lordly and worldly Bishoplike estate agree with Christs words I thinke a man cannot reasonably conjecture or imagine by their countenance and living that they be Christs true Disciples The other mischiefe and evill is that they have too many worldly cares and businesses For to these Mannors and Lordships belong many Tenants for whose leases to be made fines and haryots to be appointed and taken amerciaments to be assessed taxed and also forgiven and dispensed there be no few suits made to my Lord Bishop also the hearing of Testamentary causes divorces causes of Matrimony causes of slanders of lechery adultery and punishment oâ— bawdery and such other bumme Court matters
whereof not one belong to his office and vocation appointed by Gods Word My Lord Bishop is so occupyed and unquieted that he hath no leasure to study nor to preach Gods word But such affaires and worldly businesses nothing pertaining to his vocation be very great hinderance and let to my Lord Bishop that hee can not apply him to exercise his owne office For no man can serve two masters saith Christ. The Apostles thought it not just and equall to provide for the necessary living of the poore leaving Gods word untaught But my Lord Bishop doing these things nothing pertaining to his office thinketh that he hath exactly done his office From these great Mannors commeth yearly great rents pleasures and profits which although they be the good creatures â—f God yet the abundance of them being where they be more impediment than helpe be a great occasion of corruption in the user of them And peradventure they would allure and intice a Bishops heart to trust in them and so corrupt him as the Scripture saith Blessed is the rich which is found without blemish hath not gone after gold nor hoped in mony and treasures Where is â—here such a one and wee shall commend him and call him blessed for great things doth hee among his people And if my Lord Bishop should give the superfluity of his goods to the poore whose goods justly they be as the Prophâ—t Esay saith then my Lord should lacke them to furnish his Lordly countenance and so my Lord should lose his Lordly honour and prayse of the world Wherefore as these superfluous possessions be annexed to estates of Bishops by mans vaine fantasie and not by Gods word so my Lord Bishop will either keepe them to make him more friends remembring that riches maketh many friends but the poore is forsaken of his neighbour or devise the expence of them contrary to Gods Word either to make sure friends in the Court about the King to obtaine more promotions and benefices or in curious building sumptuous and delicate fare well apparelled servants trimme decked horses to ride pompeously like a Lord. Although there were no authority to prove this yet the Lordly countenance and fashion of Bishops yea their common exercise and practise can well prove and testifie this plainely before the face of all men which knoweth the Lordlinesse of Bishops as the Prophet Esay saith The changing of their countenance bewrayeth them yea they declare their owne sinnes themselves at Sodomites and hide them not Do noâ— these things faintly agree with the saying of their predecessour Paul the Apostle which saith When wee have food and rayment wee must be contented Is not this Lordly honour directly against Christs words which saith The Kings of Nations raigne over them and they that have authority over them are called gracious Lords but you shall nâ—t be so Also Peter speaketh to his true successors saying Feed you Christs flocke as much as lyeth in you taking the oversight of them not as compelled thereunto but willingly after a good sort nor for the desire of filthy lucre but of a good mind not as though you were Lords over the parishes but that you be an example to the flocke and that with good will But our Lordly Bishops estate and proud countenance of living as it is now used is contrary to Gods Word as it appeareth by these words But you shall not be so And also by these sayings Not at though you were Lords over the Parishes And Christ saith Hee that is not with mee is against mee Wherefore so long as they raigne so Lordly in the Clergie contrary to Gods Word so long be they against God and so long as they be against God they be not sent from God and then can they not preach truly and siâ—cerely his Word For how can they Preach except they be sent saith Paul Christ was sâ—nt to preach as it appeareth Mar. 1. Luk. 4. and Isay 61. And Christ saith to all his true Disciples As my Father sent mee so do I send you And commandeth also all his Apostles and true Successors of the Apostles to preach the Gospel to the whole world and not Lordly to raigne in the Clergie Whom Paul teacheth to be as Ministers sayingâ— Let a man this wise esteeme us even as the Ministers of Christ and the stewards of the secrets of God To preach the Gospel therefore most gratious and prudent Lord is the true vocation and office of all godly Bishops Parsons Vicars and of other Shepheards and not to be Ambassadors to Princes not to be judges to heare matters of contention Testamentary causes divorces slanders baudery and such other Your Grace hath of your Lay see sufficient both in Learning and wisedome and of good conscience to heare and judge such causes and variances remitting Bishops to attend their office and vocation by God and not by man appointed And therefore they should not exercise any other office than God hath appointed to them for no man can serve two masters And if Bishops and other Pastors would diligently execute their vocation office much â—ewer of those matters of contention shall be in ure experience either to be heard or judged Seeing the Scriptures commandeth so earnestly every man to walke as hee is called Many Christian men marvell greatly why the Bishops desire and procure so greedily to exercise the office pertaining to another vocation and to leave their vocation and office appointed by God to them to be exercised not executed nor performed and done Verily because they love the glory of men more than the glory of God And surely even as Caiphas and Annas being Bishops and exercising the office of secular and temporall Judges did judge Christ to be crucified so our Bishops so long as they contrary to their calling do exercise the office of temporall judges so long shall they persecute Christ and his members and study to suppresse his Word and not to preach the same Have not they businesse sufficient wherewith to occupie them in their owne office If they would looke well thereunto do not they see on every side detestable sinne to raigne throughout all this your Realme Detestable vices raigne in this your Realme against the which our Bishops and other Pastours should continually cry out as the Prophet saith Cry now as loud as thou canst leave not off lift up thy voyce like a trumpet and shew my people their offences the â—ouse of Iacob their sins But alas they be become both blind and dumbe as the Prophet saith His watchmen are all blinde they have altogether no understanding they are all dumbe dogges not able to barke they â—re sâ—â—epy foolish are they and lye snorâ—ing they are shamelesse dogges that â—e never satisfied The shepheards also in like manner hâ—ve no uâ—derstanding â—ut every man turneth to his owne way every out after his owne covetousnesse withall his power What is
verdict upon an Indictment for the Kingâ— against Innovating Clergie men as they were bound to doe both in Law and Conscience Witnesse the Case of Master Aske late Recorder of Colchester Mr. Burroughs and the grand Jury of that Towne who were thus vexed for finding an Indictment against Parâ—on Newcoman for refusing to deliver the Sacrament to those who came not up to his new raile And no doubt the Bishops secret Commands and Instructions were the Originall cause that moved Sir Robert Berkely Knight one of the Judges of the Kings Bench at the Generall Sessions at Harâ—ford in Ianuary 7. 1638. to fine Mr. Henry Browne one of the grand Jury men at that Sessions and lay him in Irons one night onely for finding an Indictment for rayling in the Communion Table at Hartford Altar-wise which indictment he caused the said Brown openly to teare trample under his feete and one thaâ— stayed other indictments of this nature in high affront boâ—h oâ— Law and Justice onely to please the Prelaâ—es whose commands threates and persecutions have beene the Originall causes of most of the Judges irregular proceedings Fourteenthly They have not onely cited but censured some of his Majesties Officers in the High-Commission for executing his Lawes according to their Oath and duty as the Major of Arundell for punishing a drumken Minister and likewise ciâ—ed Mr. Staple a Justice of peace in Sussex into the High-Coâ—mission for giving in charge at the quarter Sessions his 〈…〉 against Innovations and deaucht Clergie men Fiftâ—â—nâ—hlyâ—â—hey have most unjustly caused some Posters to be â—â—opped afâ—â—r â—â—â—dicts â—ound for the plaintiffes and dammages given by â—he Jury upon â—ulâ— hearing for Actions justly broâ—ght agaiâ—s◠〈◊〉 of â—hâ—ir Officers for dafamations and other 〈…〉 so that the Plaintiffes could never get judgementâ— wâ—â—nesse â—he case of Master Bayton against Doctor Martyn Comâ—â—ssary of Tomes and others Sixteeâ—â—hly they haue caused some Solliciters Atturnies and Plaâ—nâ—iffes to be imprisoned untill they gave over such just actions as they had commenced and prosecuted against their Officeâ—s for Extortions Opressions and unjust Excommuniâ—ations witnesse the case of Ferdinando Adams whose Atturny Master Letchford was committed to the Kings Bench by Judge Iones and some other Judges only for bringing an Action of the Case against Dade the the Bishop of Norwich Commissary at Ipswich for Excommunicating him maliciously and unjustly because he reâ—used to blot out this Text of Scripture written over the Commissaries Court in Saint Maries Church in Ipswich It is written My house shall be called an house of Prayer of all Nations but ye have made it a den of theeves detaining him in prison till he gave over the prosecution and discontinued the suite sundry others having since beene served in this kinde by the Prelates sollicitation Seventeenthly They have beene the Originall occasions of the late unhappy warre and differences betweene Scotland and England which they stiled Bellum Episcopale the Bishops warre to which they liberally contributed themselves and enforced others to do the like when these differences were comprimised and this warre happily concluded in peace they were the chiefe Authors of the breach of the pacificaâ—ion formerly made and of a second warre to the great danger trouble and unsupportable charge oâ— his Majesties three kingdomes Eighteenthly they have beene the prime causes of all or most of the grievances pressures distractions Schismes in our Church and Common-weale and chiefe instruments of the unhappy breaches of our former Parliaments to the infinite prejudice both of King and Subject Ninteenthly when as they had caused the last Parliament but this to be dissolved to manifest their omnipotency disloyalty and tyranny they caused a new Convocation to be immediately assembled without a Parliament wherein they compiled and prescribed New Canons with an c. Oath tending highly to the derogation of his Majesties prerogative royall in Ecclesiasticall matters the subversion of the â—undamentall Lawes of the Realme and Liberties of the Subject the affront of Parliaments the suppression of all faithfull ministers and ayming onely at the perpetuating of their owne Episcopall Lordly power and Popish Innovations And as if this were not sufficient they tooke upon them to grant sundry subsidies without a Parliament for the maintenance of a new war against the Scots and enjoyned all Ministers to pay these Subsidies peremptorily at the dayes assigned by them under paine of present deprivation for the first default Omni Appellatione semota without any benefit of appeale one of the highest straines of tyranny and injustice that ever I have met with For which Canons Oath and Subsidies they now stand impeached by the whole house of Commons as delinquents in a high nature and are like ere long to receive condigne punishment Twentiethly it is very suspicious that they or some of them had a hand in the late dangerous Treason and Conspiracie since the first clause of the Oath of Seâ—recy administred to the Conspirators was To maintaine the Bishops in their functions and votes in Parliament and the Clergie would at their owne charge as Serjant Major Wallis confesseth in his examination maintaine a thousand horse to promote this Trayterous designe and have now as some report an hundred thousand pound ready for such a service In the twentieth one place they have oppressed and ruined divers of his Majesties Loyall Subjects Ministers and others both in their bodies estates credits families caused many thousands of them to forsake the Realme and to transport their families into forraine parts to the great decay of trade and impoverishing of the Realme In which they have done his Majestie great dis-service whose Honour and safety consists in the multitude and wealth of his people and his destruction in want of people In the twenty second ranke they have most undutifully and disloyally cast the odium of all their late Innovations in Religion their new Canons and tyrannicall exorbitant proceedings on his Majestie proclaiming it openly to the people that all they did was onely by his Majesties speciall direction and command of purpose to alienate the hearts of the people from his Majestie as much as in them lay In the twenty third place they and their Officers have sorely fleeced and impoverished his Majesties Subjects in such sort by exacted Fees and vexatioâ—s suites in their Visitations High-Commissions and other Ecclesiasticall Courts and by putting them to unnecessary costs for raising and rayling in Commâ—nion Tables and new adorning their Churches that they are unable to supply his Majesties and the Kingdomes necessities in that liberall proportion as they have formerly done the late Subsidies scarce amounting to halfe that summe as they did in former times Finally in their last High-Commission Paâ—ent they obtained this strange Non-obstante which robs the King of his Supremacy and the Subjects of their Lawes and Liberties namely That their Lordships in all Ecclesiasticall causes specified in that Commission might proceede in a meere arbitrary manner as
they list themselves Notwithstanding any Appellation provocation priviledge or exemption in that behalfe to be had made pretended or alleadged by ANY PERSON OR PERSONS therefore by Lords and Peeres as well as others resident or dwelling in any place or places exempt or not exempt within the Realmes of England and Ireland and Principality of Wales for no lesâ—er circuite would content them and all Lawes Statutes Proclamations or other grants Priviledges or Ordinances which be or may seeme contrary to the premises notwithstanding What Matthew Paris writes of the Popes Non-obstantees in his Bulls which first begar them Per illud verbum adjectionem detestabilem Non Obstante omnem â—xtinguit justitiam praehabitam I may more truely affirme of this that it extinguisheth all Iustice yea his Majesties Supremacy our fundamentall Lawes Statutes and the Subjects Liberties since it robs the King of the Regall right of receiving appeales as supreame head of the Church of England for releese of his oppressed Subjects and of the honour of his Royall Lawes Proclamations grants exemptions which must all stoope to the Prelates pleasures and strips the Subjects naked of the benefit and protection of all Lawes Statutes Proclamations and other grants priviledges Ordinances or exemptions whatsoever which might shelter them from the Prelates tyranny and oppressions So that you have here the very height of Treason Conspiracy and Contumacy against his Majestie the Lawes of the Realme and hereditary liberties of the people In all these respects to omit other particulars our Prelates if they be not direct Traytors to his Majestie and the Realme so farre as to incurre a Capitall Censure as is more than probable or at least a Praemunire of which there is no question yet I dare averre they are the most notorious Rebels the obstinatest contemners enemies and oppugners of his Majesties Royall Prerogative the Fundamentall Lawes of the Realme and just Liberties of the Subject this day breathing inferiour to none of their predecessors in contumacy and disobedience to their Soveraigne and our Lawes what ever they preteâ—d and exceeding them in many particulars Having thus I hope sufficiently answered all our Prelates Arguments for the supportation and continuance of their Lordly Prelacy in our Church and their Evasions to shift off this Antipathy as no way pertinent unto them give me leave onely to observe these sixe remarkeable Circumstances in our Prelats premised Treason Conspiracies and Rebellions which highly aggravate their offences and make them farre more execrable Traytors Rebels and delinquents than all other rankes of men and then I shall conclude First they have presumed to justifie their Treasons and Rebellions against their Soveraignes as pious religious holy and commendable actions and to Canonize these Episcopall Arch-Traytors and Rebells not onely for chiefe pillars patriots and defenders of the Churches Liberties but even for holy Saints and Martyrs as appeares by the examples of Dunstan Anselme Becket Edmund of Canterbury Hugh of Lincolne S. Germain 〈◊〉 Richard Scroope of Yorke with others no Laymen having yet beene so happy as for their Treasons and Rebellions onelâ— or especially to bee Sainted and adored as many Bishops and Clergie men have beene Hence Doctor Barnes in his Supplication to King Henry the 8. p. 190. writes thus I would not speake how damnable it is to institute Masses for a willing Traytor and murtherer there was never no learning that could allow this But there is no remedy he that dyes against his King and for the maintaining of your Treason must needes be a Saint if Masses blessings and miracles will helpe for all these bee at your Commandment to give where your list So that we poore men must be accused of insurrection and Treason and we must beare all the blame we must be driven out of the Realme we must be burned for it when as God knowes there is no people under heaven that more abhorreth and with earnester â—eart resisteth and more diligently doth preach against disobedience than we doe yea I dare say boldly let all your bookes be searched thaâ— were written this 500. yeares and all they shall not declare the authority of a Prince and the true obedience toward him as one of our little bookes shall doe that be condemned by you for heresie and all this will not helpe us But as for you you may preach you may write you may doe you may sweare against your Princes and also assoile all other men of their obedience towards their Princes you may compell Princes to be sworne to you and yet are you children of obedience and good Christian men And if ye dye for this doctrine then is there no remedy but you must be Saints and rather than faile ye shall doe miracles which he proves by the example of Thomas Becket of Germane formerly cited who was made a Saint for deposing King Vortiger and making his Neat-heard King in his steed These shamefull and abominable things doe ye prayse and allow and in the meane time condemne us for heretickes and Traytors Secondly in interceding for saving rescuing protecting rewarding Trayterous and Rebellious Bishops after their Treasons and Rebellions committed and warding off the sword of Justice from their Mitred Pates though worthy of ten thousand deaths when as all others Peeres or Commons whom they have drawne into their Treasons Rebellions and Conspiracies have beene sure to suffer the rigor of Justice without any mitigation or pardon this most of the premised instances witnesse especially that of Adam de Tarlton Part. 1. p 54.55.56.57.265.266 Thirdly in mincing extenuating excusing and patronizing the Treasons Conspiracies and Rebellions of Prelates and referring them to the Pope or their owne Ecclesiastical-Tribunalls that so they might scape unpunishedâ— a priviledge and tricke of Episcopall Leger-de-maine that no Layman was capable of but onely Bishops and Clerkes Fourthly in slandering reviling censuring excommunicating their Princes together with â—heir Judges and Officers for the execution of Justice on Bishops who have beene Arch-Rebells Traytors and Conspirators as appeares by the examples of Richard Scroope and others which story of Scroope Doctor Barnes thus descants on in his Supplication to King Henry the 8. p. 188.189 Doe you not remember how that in the dayes of Henry the fourth a captaine of your Church called Richard Scroope Archbishop of York did gather an Host of men and waged battle against his King but God the Defendor of his Ruler gave the King the victory which caused the Traytor to be beheaded And then your fore-fathers with their devillish craâ—t made the people beleeve by their false Chronicle that at every stroke that was given at the Bishops necke the King received another of God in his necke And whereas the King was afterward stricken with a sickenesse you made him and all his Subjects beleeve that it was Gods punishment because he had killed the Bishop and not thus content but you fained after his death that he did miracles Is not