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A65012 The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those Oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described : in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies.; Viaggi. Part 3. English Della Valle, Pietro, 1586-1652.; Roe, Thomas, Sir, 1581?-1644.; Havers, G. (George) 1665 (1665) Wing V47; ESTC R7903 493,251 479

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parts The Captain of one of the Ships was Sig Ayres de Siqueira Baraccio formerly my Friend at Goa whom I expected that I might return thither in his Ship Whereupon hearing of his Arrival I went to seek him and finding him already landed I understood by him that this Fleet was to go to Calecut in order to carry thither two Men of Samorì King of Calecut Samorì is a Title given to all those Kings like our Emperour or Caesar which Men he had a little before sent to Goa in the same Fleet in another Voyage which it had made upon those Coasts to try the Vice-Roy about a Peace for he had been many years if not at War yet at enmity with the Portugals saying that if the Vice-Roy inclin'd to Peace he would afterwards send Ambassadors with more solemnity and treat of Articles Now these Men were returning to Calecut with the Vice-Roy's Answer and as Sig Ayres said the Fleet would depart from Mangalòr the same night yet would return very shortly because the General had Orders not to stay at Calecut above four and twenty hours onely till he had landed these Men and understood what Resolution the Samorì gave in Answer without giving him more time to think thereupon That in their return the Fleet would touch at Mangalòr and all the other Ports of that Coast to take with them the Merchants Ships laden with Rice which were now prepar'd or a preparing and convoy them according to their custom to Goa where by reason of scarcity of provision they were much desir'd Hearing this News I was loath to lose the opportunity of seeing Calecut the King whereof is one of the most famous among the Gentile Princes of India and is likely to be at Peace but a little while with the Portugals and therefore resolved to go aboard the Ship of Sig Ayres the same day putting off my Journey to Carnate whither I had hopes to go at my return Accordingly dismissing the Palanchino and the Men that were to carry me together with the Servant I had taken at Barselòr because he was not willing to go further with me I went aboard alone without any Servant assuring my self I could not want attendance and what-ever else was needful in the Ship wherein I found Sig Manoel Leyton Son of Sig Gio Fernandez Leyton embarqu'd as a Souldier which course of life he was now first enter'd upon besides many other eminent Souldiers who were afterwards very friendly to me and with whom I spent many days in good conversation December the nineteenth We departed from Mangalòr and went formost of all because our Ship was Captain of the Vanguard This day we pass'd by a high Hill discover'd within Land call'd Monte Delì and the next day December the twentieth by another call'd Monte Fermoso At night we anchor'd under Cananòr but enter'd not the Port having sail'd from Mangalòr hither always Southwards eighteen Leagues December the one and twentieth Once in the Morning and once in the Evening we met with Paroes which are very light Ships of the Malabar Rovers of whom this Coast was full for at Mangalòr ends the Province of Canarà and that of Malabar begins We made ready our Arms both times to fight them but they fled from us and recover'd the mouths of the Rivers whereof that Coast is full where by reason it was their own Territory and well guarded in those narrow and difficult places we could not pursue them to take them onely we discharg'd some Guns against them at distance to no purpose which were answer'd from that Land with the like we might easily have attempted if not to take that which we saw in the Evening yet at least to shatter it a far off with our Cannon if the General had not had regard to the Land they recover'd which belong'd to the Samorì to whom upon account of the Peace in agitation he was willing to have respect At night we came to Anchor under Calecut which is twelve Leagues Southwards beyond Cananòr December the two and twentieth Early in the Morning the Samorì's two Men landed at Calecut and with them a Portugal common Souldier but well clad and attended whom the General sent to the King with the Vice-Roy's Answer which was That the Vice-Roy was contented to treat of a Peace and would gladly conclude it but on condition that the Samorì made Peace too with the King of Cocin the Portugals Confederate whom it was not fit to leave out of the said Peace and the rather because the greatest differences between the Portugals and the Samorì were touching the King of Cocin whom the Portugals justly defended as their faithful Friend and had alwayes to the dammage of the Samorì his perpetual Adversary much supported That if the Samorì were contented to make Peace with both he should send his Ambassadors to Goa with power to treat of the conditions and they should be receiv'd very well Within a short time the Portugal return'd to the Fleet for the City of Calecut stands upon the shore and the Samorì's Royal Palace is not far off And together with the Portugal the Samorì sent to the General a Portugal Boy eight or ten years old call'd Cicco who in certain Revolutions of Cananòr had been taken Prisoner and was brought up in his Court he sent him well cloth'd and accompany'd not onely with many persons but also with Pipes and Drums that he might visit the General in his Name and give him a Present of Refreshments to eat namely Indian Figgs Lagne and other fruits His Answer to the business was that the Peace should be first made between himself and the Portugals and afterwards the Interests of the King of Cocin should be taken into consideration withall desiring the General that he would vouchsafe to stay a while till he had better advis'd with his Ministers and deliberated about sending Ambassadors to Goa in the same Fleet with other Reasons which were judg'd rather excuses to put off the time and hold the Portugals in a Treaty of Peace till some very rich Ships of his which he expected from Meccha were return'd left the Portugals should molest them at Sea than real intentions for a Peace especially with the King of Cocin with whom he hath long and intricate discords not so easily to be terminated The Portugals also demanded that the Samorì would remove a Garrison which he had plac'd in certain Confines where they for their own security and the defence of the King of Cocin were fain to keep a Fort continually with a great Garrison and at much expence And because he shew'd not much inclination thereunto it was not without cause judg'd that his Treaties were Artifices to hold the Portugals in suspence wherefore the General sent him word That he had express Order from the Vice-Roy not to stay longer at Calecut then twenty four hours and so long he would stay If within that time the Samorì took a Resolution sutable to the Vice-Roy's
bore great reverence But after he was come to ripe age his Father chang'd his Name as here they sometimes do into Sciàh Selim which in the Arabian Dialect the learned Language to all Mahometans signifies Rè Pacific a Peaceable or Peace-making King conceiving this Name to agree to his Nature The Father dying Sciàh Selim being advanc'd to the Kingdom chang'd his Name once again as 't is the custom of many Oriental Princes on such an occasion with more Magnificent Titles for their proper Names are nothing but Titles and Epithets and would be call'd Nur eddin Muhammèd Gihòn ghir which partly in Arabick partly in Persick signifies The Light of the Law Mahomet Take the World in regard of the profession which he makes in publick of the Mahometan Sect though really in secret by what they report he little cares for Mahomet and his Law or any other Religion accounting according to the vain opinion of some in these parts that a man may be sav'd in every Law Nevertheless the Name Sciàh Selim tenaciously inhering in the memory of people remains still to him and in common discourse he is more frequently call'd by this then any other Name He had two Brothers One who took a part of the Province Dacan was call'd by his proper Name Peharì and by sirname Sciah Muràd The other who dy'd in the City Berhampòr was nam'd Daniel and sirnam'd Sombòl Sciàh but both dyed without Heirs whereupon their Dominion returned back to Sciàh Selim. I know not whether by one or more Women this King had four Sons the first is call'd Sultàn Chosrou the second Sultàn Peruìz the third Sultàn Chorrom now in rebellion to whom when he return'd from a war which he had prosperously manag'd in Dacàn his Father gave the title of Sciahi Gihòn which is interpreted King of the World and the fourth Sultàn Scehriar is yet a youth of small age 'T is possible others besides these have been born to him but being dead either in Child-hood or long ago there is no mention made of them at present He hath one Wife or Queen whom he esteems and favours above all other Women and his whole Empire is govern'd at this day by her counsel She was born in India but of Persian Race that is the Daughter of a Persian who coming as many do into India to the service of the Moghòl hapned in time to prove a very great man in this Court and if I mistake not Chan or Vice-roy of a Province She was formerly Wife in India to an other Persian Captain who serv'd the Moghòl too but after her Husbands death a fair opportunity being offer'd as it falls out many times to some handsome young Widows I know not how Sciàh Selim had notice of her and became in love with her He would have carried her into his Haràm or Gynaeceo and kept her there like one of his other Concubines but the very cunning and ambitious Woman counterfeited great honesty to the King and refus'd to go into his Palace and as I believe also to comply with his desires saying that she had been the Wife of an Honourable Captain and Daughter of an Honourable Father and should never wrong her own Honour nor that of her Father and Husband and that to go to the King 's Haram and live like one of the other Female-slaves there was as unsuitable to her noble condition Wherefore if his Majesty had a fancy to her he might take her for his lawful Wife whereby his Honour would be not onely not injur'd but highly enlarg'd and on this condition she was at his service Sciàh Selim so disdaign'd this haughty motion at first that he had almost resolv'd in despight to give her in Marriage to one of the Race which they call Halàlchor as much as to say Eater-at-large that is to whom it is lawful to eat every thing and for this cause they are accounted the most despicable people in India However the Woman persisting in her first resolution intending rather to dye then alter it and Love returning to make impetuous assaults on the King's Heart with the help too as some say of Sorceries practis'd by her upon him if there were any other charms as I believe there were not besides the conditions of the Woman which became lovely to the King by sympathy at length he determin'd to receive her for his lawful Wife and Queen above all the rest And as such she commands and governs at this day in the King 's Haram with supream authority having cunningly remov'd out of the Haram either by Marriage or other handsome wayes all the other Women who might give her any jealousie and having also in the Court made many alterations by deposing and displacing almost all the old Captains and Officers and by advancing to dignities other new ones of her own creatures and particularly those of her blood and alliance This Queen is call'd at this day Nurmahàl which signifies Light of the Palace A Name I believe conferr'd on her by the King when he made her Queen She hath a Brother who is still in great favour with the King and of great power and is the Asàf Chan whom I mention'd above and one of whose Daughters is one of the Wives of Sultan Chorròm now in rebellion whence some not without ground suspect that the present rebellion of Sultan Chorròm is with some participation of Asàf Chan and of Numrahàl her self perhaps upon design that the Kingdom may fall to him after the death of the Father Sultan Scehriàr hath also to Wife a Daughter of Nurmahàl by her first Husband for by the King she hath hitherto no Children Wherin appears the prudence of this Woman who hath so well establish'd her self with alliances in the Royal Family But to return to the King's Children Sultàn Chosrou the eldest who was a Prince of much expectation well belov'd and as they say a friend in particular of the Christians being at the government of I know not what Country rebell'd against his Father under pretext that the Kingdom by right belonged unto him because indeed King Ekbar his Grand-father at his death left it to him his Nephew being then born and not to Selim the Father who was his Son being displeas'd with his Son Selim for that one time in his life he attempted to rebel against him So easie are Insurrections amongst these Infidels and so little faith can Fathers have in Sons and they in their own Fathers With this pretence Sultàn Chosrou once rais'd a great Army against his Father but coming to a battel he was routed and forc'd to surrender himself freely to his Father Who chiding him with words rather gentle then otherwise ask'd him to what end he made these tumults knowing well that he held and kept the whole Kingdom for him Yet his deeds were sharper then his words for in the first place he caus'd all the chief Captains who had follow'd him in the war to be cruelly slain
However I believe Venk-tapà Naieka who is not liberal will abound more in Courtesie to the Ambassador then in Gifts Vitulà Sinay said that the next day the Ambassador should be call'd to Audience three hours after noon wherefore Himself and all his Attendants continued undress'd till dinner-time I knowing the custom of Courts and that Princes will not wait but be waited for and that the hours of Audience depend upon their pleasure not upon his who is to have it dress'd my self in the morning leisurely that I might not afterwards confound my self with haste and though in such solemnities others cloth'd themselves in colours and with ornaments of Gold yet I put on onely plain black Silk as mourning for my Wife Before we had din'd and whilst we were at Table they came to call us in haste to Audience saying that Vitulà Sinay and other great Persons were come to conduct us to the King The Ambassador finding himself unready and surpris'd was forc'd to desire them not to come yet making an excuse that we were still at dinner and the Table being taken away he and all the rest retir'd to dress themselves in great confusion and greater there was in getting the Horses sadled preparing the Presents which were to be carry'd and providing other necessary things in haste for nothing was ready but the Ambassador and all his Servants were in a great hurry and confusion calling for this and the other thing which seem'd to me not to have too much of the Courtier The persons who came to fetch us stay'd a good while without but at length were brought into the Porch of the House that is into the first Entrance within the Court where Visits are receiv'd without seeing the Ambassador or any of his Attendants who were all employ'd in the above-said confusion at a good part of which these persons were present The Pomp proceeded in this manner Many Horsemen went formost who were follow'd by divers Foot arm'd with Pikes and other weapons some of them brandishing the same as they went along then march'd certain Musketiers with Drums Trumpets Pikes and Cornets sounding these cloth'd all in one colour after the Portugal manner but with coarse stuff of small value and amongst them rode a servant of the Ambassador's better clad after their fashion as Captain of the Guard Then follow'd the Ambassador in the middle between Vitulà Sinay and Musè Bài and after him we of his retinue to wit the Chaplain Sig Consalvo Carvaglio Sig Francesco Montegro who liv'd at Barcelòr and whom we found at Ikkerì about some affairs of his own but because he wanted a horse he appear'd not in the Cavalcade After us came some other Horse-men but in summ there was but few people a small shew and little gallantry demonstrative signes of the smallness of this Court and the Prince In this manner we rode to the Palace which stands in a Fort or Citadel of good largeness incompass'd with a great Ditch and certain ill built bastions At the entrance we found two very long but narrow Bulwarks Within the Citadel are many Houses and shops also in several streets for we pass'd through two Gates at both which there stood Guards and all the distance between them was an inhabited street We went through these two Gates on Horse-back which I believe was a priviledge for few did so besides our selves namely such onely as entred where the King was the rest either remaining on Horse-back at the first Gate or alighting at the Entrance of the second A third Gate also we enter'd but on Foot and came into a kind of Court about which were sitting in Porches many prime Courtiers and other persons of quality Then we came to a fourth Gate guarded with Souldiers into which onely we Franchi or Christians and some few others of the Country were suffer'd to enter and we presently found the King who was seated in a kind of Porch on the opposite side of a small Court upon a Pavement somewhat rais'd from the Earth cover'd with a Canopy like a square Tent but made of boords and gilded The Floor was cover'd with a piece of Tapistry something old and the King sat after the manner of the East upon a little Quilt on the out-side of the Tent leaning upon one of the pillars which up-held it on the right hand having at his back two great Cushions of fine white Silk Before him lay his Sword adorn'd with Silver and a little on one side almost in the middle of the Tent was a small eight-corner'd Stand painted and gilded either to write upon or else to hold some thing or other of his On the right hand and behind the King stood divers Courtiers one of which continually wav'd a white fan made of fine linnen as if to drive away the flies from the King Besides the King there was but one person sitting and he the principal Favorite of the Court call'd Putapaià and he sat at a good distance from him on the right hand near the wall As soon as we saw the King afar off the Ambassador and we pull'd off our Hats and saluted him after our manner he seem'd not to stir at all but when we approach'd nearer the Ambassador was made to sit down within the Tent at a good distance from the King near the wall as Putapaià sate but on the left side at which we enter'd The rest of us stood a good while before the Tent on the left side also Vitulà Sinay approach'd to a Pillar opposite to that on which the King lean'd and there serv'd as Interpreter sometimes speaking with the King and sometimes with the Ambassador Musè Baì stood also on our side but distant from the King and near one of the Pillars of the Porch The King 's first words were concerning the Health of the King of Spain and the Vice-Roy and then the Ambassador subjoyn'd the causes of his coming namely to visit him and continue the Amity which his Highness held with that State of the Portugals who use that style to these Indian Kings as they did also to their King of Portugal when they had one whence this custom first arose and is still continu'd although now when they name their King of Spain so much a greater Lord then the King of Portuagl they use not the term Highness but Majesty after the manner of Europe The Ambassador added that in token of this Amity the Vice-Roy sent him that Present not as any great matter but as a small acknowledgment That their King had sent him a considerable Present from Spain which his Highness knew was lost at Sea That yet by the Ships which were coming this year he should receive another as he might see in the Vice-Roy's Letter which he presented to him And hereupon the Ambassador arising from his Seat went to present the same to him almost kneeling upon one knee and he without moving a whit took it and gave it to Vitulà Sinay who
from that Fall and therefore it was necessary that there should be one more than a Man to do it for him and that that One could not be Mahomet That this One was Christ God as well as Man God to satisfie the Mahometans themselves confessing that Christ was the breath of God and Man to suffer death as he did That Christ the Son of God coming into the World about that great Work of satisfying Gods anger against Man for sin it was necessary that he should live a poor and laborious life here on Earth at which the Mahometans much stumble and not a life that was full of pomp and pleasure and delicacy That the Gospel of Christ and other holy books of Scripture which the Christians retain and walk by contain nothing in them that is corrupt and depraved But there is very much to be found in their Alcaron which is so That the great worth and worthiness shining in the Person of Christ was by far more excellent than any thing observable in Mahomet for they themselves confess that Christ lived without sin when Mahomet himself acknowledgeth that he had been a filthy person That the feigned foolish and ridiculous miracles which they say were done by Mahomet were nothing comparable to the Miracles done by Christ who as the Mahometans confess did greater Miracles than ever were done before or since him That there was a great deal of difference in the manner of promulgating the Gospel of Christ into the world and the introducing of the Laws of Mahomet That Christ hath purchased Heaven for all that believe in him and that Hell is prepared for all others that do not rely on him and on him alone for Salvation There were many more particulars besides these which that Jeronymo Xaveere laid down before the Mogol to ground his arguments on which that King heard patiently at several times during the space of one year and a half but at last he sent him away back again to Goa honourably with some good gifts bestowed on him telling him as Felix did after he had reasoned before him that he would call for him again when he had a convenient time Acts 24.25 Which time or season neither of them both ever found afterward These Particulars which I have here inserted with many more I might have added to them upon all which that Jeronymo Xaveere enlarged himself before the Mogol in his arguings before him were given unto me in Latine by Francisco Corsi another Jesuit resident at that Court while I was there and long before that time And further I have been there told by other people professing Christianity in that Empire that there was such a Dispute there held and for my part I do believe it For that Francisco Corsi he was a Florentine by birth aged about fifty years who if he were indeed what he seemed to be was a man of a severe life yet of a fair and an affable disposition He lived at that Court as an Agent for the Portugals and had not only free access unto that King but also encouragement and help by hifts which he sometimes bestowed on him When this Jesuit came first to be acquainted with my Lord Ambassadour he told him that they were both by profession Christians though there was a vast difference betwixt them in their professing of it And as he should not go about to reconcile the Embassadour to them So he told him that it would be labour in vain if he should attempt to reconcile him to us Only he desired that there might be a fair correspondency betwixt them but no disputes And further his desire was that those wide differences 'twixt the Church of Rome and us might not be made there to appear that Christ might not seem by those differences to be divided amongst men professing Christianity which might have been a very main Obstacle and hinderance unto his great Design and endeavour for which he was sent thither to convert people unto Christianity there Telling my Lord Embassadour further that he should be ready to do for him all good offices of love and service there and so he was After his first acquaintance he visited us often usually once a week And as those of that society in other parts of the world are very great intelligencers so was he there knowing all news which was stirring and might be had which he communicated unto us And he would tell us many stories besides one of which if true is very remarkable And it was thus There are a race of people in East India the men of which race have if he told us true their right legs extraordinary great and mishapen their left legs are like other mens Now he told us that they were the posterity of those who stamped St Thomas the Apostle to death come thither to preach the Gospel and that ever since the men of that race have and only they of that Nation that great deformity upon them Some few people I have there seen of whom this story is told but whether that deformity be like Geheza's leprosie hereditary and if so whether it fell upon that people upon the occasion before-named I am yet to learn The Jesuits in East India for he was not alone there have liberty to convert any they can work upon unto Christianity c. The Mogol hath thus far declared that it shall be lawful for any one perswaded so in conscience to become a Christian and that he should not by so doing lose his favour Upon which I have one thing here to insert which I had there by report yet I was bid to believe it and report it for a truth concerning a Gentleman of quality and a servant of the great Mogol who upon some conviction wrought upon him as they say would needs be Baptized and become a Christian. The King hearing of this Convert sent for him and at first with many cruel threats commanded him to renounce that his new profession the man replied that he was most willing to suffer any thing in that cause which the King could inflict The Mogol then began to deal with him another way askking why he thought himself wiser then his Fore-fathers who lived and died Mahometans and further added many promises of riches and honour if he would return to his Mahometism he replied again as they say for I have all this by Tradition that he would not accept of any thing in the world so to do The Mogol wondring at his constancy told him that if he could have frighted or bought him out of his new profession he would have made him an example for all waverers but now he perceived that his resolution indeed was to be a Christian and he bid him so continue and with a reward discharged him The late Mogol about the beginning of his reign caused a Temple to be built in Agra his chief City for the Jesuits wherein two of his younger Brothers Sons were solemnly Baptized and delivered into their