opposed themselues So as they returned without effect So one after they sent to declare VVarre vnto them for the afore-said causes Presently after the Rhodiens sent Embassadours to Prusias to perswade him to make Warre against the Constantinopolitains for they knew well hee was offended with them for certaine causes The Constantinopolitains in like manner solicited Attalus and Acheus by many Embassies to succour them against the Rhodiens It is true that Attalus was at liberty but hee was much oppressed with pouerty for that Acheus had forced him to retire himselfe within the liberties of his Fathers Empire Finally Acheus who tearmed himselfe Lord of all the Countrey which lies on this side Tauris and publishing himselfe for King promised succours vnto the Constantinopolitains which gaue them occasion of great hope and terrified very much the Rhodiens and Prusias For Acheus was allied vnto Antiochus who raigned in Syria and had attained to this Principallity by such or the like meanes After the death of Seleucus father vnto Antichus and that his Sonne Seleucus the eldest of the brethren had succeded in the Realme Acheus past the Mountaine of Tauris with him in regard of his kindred about two yeares before the time whereof wee now speake For as soone as Seleucus was King and hearing that Attalus had taken the whole Country which lies on this side Mount Tauris considering that hee must giue order to his Affaires passeth the Mountaine with a great Army VVhere within few dayes after hee was slaine by Apaturin a Gaule and Nicanor Acheus resoluing to reuenge the death of his kinsman kills them presently And then he gouernes the Army and all other affaires with great VVisedome and Courage For when as the opportunity of the time and the generall consent of all the Souldiers perswaded him to take the Crowne yet hee would not doe it but kept the Realme for the younger Brother Antiochus and gouerning all other matters carefull he resolued to subdue the whole Country which is on this side Tauris But when as all things had succeeded happily and that in the end he had left nothing but Pergamus to Attalus hee presently changed his minde and caused himselfe to bee called their King being growne proud with the Victories which hee had obtained contrary vnto his Hope So as it fell out that his name was more feared by the Inhabitants on this side Tauris then of any other King or Prince Wherat the Constantinopolitains being moued they made no difficulty to vnder-take a Warre against the Rhodiens and Prusias Who accused them that when they had promised to set vp his Images yet they afterwards forgot it thorough negligence And withall hee was much more incensed for that they had done what possibly they could to pacifie the Warre which was kindled betwixt Acheus and Attalus For that euery man knew that their peace was dangerous to him for many Reasons Finally hee obiected against them that whereas they had sent an Embassie to Attalus at the Games which he had made in the honour of Minerua they had not sent any one vnto him when hee gaues thankes vnto the Gods For which reasons being incensed hee willingly embraced the Rhodiens party against them of Constantinople And therefore hee agreed with their Embassadours that they should send foorth a very strong Fleete to assaile the Constantinopolitains by Sea promising likewise to inuade them by Land with no lesse forces then they should This was the the beginning and the causes of the Warre which the Rhodiens made against the Constantinopolitains They also at the first entred into it with great Courage hoping that Acheus would succour them according vnto his promise They had also called Thibete of Macedony whom they opposed against Prusias to take from him the meanes to make VVarre against another being much troubled for the defence of his owne But Prusias parting with great rage and fury against the Constantinopolitains hee presently tooke Fanum a place very strong by Nature and seated vpon the mouth of the Pontique Lea which they of Constantinople had lately purchased for a great summe of money mooued with the opportunity of the place to the end that no man might enter or goe foorth of the Pontique Sea but by their fauour Moreouer he put all the Countrey of Asia which the Constantinopolitains had long helde to fire and Sword On the other side the Rhodiens hauing made sixe shippes and taken foure from their Allies whereof they made Xenophante Commaunder they sailed vnto Hellesponte with an Army of ten saile of very strong Shippes And hauing left nine neere vnto Seste for the defence of the entry into the Pontique Sea the Commaunder hauing a good VVinde sailed with the tenth vnto Constantinople to view their Countenance And whither at this first beginning of the VVarre they would be better aduised But finding them ill affected hee retired vnto his whole Army with the which hee returned to Rhodes In the meane time the Constantinopolitains sent Embassies some vnto Acheus intreating him to hasten his Succours Others into Macedony to draw downe Thibete for it seemed that the Realme of Bythinia did as rightly belong to Thibete as to Prusias for that hee was his Vncle. The Rhodiens being aduertised of the obstinacy of the Constantinopolitains vsed Wisedome and Policy For when they vnderstood that all their Hope was in Acheus whose Father Ptolomy kept in Prison at Alexandria and that Acheus leauing all other Affaires whatsoeuer was carefull of his deliuery they thought good to send an Embassie to Ptolomy and to intreate him with great Affection to deliuer vnto them the father of Acheus to the end that by this means they should make him bound vnto them Ptolomy after he had heard the Embassadours did not seeme very willing to deliuer Andromochus hoping to make vse of him at neede for that hee was not yet well pacified with Antiochus and that Acheus hauing seazed vppon the Realme without any contradiction and farre extended his power For Andromochus was Father vnto Acheus and brother to Laodicea Wife to Seleucus Yet to please the Rhodiens hee deliuers him vnto them to restore him vnto his Sonne if they thought good The Rhodiens by this meanes hauing done according to their owne desires and reconciling themselues vnto Acheus by some other meanes they did frustrate the Constantinopolitains of their principall hope There fell out also another accident which troubled them very much For Thibete whom they had drawne out of Macedony as we haue said died suddainly of sicknesse For which accidents the Constantinopolitains began to faint Contrariwise Prusias hauing a greater hope of his Enterprize parted from Asia to make Warre and leuied men in Thrace pressing the Constantinopolitains so neere as they durst not issue or sally out of the Gates which looked towards Europe Wherefore being thus destitute of all hope and suffering all the iniuries of Warre they sought and inuented some honest meanes to be
and being discontented at the insolency of the Magistrates in choosing Lycurguâ— he began to plot an enterprize of reuolte Hoping therefore to gaine the loue and fauour of the people if doing like vnto Cleemenes he put them in hope to diuide the Lands againe hee doth his indeauour to bring it to effect And communicating his practice to his Friends he had 200. Confederates of his enterprize But knowing that Lycurgus and the Magistrates which had made him King would make a great opposition he studied first how to preuent it When as by chance all the Magistrates supt together he assailes them by surprize and kills them cruelly Behold how Fortune prepared a punishment worthy the deedes which they had committed Beleeue me there is not any man but will say that they had well deserued to be punished by him and for the cause for which they suffered As soone as Chylon had done this Execution he transports himselfe to Lycurgus house And although he were there yet he could not come at him for hee was preserued by his Houshold Seruants and by his neighbours and retired vnto Pellene by vnknowne wayes Chylon frustrated of so great an opportunity being wonderfully discontented was forced to doe that which necessity required and transporting himselfe to the place he seazed vpon all his enemies and gaue courage to his friends labouring to induce the rest to reuolt But when as he saw no man to like of it and that the Citty was in mutiny against him fearing what might happen steales away from thence and comes into Acheia alone being chased out of his Countrey The Lacedemonians fearing the descent of King Philip retired with whatsoeuer they had in the fields into their Townes and fortified them with men and all sorts of munition razing to the ground Athence of the Megalopolitains For that it seemed a very conuenient place for the enemy It is certaine that whilest the Lacedemonians maintained their good gouernment according to the Lawes of Lycurgus they were growne very great vnto the Warre of Leuctres Since which time they beganne to feele the crosses of Fortune and their gouernment grew worse being full of many discommodities and intestine Seditions with Banishments and ruines vntill the Tyranny of Nabydane whose name they could not endure These are things which haue beene related by many and are well knowne since that Cleomenes ruined the gouernement of the Country whereof wee will speake heereafter when opportunity shall require Philip passing by Megalopolis with his Army drew to Argos by the Country of Tegetane and there past the remainder of the Winter purchasing a wonderfull renowne of all the World aswell for his course of life as for the things which he had done in this Warre beyond the strength of his age Appelles who notwithstanding the Kings Commaundment desisted not from his dessigne laboured by little and little to make the Acheins subiect And when he found that Arate and the rest that were with him were opposite vnto his ends and that the King had them in great Reputation especially olde Arate for that he was in great Authority among the Acheins and Antigonus and was moreouer a good and discreete man he beganne to Traduce him with iniuries Then hee inquires what men there were in Acheia of a contrary saction to Arate and drawes them vnto him To whom hee giues a curteous and gracious reception drawing them by perswasions to his friendship and afterwards recommended them in perticular to the King he gaue him to vnderstand that if hee fauoured the party of 〈◊〉 hee should enioy the Acheiâ—s according to the Contracâ— of the League But if vsing his Councell he receiued the others into friendship hee should dispose of all Morea at his pleasure Moreouer the time of the Election approaching hee had an intent to cause one of the other Faction to be chosen Wherefore hee beganne to solicite the King to be at Egia at the Common Assembly of the Acheiâ—s as if he meant to goe from thence into the Elienses Countrey The King perswaded by his Words came vnto Egia at the prefixed time Where Appelles amazing the aduerse party in the end preuailed with great difficulty By this meanes Eperate was chosen Chiefe of the Acheins and Tymoxenes quite reiected whom Arate had named After these things Philip drawing his Army from Egira and marching by Patres and Dimes hee went to a Castle which the Countrey-men call Mur scituated in the Dimenses Country and lately taken by Euripides as wee haue formerly said As hee hasted with great heated to yeild it to the Dimenses hauing his Army ready in Battaile the Garrison of Elienses was so amazed as they presently yeâ—ded themselues and the Castle the which is not great in Circuit but very strong by Scituation and Walles For it had but two furlongs in Compasse but the VValls had not lesse then seauen Fathomes and a halfe in height Philip deliuering it to the Dimenses presently hee ouer-ranne the Prouince to spoile it After which he put all to fire and Sword and returned to Dime laden with great spoiles Apelles supposed that hee had effected part of his dessigne for that the chiefe had beene chosen according to his desire hee chargeth Arate againe desiring to him into disgrace with the King and raiseth a slander vpon him vpon these causes Amphidamuâ— Chiefe of the Elienses in the Burrough which they call Thalamâ— being taken and sent with the other Prisoners came to Olympia And there hee beganne to seeke by the meanes of some to speake vnto the King To whom when hee was brought hee told him that it was in his power to make the Elienses imbrace his Alliance and Friendship The King perswaded with his Words let him goe without ransome with a Charge to tell the Elienses that if they would entertaine his Alliance hee would deliuer all their Prisoners without ransome and that hee would preserue their Prouince from danger suffering them moreouer to liue in liberty and that hee would giue them no Garrisons nor pretend any Tribute but would suffer them to leuie mercenary men where their Affaires required The Elienses hearing these offers would not accept of them although they were great and profitable Appelles making this the occasion of his slander goes to Philip telling him that Arate and his Confederates kept no true Friendshippe with the Macedonians nor entertained the League sincerely For it was certaine they had beene the cause that the Elienses had not accepted the Conditions of the Alliance which had beene offered them For at that time when as hee sent Amphidamus to Olympia they had vsed speeches secretly vnto him that it was not for the good and benefit of Morea that Philip should be Lord of the Elienses and by this meanes the Elienses disdayning the conditions of Peace obserued their League with the Etoliens and indured the Macedonians Warre This Speech being ended Philip caused Arate with the Acheins to
in the depth of Winter had retired into Macedony and that Eperate Chiefe of the Acheiâ—s was made a scorne to the Youth of the Towne and to the Mercenaries and was not obeyed nor made any preparation for the defence of the Countrey Pyrrhee whom the Etoliens had sent to the Elienses for their Captaine accompanied with thirteene hundred Etoliens and a thousand Foote as well Souldiers as Burgesses of the Elienses and with two hundred Horse being in all about three thousand men aduertised thereof spoiled not onely the Countries of the Dimenses and Pharenses but also of Patres Finally he pitched his Campe neere vnto the Mountaine Panachaique which lookes towards Patres and wasted all the neighbour Region The Townes thus vexed being no was succour'd they payed the Taxe and charge vnwillingly The Souldiers would not be drawne to succour them for that their pay was delayed By this mutuall trouble the Acheins affaires were in bad case And the Mercenaries retired by little and little the which happened by the negligence of the Commander And when the affaires of Acheia stood in this estate and that the time of the Election was come Eperate left the gouernment and the Acheins in the Spring made choise of old Arate Thus past the Affaires in Europe But seeing that in the distinction of times and the order of actions we haue found a conuenient place for this Subiect let vs passe to the Warres of Asia vnder the same Olympiade Relating first as we haue promised in the beginning of our worke the Warre of Syrria which was betwixt Antiochus and Ptolomy And for that I know well that this Warre was not ended at such time as I left to treate of the Actions of Greece and being resolued to follow this perfection and distribution to the end the Readers may not be deceiued in the true knowledge of euery time I hope to leaue a sufficient instruction for those which desire to know it in setting downe at what time in this present Olympiade and of the deeds of the Grecians the beginning and ending of other actions happened Moreouer wee esteeme nothing better nor more honourable in this Olympiade then not to confound things to the end the discourse of the History may be plaine and easie And that distinguishing matters by order as much as may be possible vntill that comming to other Olympiades wee may yeeld to euery yeere its actions according to order And for that we haue not resolued to write them all nor the actions of all places and that wee haue vndertaken with greater affection to write Histories then our predecessours haue done it is fitting wee should be carefull to expresse them in order and that the generall worke of the History may with its parts be plaine and apparent Wherefore we will now write the Reignes of Antiâ—chus and Ptolomy reducing things from farre and pursuing our discourse from a beginning which may bee notorious and which squares with that which wee haue to say For those ancients which haue sayd that the beginning is a moiety of the whole they haue vndoubtedly taught vs that in all things wee should vse great diligence that the beginnings may be well ordered And although some thinke they haue vsed a high Stile yet in my opinion they doe not seeme to speake with truth Without doubt you may boldly say that the beginning is not onely a moiety of the whole but hath also a regard to the end Tell mee how canst thou make a good beginning if thou hast not first comprehended in thy vnderstanding the end of thy Enterprize And if thou knowest not in what part to what purpose and the cause why thou wilt make it For how can a History haue order if at the beginning or entrance thou doest not deliuer plainely from whence and how or wherefore thou art come vnto the relation which thou doest presently make of actions Wherefore they which will haue things heard and vnderstood fully thinke that the beginnings doe not onely serue for the one halfe but also for the end wherein they imploy themselues with great care and industry the which I will carefully indeauour to doe Although that I am certaine that many of the ancient Historiographers haue bin confident to haue done the like when as they pretended to write all generally and to haue written a longer History then their predecessours of whom I will forbeare to speake much or to name them Among the which I excuse Ephorus the first and onely man which hath attempted to write a generall History But I will vse no longer discourse nor name any of the rest But I will say that some Historiographers of our time comprehending the Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians in three or foure small Pages brag publiquely that they haue written all It is certaine that for as much as there hath beene many and great exploits performed in Spaine Affricke Stoily and Italy and that the Warre of Hâ—nnibal hath beene the greatest and longest except that of Sicily We must also vnderstand that the excellency of this warre hath beene the cause that wee haue all cast our eyes vpon it and the rather for that wee were in doubt of the end This is a Warre which euery man be hee neuer so dull and simple knowes Yet some of those which haue handled the History writing onely superficially the actions of some times yet they imagine they haue comprehended the deeds of the Grecians and Barbarians Whereof the cause is for that it is an easie thing to promise many great things by mouth but it is not easie to bring a great enterprize to an end And therefore this other is common and as a man may say in the hands of all men so as they haue courage But the last is rare and few men attaine vnto it Finally the arrogancy of some which glorifie themselues too much and commend their Writings hath caused mee to make this digression But now I returne vnto my enterprize When Ptolomy surnamed Philopater had seized vpon the Empire of Egypt after the death of his Father and had made away his Brother with his adherents thinking there was no more cause of feare in his Family for the afore said crime and that for strangers Fortune had in good time assured all things considering the death of Antigonus and Seleucus to whose Realmes Antiochus and Philip had succeeded who were scarce eighteene yeeres old he abandoned himselfe to pleasures whose example the whole Countrey followed For this cause his owne people made no esteeme of him And not onely his subiects but also the rest which mannaged the affaires both within and without Egypt The Lords of the lower Syrria and of Cypres haue made Warre against the Kings of Syria as well by Sea as Land They also which hold the chiefe Cities places and Ports which are along the Sea-coasts from Pamphilia vnto Hellespont and the Country of Lysimachia confined with the Principalities of
and could not vnderstand the practise Yet he sent men to the Gate which succours came somewhat late for that they descended by straights and hollow places Aribaze who was Captaine of the City went simply to the Gates which he had seene Antiochus assaile appoynting some to goe vnto the wall others to make sallies by the Gate to keepe the Enemy from approaching and to fight with them In the meane time Lagoras Theodote and Denis with their troupe hauing recouered the walls came to the Gate vnderneath whereof some maintayned the charge which the Inhabitants gaue them others brake the barres and bolt of the Gates The like did they without which were appoynted to that Quarter When as the gate was opened the other two thousand entred the City and seize vpon the place of the Theater This done all they which had runne to the walls and to the Gate which they call Perside who had beene sent by Aribaze to defend it against the Enemies assault came running thither After which retreate the Gate was opened so as some of the Kings troupe pursuing those which abandoned it entred pell mell When they had taken the Gate by force some entred the City others forced the next Gates They that were of Aribazes band with all the Citizens recouered the Fort by flight after they had made some little resistance After this route Legoras and Thodotes band stood firme in the place of the Theater seruing as a Fort to all the rest Finally the rest of the Army charging of all sides tooke the City By this meanes the City was wholly sackt and ruined some killing those they encountred others setting fire of the houses and some gaping after spoyle for their priuate profit And thus Antiochus vanquished the Sardins A PARCELL OF the Eighth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS concerning the Difference of a Perticular and Generall History NO man can iustly say if they to whom these kindes of Calamities and disasters haue befalne ought to be blamed or censured or helde worthy of pardon and pitty in regard thereof For that it falls and happens to many to whom all things haue beene done conformable and agreeable vnto reason to bee subiect to those which transgresse with great desire the things which are iust and reasonable before men Yet wee may not be silent here being necessary hauing regard to the time and circumstance of accidents to blame some Captaines and to pardon others The which will appeare plainly by this When Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians suspected that Cleomenes aspired to the Crowne he fled from Lacedemon Who soone after being againe perswaded put himselfe into his hands Being therefore by this meanes stript of Crowne and Life hee hath left no excuse to posterity of those things which he hath suffred For what colour is there the cause being still the same and Cleomenes power increasing but he should suffer the things which we haue spoken hauing put himselfe into their hands from whom he formerly had fled giuing order for his safety contrary to all hope Although that Pelopidas of Thebes had beene the cause of King Alexanders iniquity and that hee knew well that all Tyrants are capitall Enemies to those which defend liberty yet he perswaded Epaminundas to be Gouernour not only of the popular Common-weale of the Thebeins but also of the Grecians And as he was an Enemy to Thessaly to the end he might ruine the Monarchy of Alexander yet he presumed to go the second time in Embassie vnto him Wherefore when he fell into the hands of his Enemies hee was the cause of great preiudice to the Thebeins and the ruine of their glory which vntill that time they had preserued for the confidence he had in those whom he should not haue trusted The like hapned to Cheius Chiefe of the Romans during the Warre of Sycily for that he had indiscreetly thrust himselfe into the Enemies power Diuers others haue suffered the like Wherefore they are worthy of blame who without great consideration submit themselues vnto their Enemies and not they who asmuch as in them lies mannaged their Affaires discreetly for in truth no man can gouerne them well relying vpon another If thou dost them by certaine occasions which are conformable to reason thou shalt be blamelesse The most likely causes of this kind are an Oath Children Wife and for the most certaine the fore-passed life And if it happens that vnder colour of these things thou falst into an inconuenience the faulte shall not bee thine in suffering but theirs who commit the wrong Wherefore we must seeke such Arguments and assurances as in regard thereof he in whom you trust may not breake the faith which hee hath giuen But for that there are few such the best will bee to haue a care of those which are conformable to reason so as if wee be decelued therein wee may not loose our excuse with strangers the which hath hapned to many of our Predecessors It is a thing much more manifest in those times whereof wee haue made mention and of a later date in that which hath befaene Acheus who fell into his Enemies hands although hee omitted nothing that might be done for his safety prouiding for all things as much as Humane sense could effect Wherefore the euent hath caused commisseration and pardon in him which hath suffered with strangers and blame and hatred to those which haue done the outrage Moreouer I do not find it strange to my Enterprize and first intention to aduertise the Readers of the greatnesse of these things and of the ambitious desire of the Roman and Carthaginian Common-weales Who will not hold it fit to be considered how the Gouernours of such great Cities not being ignorant of the things which had happened in Italy and Spaine hauing moreouer of either side an equall hope of the future and a present danger of the Warre haue not beene contented with this apparent discommodity but contended for Sardinia and Sycily imbracing the whole not onely in hope but with Expences and Preparations of Warre which will mooue any man to wonder that shall obserue it all in perticular The Romans had two sufficient Armies in Italy with their Consuls for their preseruations And two others in Spaine where Gneius had the leading of that by Land and Publius of the other by Sea These are things which happened to the Carthaginians Moreouer they sent an Army by Sea to crosse the attempts of Philip in Greece In the which Marcus Valerius commaunded first then Publius Sulpicius with whom Appius likewise ioyned with a hundred Quinqueremes Moreouer Marcus Claudius furnished with an Army at Land had assailed Sycily The like Amilcar had done being sent by the Carthaginians By the which things I am confident the which I haue often spoken in the beginning of this Worke to find a certaine assurance by the accidents which consist in this that it is not possible for those which Write perticular Histories to be able
or to giue ouer the Warres to the ende they may alwaies defend themselues from those which seeke an opportunity to do euill and to make vse of those whom they know to bee their Subiects or true friends when necessity shall require These causes which we haue specified are those of the second Punique Warre and the beginning of that which we will now relate The Carthaginians hardly induring the losse of Sycile which the Romanes had taken from them It is true that as we haue said Sardinia which they had surprized by Treason during the mutiny of Affricke and this summe of money which they had caused them to pay did much increase their hatred And therefore it was likely that as soone as they should grow great in Spaine they would transport the VVarre into Italy But after the death of Asdrubal who after the death of Amilcar was Generall of the Carthaginians they desired to know the will of the Souldiers before they would place a new Commaunder And when as the newes came from the Campe that Hannibal had bin chosen Captaine by a generall consent they presently assembled and confirmed with one accord by the election of the men of VVar. Hannibal hauing receiued all power and considering that to linger was of no worth he marcht with his army to the skirts of the Olcades to ruine them And therefore he besieged Carteia the chiefe Towne of that Countrey and tooke it by assault after some dayes resistance So as the other Townes being terrified yeelded of themselues to the Carthaginians After this Victory the Army retired to winter at Carthagena with great booty whereas Hannibal vsing great bounty deuided it amongst the Souldiers So as hee gained their hearts wonderfully leauing them in great hope for the future In the Spring hee led his Army against the Vacceens and presently conquered Ermandique Afterwards hee tooke Arbacale by force not without great danger hauing held it long besieged For that it had beene well defended by the greatnesse of the Citty and the multitude and courage of the Inhabitants After this hee suddainly fell by chance into a maruellous danger by a charge which the Toletains haue him at his returne from the Vacceens with a great booty For it is a people which exceeds all the rest of this Prouince in courage and multitudes of men with the which also there ioyned the Fugitiues of Ermandique Whereunto the banished men of the Olcades had perswaded them Without doubt the Carthaginians had beene vanquished and defeated if they had offered Battell but Hannibal gaue order to the contrary and striking Sâ—ile to enemy he planted himselfe vppon the Banke of the Riuer of Tagus giuing charge vnto his Horse men that when they should see the Enemies enter into the Water they should charge the Battalion of foote He lodg'd forty Elephants along the Bankes By this meanes all things succeeded happily for that he had the riuer and the Elephants as it were for Combattants For the Barbarians thinking that the Carthaginians were retired for feare they cast themselues confusedly into the Riuer with great cries Wherefore a great number of them were defeated vpon the Bankes of the Riuer by the Elephants which stood there and flew them at their landing Some were also slâ—ine in the Riuer by the Horse men for that the Horsemen being at ease and without Armour could better helpe themselues and annoy the enemies who durst not relye vpon the Ford. They which were in the Reare and might easily recouer the Banke retired vntill in the end the Carthaginians cast themselues into the riuer with all their bands and companies and put them to flight The Toletains army with the Olcades and Vacceens consisted of a hundred thousand men After which defeate there were not any found beyond the riuer of Ebro that durst resist the Carthaginians except the Sagontins It is true that Hannibal would not fall vpon them least hee should offer an occasion of Warre to the Romanes before hee had seized vppon that which his Father Amilcar had aduised him to do In the meane time the Sagontins sent often to Rome aswell for the care of their owne priuate affaires as also fore-seeing future things and likewise to aduertise them of the good Fortune of the Carthaginians in Spaine Finally the Romanes hauing thereupon many and diuers aduertisements they sent an Embassie into Spaine to discouer the course of Hannibals actions But he was retired to Winter at Carthagena hauing mannaged his affaires to his owne liking Being suddainly arriued there he cals them and giues them audience and power to deliuer their charge The Embassadours at the first signifies vnto him that he should demaund nothing from the Sagontins being allied vnto the Romanes And moreouer that he should not passe the riuer of Ebro for that it had beene so concluded by the Treaty made with Asdruball The which being heard by Hannibal like a young man and greedy of War and who easily did what he would with the Senate of Carthage by the meanes of the heads of his faction together with the hatred he bare against the Romanes he answered the Embassadours as a friend to the Sagontins blaming the people of Rome who when they had lately receiued Letters from the Sagontins for a mutiny which was growne amongst them to the end they might send some Embassie to pacifie it they had wickedly put to death some of the principall of the Citty Whereof he threatens them to take reuenge saying that the Carthaginians had a Custome not to disdaine outrages On the other side he sent vnto Carthage to aduertise them of that which they were to do considering that the Sagontins relying vppon the Alliance with the Romanes had done great outrages to many Townes subiect to the Carthaginians Finally as one full of inconstancy and rage and inflamed with a desire to make Warre he propounded no other valuable reason pursuing only certaine friuolous and impertinent causes The which is incident to those who transported by their passion forget their duty But had it not beene much better to say thus That the Carthaginians do rightfully demaund of the Romanes that they restore vnto them Sardinia and the siluer which for so many yeares they had vniustly drawne from them during their great affaires and if they did it not they will proclaime Warre against them Where as contrariwise it seemes now in leauing the true cause and supposing a false one of the Sagontins they would make it not only without occasion but also with great outrage And although the Embassadours vnderstood well that vppon necessity they must enter into Warre yet they went vnto Carthage where they vsed the like speech It is true the Romanes meant to Transport it into Spaine and not into Italy and to haue Sagont for a Fort. Wherefore in the interim they laboured first to pacifie the Wars of Sclauonia as if they intended to make a Warre that was
as they which were lightly armed which had beene sent to succour them met with them that fled they were forced to doe the like being amazed with this new accident and partly broken by them that fled So as the defeate was but of fiue hundred whereas the â—light was of aboue two thousand The Etoliens seeing plainely what they had to doe pursued the Acheins with cries and ioy Who thinking to finde their men in Battaile where they had left them retired to Arate And therefore their flight in the beginning was honest and for their safety But when as they saw them dislodge and to come by files and in disorder then some flying here and there sought for their safety others marching directly to their owne men disordred one another without any Enemy Finally they all flie and saue themselues in the neighbour Townâ—s for Orchomenes and Caphies were not farre off otherwise they had beene all taken or slaine that day Thus the Acheins were defeated neere vnto Caphies The Megalopolitains being aduertised that the Etoliens had planted their Campe neere vnto Methydrie they assembled all with one consent and went to Field three dayes after the Battaile to succour the Acheins but they were forced to bury those with whom they did hope to fight against the Enemy And therefore they made a great Ditch wherein they put all the dead Bodies and performed their obsequies after the manner of the Countrey The Etoliens being Victors past through Mroea without feare of danger At what time after they had sought diuers wayes to gaine the Pellenesiens and had ruined the Country of the Sicyoniens in the end they retired by the streight of the Isthmus These were the cause of the warre of the Allies whereof wee haue formerly spoken whereof the beginning was by a Decree which was afterwards made among the Allies and confirmed at Corinthe where they were all assembled for that cause Philip King of Macedon consenting thereunto Some few dayes after the Acheins being assembled they blamed Arate both in publique and priuate as if he had beene the cause of this defeat and losse and the Commons were the more inflamed for that the Enemies league made it to seeme greater First it seemed hee had committed a great fault to haue seazed vpon the Magistracie before his time and to haue made enterprizes doing another mans office wherein hee had many times before beene vnfortunate But it seemed hee had done worse dissoluing the Acheins Army the Etolien Commaunders being still in the midst of Morea Thirdly that being ill accompanied he had giuen Battaile without force considering that hee might easily haue retired to the Neighbour Townes vntill the Acheins had made a new head and then giue Battaile if he had thought it fit Finally that hee had carried himselfe so inconsiderately that in leauing the Plaines where without doubt his Men had beene the stronger he had assailed the Enemie in the Mountaines with Souldiers lightly armed whereby the Etoliens could haue no greater aduantage Yet suddainly when as Arate was returned and 〈◊〉 into the assembly and that he began to deliuer the things which he had formerly done for the publique good and had made knowne the causes of the last Defeat and giuen them to vnderstand that he was not the cause thereof as his Enemies had falsly slaundred him and that finally hee would haue craued pardon letting them know that if hee had commited any fault the Acheins should not consider the euent of things so bitterly nor with such rigour but with fauour and mildnesse the opinion of the Commons was suddainly so changed as where before they seem'd to be wonderfully incensed against Arate they sodainly turned their choller against his ill-willers so as from that time they followed the Councell and opinion of Arate These things happened in the hundred and nine and thirtieth Olympiade and those which follow in the hundred and fortieth It was then resolued by the Acheins to send Embassies to the Epirotes Peociens Phocenses Acarnaniens and to Philip King of Macedon to let them vnderstand that the Etoliens had entred twice into Acheia contrary to the former accords and likewise to demaund succours according to the league and moreouer that the Messeniens might bee receiued and that the chiefe of the Acheins might leauie fiue thousand Foote and fiue hundred Horse and succour the Messeniens if the Etoliens did reassaile them Finally that he might agree with the Lacedemnians and Messeniens touching the number of Foote and Horse which they should keepe ready for the common affaires of the league After these things thus resolued the Achiens stomacking the Defeate whereof we haue spoken did not forget the Messeniens affaires nor their resolution The Embassadours execute their charge diligently The chiefe likewise assemble the youth as it had beene decreed and agree with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens that either of them should furnish two thousand fiue hundred Foote and two hundred and fifty Horse to the end that the whole might amount to ten thousand Foote and a thousand Horse The time being come when as the Etoliens were to hold their Diet they assembled the Commons and consulted how to make a peace with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens and with other people their neighbours being forced partly by pouerty and partly weakned by the Acheins Allies As for the Acheins they resolued to contract with them if they would leaue the Alliance of the Messeniens But if they would hold it still they were of aduice to make Warre against them which was a most idle and sencelesse thing For being allied to the Acheins aud Messeniens they declared Warre against the Acheins if they contracted any Friendship or alliance with the Messeniens and contrariwise a peace was confirmed if they held them for their Enemies And therefore their villany could not take place by reason of the contrariety of their subtill inuention The Epirotes and Philip hauing heard the Embassadours charge receiued the Messeniens into the league and although they disliked the outrages of the Etoliens yet it seemed they made no great accompt of it for that they had done no new action considering they had beene accustomed to such things Wherefore they willingly continued a peace with them Thus sometimes outrages growne old and continued are sooner pardoned then those of new date The Etoliens vsing this course of life in ruining Greece by their incursions and making Warre many times before they declared it did not vouchsafe to answer to the complaints Many times also they made no accompt and mockt at those which demanded satisfaction for those things which they had done or would doe And although that the Lacedemonians had beene lately restored to liberty by Antigonus by meanes of the Acheins hauing promised to Philip and the Macedonians not to attempt any thing against them yet they sent an Embassie secretly to the Etoliens and confirmed friendship and alliance with them When as the
and certaine Countries nor finally the difference of circumstances For these are things common to all men It is also the meanes to aduertise the Reader of things vnknowne as we haue sayd The scituation of places whereof we speake is this Although that Lacedemon seemes to stand in a plaine yet it hath here and there rough and hilly places Neere vnto which towards the East passeth this Riuer which they call Erota the which for the most part of the yeere is not to be waded thorough by reason of its great depth The Mountaines wherein Menelaie stands are on the other side of the Riuer towards the Citty which looke towards the Winters East the which are tough and difficult and wonderfull high And bend ouer the Plaine which lies betwixt the Riuer and the Citty by the which it takes its course along the foote of the Mountaines The King was of necessity to passe that way hauing the Citty on the left hand and the Lacedemonians ready and in Armes And on the right hand the Riuer and those which were in the Mountaines with Licurgus Matters standing in this estate the Lacedemonians bethought themselues of a stratagem by the which in breaking of a Damme they should drowne all the Plaine betwixt the Citty and the foot of the Mountains so as neither Horse nor Foote should be able to passe By this meanes they saw the King should bee forced to lead his Army by the foote of the Mountaines the which he could not doe without great danger for that he should be forced to extend his Army in length and not vnited and close and to march a slow pace Philip seeing this assembles his Friends and was of opinion that he must first chase away Licurgus from the places which hee held Wherefore he takes in his company the Mercenaries the Targeteers and the Sclauonians and began to march directly towards the Mountaines to passe the Riuer Licurgus vnderstanding of the Kings resolution put his men in Battaile and perswades them to doe their duties in fighting and withall hee makes a signe to them of the Citty as he had promised Which done the Souldiers presently sally forth putting the Horse-men on the right wing When Philip came neere vnto Licurgus he sent the Mercenaries to giue the first charge of whom the Lacedemonians had the better at the first by reason of the aduantage of the place and the manner of their Armes But when as he had sent the Targeteers with the Sclauonians to succour the Mercenaries there was so great an alteration as the Mercenaries seemed to haue the victory in their hands And the Lacedemonians amazed at the fury of them that were well armed fled presently as despairing of their safety There died about a hundred men and some few more taken the rest recouered the Citty Licurgus taking his way by inaccessible woods arriued the night following at the Citty When as Philip had put a sufficient strength of Sclauonians into the Mountaines he returned with them that were lightly armed and the Targeteers to his Army At the same time Arate bringing back the Army from Amycle was not far from the City with whom the King passing the Riuer ioyned and appointed them that were well armed to make head against the Horse-men at the foot of the Mountaine When as the Lacedemonian Horse-men had charged the Macedonians and the targeteers had fought valiantly and withal the King had performed his duty well they were in the end repuls'd shamefully to the gates of the City Afterwards the King past Eurota safely and was forced to settle his Campe in the night at his comming forth of the streights in a place which was very strong by nature Finally the King had an humour to ouer-run the Countrey neere to Lacedemon In the beginning of the said streights vpon the approaches from Teges by the firme Land to Lacedemon there is a place about two Furlongs distant from the Citty vnder the which the Riuer hath its course the which imbraceth the Citty and the side of the Riuer with a steepe and inaccessible Mountaine The foote of this Mountaine is a slimy and watery Plaine as well for the entry as the going forth of an Army so as whosoeuer plants his Campe there in seazing vpon the Hill seemes to campe safely and to be in a sure place in regard of the Towne which is opposite hauing vnder its power the entry and issue of the streights Philip hauing seated his Campe there he causeth the Baggage to march the next day and drawes his Army into the Plaine in view of the Towne Where after he had stayed some time hee wheeles about like a Bowe and takes his way towards Tegea And when hee came into the Countrey where that famous Battaile was fought betwixt Antigonus and Cleomenes he planted his Campe there Three dayes after when the places were well viewed and the Sacrifices performed in two Mountaines whereof the one is called Olympe and the other Eua he went on his way and came to Tegea where he stayed some time to diuide the spoile Then suddainly hee returned to Corinthe with his Army Thither came Embassadours from Rhodes and Chios to the King to mediate a peace betwixt him and the Etoliens To whom the King giuing a gracious reception he told them that he had long and at that present was ready to imbrace a peace if the Etoliens held it fit and that they should goe vnto them and consider of the meanes therof From thence he went to Leche and prepared himselfe to imbarke desiring to decide some pressing affaires at Phocis At the same time Leonce Megalee and Ptolomy thinking yet to terrifie the King and by that meanes to repaire their errours calls the Targeteers and those whom the Macedonians terme the Kings Troupe whom they informe that they are dayly in great danger without any recompence or any share in the spoile according to the ancient custome approued by all men By meanes whereof they perswade these young men to assaile and spoile the Lodgings of the Kings principall Minions and that falling vpon the Kings owne Lodging they should ouerthrow the Gates and couering The which when they had done there grew a great mutiny in the Towne Philip hearing the noise makes haste to returne from the Port And drawing the Macedonians together he pacifieth them partly with words and blaming them for the things which they had done And when as the fury increased and that some were of opinion to chase out of the Towne those that had beene the cause of the mutiny others saying that this fury of the Commons ought to bee pacified without any greater punishment the King dissembled his conceite for the present And being as it were perswaded by them hee returned to the Hauen after hee had giuen them many admonitions knowing well the heads of this villany But hee thought good to deferre it to a more conuenient time Leonce and his Faction despairing for that
aâ—d preparatâ—on and to make an Army by Sea Apolophanes of whom wee haue spoken being borne in Seleucia stood vp and ouerthrew all the Opinions which had beene formerly giuen saying that it was a solly to drawe the Warre into base Syrria and to suffer â—â—olomy to hold Sâ—â—encia for that it was the sourse and cause of their Principality That besides the disgrace hee should doe vnto his Reignâ— considering that the force of the Kings of Egypt had alwaies kept it it had moreouer great commodities for the mannaging of the Warre For whilest the Enemies shall hold it it would be very preiudiciall to all his Enterprizes For there must be no lesse care vsed to defend himselfe from this City then to assaile the Enemy And if hee held it he should not onely be able to preserue his owne with safety but also to vndertake some good action both by Sea and Land for the great opportunity of the place The whole Assembly allowed of Apolophâ—â—es aduice and resolued to take the Citty first for then Sâ—lâ—ucia was held by the Kings of Egypt from the time that Ptâ—lomy reigned who was surnamed the Bâ—nefactor Hee conquered it at such time that for the ruine of Beronicâ— and the rage he had concelued in his heâ—â—t hee made a descent into base Syrria with an Army Antiochus after Apolophanes aduice was approued hee commanded Diogone Generall of the Army at Sea to fayle speedily to Seleuciâ— And in the meane time parting from Apamia with his Army he lodgeth within fiue Furlongs of Hippodrome Hee likewise sends away Theâ—â—ore Hermioly with a sufficient Army for Syrria to the end he might gaine the streights and prouide for the affaires of that Prouince This is the scituation of Seleucia and the places about it that as the Citty is seated vpon the Sea-shoare betwixt Cilâ—cia and Phenicia so it hath vnder iâ— a wonderful great Mountaine which they call Coryphes whose side towards the West is washed with the Sea which is betwixt Cipres and Phenâ—â—ia and the other which lookes to the East ioynes to the Regions of the Antiochiens and Seleucenâ—es Seleucia scituated on the South and seperated by a deepe and inaccessible Valley which extends to the Sea being enuironed with great Rockes and Caues And on that side which lookes to the Sea it hath steps and Suburbs inclosed with walls The Citty also is fortified with a good wall and beautified with Temples and faire buildings It hath but one approach towards the sea the which is difficult and made by hand for they must ascend vnto it by Ladders The riuer of Orâ—nte enters into the Sea neere vnto it taking its sourse and beginning at Liban and Antiliban and passeth by Antiochia whereas running continually it carries away by its swift course all the filth of the people Finally it enters into the Sea neere vnto Seleucia Antiochus in the beginning sent to the Gouernours of the Citty offâ—ring them money with great hopes if without fighting they would deliuer it vnto him But when he could not winne them he corrupts some of the inferiour Captaines with whom hauing agreed he puts his men in Battaile as if he meant to assaile the Towne with his Army at Sea and at Land on that side which lookes towards Epirus Diuiding then his Army in three after that hee had inflamed the hearts of the Souldiers promising them great rewards hee appointed Zeuxiâ— with his Company to bee at the Gate which goes to Antiochia and he gaue to Hermogenes the places by which they goe to Dioscoria and giues charge to Ardâ—â— and Diogene to assaile the Suburbs and Arsenall for it had beene so agreed with the Traytors that as soone as the Suburbs were taken they should deliuer him the Citty When as the King had giuen the â—igne for an assault they all did their indeauours But among the rest they which were with Ardâ—â— and Diogene carried themselues valiantly For they could not assault noâ— scale the other places But in regard of the Arsenall and Suburbs they might assault and scale them Wherefore whilest that the Army at Sea fell vpon the Arsenall and Ardis Troupes vpon the Suburbs scaling the Walls and that they of the Towne could not succour them for that they were enuironed on all sides by the Enemy it fell out that the Suburbe was suddainly taken Which done the petty Captaines corrupted by the King ran to Leonce who at that time was Gouernour of the Citty perswading him to send to Antiochus before the City were forced And although that Leonce were ignorant of the Treason he sent presently to Antiochus being troubled with the amazement of his people to yeeld them the Citty vpon condition to haue the liues of all the Inhabitants saued The King accepting the condition promised to saue the liues of all Free-men which were about sixe thousand But when hee was entred he not onely pardoned the Burgesses but also called home the banished men of Seleucia and restored vnto them the gouernment of their publique affaires and all their goods and put a good Garrison into the Hauen and Port. Whilest Antiochus stayed at Seleucia hee receiued Letters from Theodote by the which he solicited him to goe speedily into base Syrria The King was long in suspence what councell he should take and was pensiue and troubled with the course he should take in this action you must vnderstand that Theodote borne in Etolia had done great seruices for the Realme of Ptolomy whereof wee haue formerly made mention and many times put his life in danger At such time as Antiochus made Warre against Molon hee tooke in person disdaining the King and distrusting his Courtiers Ptolemais and Tyrus by Paneteole and suddainly called in Antiochus The King hauing taken Acheus to heart and laying aside all other affaires he returnes with his Army the same way he came When he was come to a place which the Countrey people call Marsia hee camped neere the streights which are about Gerre which is not farre from the Fens lying in the midst of that Countrey There being aduertised that Nicholas Lieutenant Generall to Ptolomy held Ptolomais besieged in the which Theodote was hee left those that were best armed and gaue charge to besiege the Towne of Broches lying vpon the Fenns making haste to goe and raise the Siege Nicholas aduertised by his Spies of the Kings comming retired and sent Lagore of Candy and Dorimene of Etolia to gaine the streights which are neere vnto Beryta Where the King planted his Campe after that he had fought with them and put them to flight And when hee had drawne together the rest of his Army in the same place he makes an Oration to his Souldiers and marcheth away with great courage There Theodote and Paneteole met with him with their Friends to whom he gaue a good and gracious reception and he tooke Tyrus and Ptolemais with all their preparation of Warre There were in these Townes forty
of the Sicilians they had all that we haue made mention of They say that when they came first into Sicily they which then held that Region where they now dwell being amazed and receiuing them with feare made an accord with them which was that they should maintaine Friendship and enioy the Countrey in common as long as they should tread vpon the Earth and carry a head vpon their shoulders And when this kinde of Oath was made they say that the Locrines did put earth into their shooes and secretly hid the heads of Garlicke and hauing thus sworne and finally cast the Earth out of their shooes and likewise the heads of Garlicke soone after they chast away the Sicilians out of the Countrey This the Locrines did say As a Rule although it hath lesse length and breadth yet it retaines still the Name if it hath that which is proper to a Rule So they say if it be not straight and hauing the property of a Rule it must rather be called by some other name then a Rule In like manner they hold that if the Commentaries of Historiographers which failing either in Diction or vse or in any other of the parts which are proper vnto them obserue the truth they deserue the name of a History But if that failes they are no more worthy of that name For my part I confesse that such Commentaries are to be held for true and I am of this opinion in euery part of our Worke when I say that euen as when the Bones are separated from a liuing Creature it is made vn-vsefull so is a History For if thou takest away the truth the rest will bee but a vaine Narration We haue sayd that there were two kinds of lies the one through ignorance the other which is deliuered wittingly The pardon is easie for those which through ignorance stray from the truth and they are to be hated deadly which lie willingly As men of iudgment resoluing to reuenge their enemies doe not first obserue what their Neighbour deserues but rather what they must doe the like we must thinke concerning dotracters not caring for that which the Enemies ought to heare but to obserue carefully what it is fit to speake They which measure all things according to their choller and enuy must of necessity faile in all and stray from reason when they speake otherwise then is fitting Wherefore we doe not seeme vniustly to reproue the speeches which Tymeus hath held against Demochares In truth hee neither deserues pardon nor credit with any man for that in wronging him openly hee straies from reason in regard of his naturall bitternesse Neither doe the iniuries against Agathocles please mee although he were the most cruell man liuing I speake of those whereof hee makes mention in the end of his History saying that Agathocles had beene a publique Sodomite in his younger yeares and abandoned to all infamous and vild persons and so to other foule villanies which he addes Moreouer hee sayth that after his death his Wife lamented him in this manner Why haue not I thee nor thou mee In regard of the speeches which he hath held of Demochares some will not onely cry out but wonder with reason at his excessiue Rage That Agathocles had necessarily by Nature a great prerogatiue it is manifest by the Discourse which Tymeus hath held Hee came to Sarragosse flying the Wheele Smoake and Clay being eighteene yeares old And when he was come for this cause sometime after he was Lord of all Sicily Hee also drew the Carthaginians into great extremities and ended his life with the Name of a King after that he had growne old in this gouernment It is not then necessary to say that there had some things happened to Agathocles which were great and excellent and that hee had had great power and great forces to execute all these things And that a Historiographer must not onely deliuer vnto posterity those things which concerne the blame and shew the accusation but also those which touch the praise of the man This is the property of a History But this Childe blinded with his owne rancor in his relation augments through hatred his offences omitting wholy the vertues being ignorant that it is no lesse blame worthy then a lye in those which write the Histories of Actions It happened saith he that as two young men contended for a Seruant that he was somewhat long with a Friend And when as the other two dayes before came out of the Countrey in the absence of the Master the Seruant retired speedily into the house and that afterwards the other knowing he came thither seazing on him brought him into Question saying that the Maister of the house ought to giue Caution For the Law of Zaleucus was that he deserued a suite to whom he had made the retreate And when as the other sayd that according to the same Law he had also made the retreate for that the Body was parted to come vnto the Potentate he saith that the Princes were in doubt vpon this businesse and called Cosmopole referring themselues to him in this cause Who interpreted this Law saying that the retreat hath alwayes beene to him who had the last or for a time possessed the thing debated without contradiction But if any one spoild another by force and had retired it and that subsequently he which first enioyed it termes himselfe the maister this is no true possession And when as the Young man discontented at this sentence sayd that it was not the sense of the Law Cosmopole protested and offerd the Condition if there were any man that would speake any thing touching the sentence or sense of the Law established by Laleuens The which is such that the Captaines Milleniers being there appointed with Halters to hang men they consulted vpon the sense of the Law if any one drew the sentence of the Law to a bad sense hee was strangled in the presence of the Milleniers This Speech being propounded by Cosmopole the Young man answered that the Condition was vniust for that Cosmopole had not aboue two or three yeares to liue for hee was about fourescore and ten yeares old and that he according to reason had the greatest part of his life remaining For which witty and pleasant Speech hee escaped the seuerity of the iudgement and the Princes iudged according to the aduice of Cosmopole Wee will make mention of a certaine expedition of Warre which hath beene very famous and decided in a very short time In the relation whereof Galisthenes hath ert'd in that which doth most import I speake of that which Alexander made into Cilicia against Darius In the which he saith that Alexander had past the streights which they call the Ports of Cilicia and that Darius tooke his way by the Ports which they call Menides and drew with his Army towards Cilicia And when he vnderstood by the Inhabitants that
and pleasure by History Wee will therefore make the beginning of this Booke at the first Voyage which the Romans made by Sea which is subsequent to those things which Timerus hath last written which was in the hundred and nine and twentieth Olimpiade We must therefore relate how and what time they ended their Quarrels in Italy and what meanes they had to passe into Sicily For this is the first voyage they euer made out of their Territories whereof wee must set downe the reason simply and without disguising to the end that by the search from one cause to another the beginning and consideration of the whole may not proue doubtfull The beginning also must bee agreeable to the Time and Subiects and that it be knowne to all the which they may consider by themselues yea in seeking out those things which were past long before and in the meane time relate the Actions summarily For it is certaine that the beginning being vnknowne or obscure its continuance cannot perswade nor purchase beleefe But if the Opinion of the beginning be true then all the subsequent Narration doth easily content the Auditors eare Nineteene yeeres after the battell wone vpon the Riuer Aegos and sixteene yeeres before the Warre of Leuctra where the Lacedemonians treated a peace with Anâ—alcides King of Persia when as Denis the old held the Citty of Rhegium in Calabria besieged after that hee had defeated the Grecians inhabiting vpon the limits of Italy neere vnto the Riuer of Elleporis and that the Gaules hauing wholy ruined Rome held it except the Capitall During which time the Romans hauing made an accord with them which they found good and profitable and had recouered their liberty contrary to their hope and expectance and had in a manner taken a beginning of their increase they declared Warre against their Neighbours As soone as the Latins had beene vanquished aswell by their prowesse as by the fortune of the Warre they turned their Armes against the Tuscans then to the Celtes which are in Italy and finally vpon the Samnites which confine the Region of the Latins towards the East and North. Sometime after the Tarrentines seeing the outrage which they had committed against the Romane Embassadours not relying much vpon their owne forces they called in King Pyrrhus the yeere before the Descent of the Gaules into Italy and before the Retreate of those which were defeated in Battell neere vnto Delphos Then the Romans after they had vanquished the Tuscans and Samnites and beaten the Celtes often began to make warre against the rest of Italy not as contending for another mans Lands but as for their owne and formerly â—â—â—onging vnto them being now growne warlike by the Warres which they had had against the Celtes and Samnites The Romans then after that Pyrrhus and his forces had beene chased out of Italy taking this Warre to heart they pursued such as had followed his party Being suddainly become Maisters of all according to their desires and that all Italy was wholy subdued except the Celtes they presently besieged some of theirs which held Regium One and the like fortune befell two Citties scituated vpon the Straight of that Sea that is Messina and Rhegium Some Campanois hauing beene lately in pay with Agathocles in Sicily wondring at the beauty and wealth of Messina they suddainly when they found an opportunity assailed it breaking their Faith they hauing beene receiued into it by Friendship where they expell'd some of the Cittizens and slew others After which wicked act they shared their Wiues and Children among them as their fortunes fell out during the Combate Then they diuided their goods and lands But after this suddaine and easâ—e Conquest of so goodly a Countrey and City they soone found others that did imitate their villanies They of Rhegium amazed with the descent of Pyrrhus at such time as he past into Italy and fearing in like manner the Carthaginians being then Maisters of the Sea they craued a Garrison and men from the Romans Those which they sent vnto them were to the number of 4000. vnder the command of Decius the Campanois they kept the Towne for a time and their faith in like manner with the Cittizens in defending them but in the end moued by the example of the Mamertins who solicited them to coÌ„mit this base act they falsified their faith being aswell incited by the opportunity of the deed as by the wealth of Rhegium and chased away some Cittizens and slew others finally they seased vpon the Citty as the Mamertines had done And although the Romans were discontented at the misfortune of the Rhegins yet they could not relieue them for that they must settle an order for their precedent VVarres But after they had ended them they besieged them of Rhegium and afterward they entred it by force whereas many were slaine who being certaine of the punishments they were to endure defended themselues valiantly to death Aboue three hundred were taken aliue who presently after their comming to Rome the Commanders of the VVarre commanded them to be brought into the Market-place where they were whipt and in the end their heads strooke off after the manner of the Countrey They did vse this punishment to the end that their Faith as much as might be possible might be confirmed towards their confederates Presently after they caused the Towne and Countrey to be deliuered to the Rhegins But whilest that the Mamertins youmust vnderstand that the Campanois caused themselues to be so called after the taking of Messina were relieued by the Romans which held Rhegium by force they not onely enioyed the Countrey and Towne peaceably but they committed great spoiles vpon many other Townes their Neighbours aswell of the Carthaginians as of Saragosse otherwise Siracusa The greatest part of Sicily was tributary vnto them But soone after when they were depriued of those succours and that they which held Rhegium were besieged they were in like manner by them of Saragosse for the causes which follow As a little before the men of warre of Saragosse camping neere vnto Mergane being in dissention with the Goutrnours of the Common-weale they chose for their Captaines Artemtdore and Hieron who afterwards was their King being yet very young But finally so well endowed with all the graâ—es of Nature and Minde as hee wanted no Royall conditions but the Crowne Hauing accepted the Magistracy and made his entry into the Towne very well accompanied by his Friends where hauing vanquished the Burgesses of the contrary faction hee vsed the Victory with so great clemency and modesty as by a common consent of all in generall he was chosen their Commander although they did not allow of the Election made by the Souldiers It is true that Hieron made knowne to men of iudgement and vnderstanding that he had conceiued greater designes in his minde then to be their Leader First knowing well that the Saragossins were mutinous and desirous
a great part of Spaine Where staying about nine yeares conquering many Townes by force and othâ—rs by composition to haue their liues and goods safe hee dyed a Death worthy of his actions For when he had made Warre against couragious and powerfull people he dyed after hee had exposed himselfe to all dangers with great assurance and the admiration of all the World After this the Carthaginians made Asdrubal kinsman to Amilcar who had commaunded the Triremes Generall of their Army At which time the Romanes passed to Sclauonia and to that part of Europe with an Army They which desire to vnderstand truely our Discourse with the beginning and increase of the Romane power must diligently obserue it This Voyage by Sea was vndertaken for the causes which here follow Agron King of Sclauonia was the Sonne of Plurate This King drew to field more foote and Horse than any that had reigned before him in Sclauonia It is true that he was corrupted with money at the perswasion of Demetrius Father to Philip so as he succour'd the Midioniens whom the Etoliens held besieged You must vnderstand that when the Etoliens saw that they could not draw the Midioniens to liue according to their Lawes they began to make Warre against them laying siege to diuers places and doing what they possibly could to take the Citty And as in the meane time the day of the assembly was come wherein they were to chuse another Captaine of the Army and that the besieged were growne so weake as they seemed to haue no other thoughts but of yeilding he which at that time was Generall came vnto the Etoliens and let them vnderstand that it was reasonable that he who had indured so great paines and exposed himselfe to so many dangers during the Warre should haue the booty and spoile of the enemies if they were vanquished There were many euen of those which had any colour to attaine vnto that charge who discontented with this kind of demaund intreated the multitude not to determine any thing but to leaue the booty to him to whom Fortune should giue it Finally the Etoliens decreed that whosoeuer should winne the Towne he should share a moiety of all the Booty Riches and Armes with him who formerly had beene the Commaunder While matters stood on these termes and that within three dayes after the Assembly was to meete where according to the Custome of the Etoliens the last Commaunder was to be Deposed and a new choses there arriued in the night about a hundred ships neere to Midionia with ten thousand men of Sclauonia Who after they had recouered the Port and the day began to breake they landed in haste and by stealth and then they marched in battell after their manner against the Etoliens Army And although the Etoliens being aduertised of their comming were at the first amazed at this newes and the boldnesse of the Sclauonians Yet hauing great spirits and courage relying also in their Forces they drew out before their Campe the greatest part of their Horse and Armed men and placed vpon some passages which were not farre from the Camp some Horses and such as were lightly Armed The which were charged and broken by the Sclauonians as well by reason of the multitude of their Souldiers as for that the middest of their battell was strongly fortified In regard of the Horse-men they were forced to flye shamefully vnto their Campe From thence thorough the aduantage of the place they marcht speedily against those which kept the Plaine whom they charged and put presently to flight The Midionians sally forth and pursue them so as there was a great slaughter of the Etoliens and many Prisoners with the spoile of all their baggage hauing found no resistance When as the Sclauonians had performed their Kings Commaund and shipt all their baggage and booty they set sayle and retire to their houses The Midionians also being thus preserued contrary to their hope they assembled and held a Councell among themselues as well for other affaires as for the diuision of the booty taken from the Enemy and of their Armes to deuide them in common by an example taken of him who had beene Chiose of the Etoliens and of those which according to the decree of the Etoliens should succeed him as if Fortune had done it willingly to make the world know her force by the misfortune of the others In truth these in a short time made their Enemies to feele the miseries which they themselues expected suddainly The Etoliens after this misery serued for an example to the world not to hold future things as already done nor to put their hope in things which may succeed otherwise And that wee must alwayes reserue some part in things which may happen contrary to our hope as well as in all other actions seeing we are men as in the affaires of Warre When as the victorious ships were arriued King Agron transported with incredible ioy for the exploits of his men hauing vanquished the Etoliens relying much vpon their forces he gaue himselfe so to banqueting in the night and to a foolish delight of drinking and watching as hee fell into a Pleurisie the which grew so violent as hee died within few dayes after After whose death his Wife Teuca reigned gouerning the Realme by the counsell and aduice of her Friends But afterwards shee followed her womanish affections hauing no care but of this prosperity nor any regard to forreigne affaires suffering all those that would goe to Sea to spoile all passengers Shee also raised a great Army at Sea letting the Captaines vnderstand that the Countrey which was right against hers was Enemy vnto her Who at the first assailed the Elienses and Messenâ—ens whom the Sclauonians spoiled often But for that there is a large Sea and that the Townes of those Regions were all vpon the firme Land they could not easily preuent the Sclauonians courses and therefore they did spoile and ruine the Countrey without any obstacle And as at the same time they sayled to Epirus to fetch victuals they came to Phenice where there were about eight hundred Gaules entertained by the Epirotes to guard the Towne Heere they landed and parled with them to deliuer it whereunto they yeelded so as they tooke it and all that was within it by the helpe of the Gaules When the Epirotes had the newes they came presently to succour them with all their people and lodged vpon the banks of a neere Riuer Then they tooke away the planks of the Bridge to be free from the danger of those which kept the Towne In the meane time they were aduertised that Scerdilaide came by Land with fiue thousand men by the Streights of Antigonia Wherefore they deuided their Army in two whereof the one went to guard the passages of Antigonia and the other remained in the Campeidlely and negligently consuming what was in that Countrey without feare and
haue formerly sayd an augmentation and wonderfull accord in our time For when as many laboured formerly to reduce Morea to one accord and could not effect it considering that all men aime more at their priuate profit than the liberty of the Countrey there hath beene at this day made so great a change as they haue not onely contracted friendship and a strict league but moreouer they vse the same Lawes the same weight the same measure the same money and more the same Princes the same Councell and the same Iudges So as there is no defect in Morea for the making of a Burgesse but that they dwelt not all in one Towne All the rest was alike and the same thing It shall not bee therefore vnfitting to shew how the Name of the Achaiens hath first reigned in Morea You must vnderstand that they which were first so called had no better Countrey nor more Townes nor more Wealth nor more virtue Without doubt the Arcadians and Lacedemonians doe farre exceed the other people of Morea both in number of men and Townes Neither is there any Nation in Greece which passeth them in prowesse and virtue What is the cause then that these men whom wee haue named and the other people of Morea haue willingly suffred not onely the Comminalty of the Achaiens but also to take the Name It were a folly to say that it was by chance Wherefore it were better to seeke the cause without the which wee cannot finish those things which are done with reason nor those which seemne to bee done without it For my part I conceiue it was the equality and the common liberty which was kept amongst them all as a certaine president of a true Common-wealth For there is no Citty in all Greece where there are found better Lawes Behold the cause which hath caused the greatest part of Morea willingly to follow this Common-wealth Some thorough reason and parswasion others forced by little and little with the time and yet they haue presently pacified their discontents And for that they did noâ— from the beginning leaue more to one then to another but would haue all things equall to all men it presently brought the Acheiâ—s to this great Authority vsing two meanes of great efficacy that is Equality and Clemency Behold the cause which wee must imagine for the which all Morea being of one will and accord attained to this prosperity and peace wherein wee see it at this day It is true that this manner of liuing and meanes of gouernment of a Common-wealth was long obserued by the Acheins the which is probable by the testimony of many witnesses Yet wee will produce but one or two at this time You must vnderstand that at what time a Company of the Pythagorians were burnt for a secret conspiracy in the Region of Italy which they then called great Greece It happened that the Countrey and the Townes were much afflicted with murthers and sedition by a strange alteration of Common-weales whose Princes were wickedly slaine And therefore Embassadours came from all parts to pacifie their debates Who leauing all the rest they referr'd themselues in all their quarrels to that which the Acheins should decree Soone after they resolued to vse their Lawes and to frame their Common-wealth like vnto theirs Without doubt the Crotoniates Sybarites and Caulonites after they had ended their quarrels in a friendly manner edified a Temple in publique to Iupiter Omarie where they might assemble the people and giue them iustructions Moreouer hauing accepted the Institutions and Lawes of the Acheins they would onely liue in them and erect their Common-wealth But the tyranny of Denis of Syracusa and the Gaules who at that time spoiled the Countrey hindered them from bringing their enterprize to an end Moreouer after the defeate of the Lacedemonians beyond all hope before Luctres and that they of Thebes had already troubled the Empire of Greâ—ce there was a great mutiny and a strange combustion throughout all Greece namely betwixt the Lacedemonians and the Thebains For that the Lacedemonians conceiued they had beene vanquished and the others did not thinke they had gotten the Victory Notwithstanding either of them by a common consent made choice of the Acheins among all the Grecians to whose iudgement they submitted themselues touching their quarrels not hauing so much regard to their forces or power for in truth it was the least of all the Prouinces of Greece as to the faith and iustice of the people which at that time was held great in the opinion of the World It is true they had then but bare virtue hauing done nothing worthy of fame or estimation Wherefore their comminalty did not increase much for that they had not any Lord which was worthy to gouerne them for that they had beene alwaies kept vnder by the Empire of the Lacedemonians or Macedonians But after by succession of time they had found Gouernours worthy of their estate they presently purchased honour and glory They reconciled all Morea which was an excellent worke whereof no man doubts but Arate the Sicyonien had beene the Authour and contriuer the which Philopomene the Megalopolitein finished and afterwards confirmed and that Licerta was the third which amplified and augmented it and subsequently all his Companions Hereafter wee will endeauour as much as the Subiect shall require to relate their deeds the manner and the time Yet wee will make a summary mention of the actions of Arate at this time and hereafter for that hee hath comprehended all things in his Commentaries according vnto truth plainely and amply But as for others our discourse shall be something more diligent and more copious It is true that in my opinion the declaration would bee more easie and the History more plaine to those that desire to know it if wee take it from the time when as the Acheins who had beene dispersed into diuers Citties by the Princes of Macedon drew themselues againe together as it were in one body and afterwards they augmented in such sort as they came to this great amplitude whereof wee haue hitherto spoken in particular and which continues vnto this day They of Patras and the Dymensorins made a league together in the hundred and foure and twentieth Olympiade at such time as Ptolomy the Sonne of Lagus Lysimachus Seleucus and Ptolomy Ceraunien dyed without doubt they all dyed during this Olimpiade Behold in what estate the Acheins were in former times They began to be gouerned by Kings at such time as Tysamenes the Sonne of Hâ—restes chased from Lacedemonia after the descent of Heraclites held the Countrey which is about Acheia After whom Kings gouerned continually by succession vntill the time of Sygus After whom the Regall power began to be tedious for that the Children of Sygus did not gouerne the Prouince legally but by Tyranny Wherefore they chased away their Kings and gouerned in common wherein they liued diuersly
to Etolia he tooke this speech of Schiron so to heart as without any other cause he made warre against the Messeniens At that time Ariston was chiefe of the Etoliens who by reason of the weakenesse of his body growne by a long infirmity could not mannage this warre Although hee were allied to Scope and to Dorimache yet he gaue the conduct to Dorimache But he durst not openly incense the Etoliens to make warre against the Messeniens for that hee could noâ— propound for a sufficient cause as growing onely vpon choller for an iniury spoken to him And therefore leauing this aduice hee adresseth himselfe to Scope in priuate perswading him to oppose himselfe against the Messeniens being then assured of the Macedonians by reason of the minority of their King for that Philip had not seauenteene yeares compleate and that moreouer the Lacedemonians held not the party of the Messeniens acquainting him with the Friendship and alliance hee had with the Grecians Wherefore hee found not any man that could hinder his passage to Messena Then hee propounded vnto him with an Etolien perswasion the great profite that would redowne thereby considering that all the Countrey liued in assurance and that they alone had not felt the Cleomenique Warre and that finally the Etoliens would bee well pleased and ready to doe them honour vnto the vtmost of their ability and power As for the Acheins they would giue them occasion of Warre if they sought to hinder their voyage But if they did not budge they would passe easily to Messena and for that the Messeniens had made a promise to the Acheins and Macedonians to enter into their league they gaue sufficient occasion of Warre Hauing vsed a long Speech touching this enterprize hee soone moued Scope and his Friends as without assembling the people or attending the will of the Magistrates or obseruing any order oâ— serâ—uâ—tice they made Warre against the Messeniens the Epirotes Acheins Acarnaniens and Macedonians Wherefore they presently sent forth many Pirates who encountred with the royall ship of Macedony laden and carried it to Etolia where they sold the Pilots and Marriners and in the end the ship Then they ranne along the Empire spoyling all those which they met being assisted by the Cephalonien Vessels to commit their outrages taking Townes by Treason For in Acarnania they tooke Orea and seized vpon a Castle which is in the midst of the Megalopolitains Countrey which they call Claire by men whom they had secretly sent into Morea whereof making vse afterwards for a retreate they committed great spoiles at Sea At that time Timoxenes which was Chiefe of the Acheins tooke the Towne of Taurion by assault the which Antigonus had taken in the time of the Warre of Morea You must vnderstand that King Antigonus held Corinthe with the good liking of the Acheins as we haue shewed heretofore in speaking of the Cleomenique Waâ— But he had not restored Orchomenes vnto them the which hee had taken by force and had made himselfe Lord thereof requesting and desiring as it seemes not onely to haue an entry into Morea but also to keepe the heart thereof by meanes of the Garrison of Orchomenes Dorimache and Scope making great choise of the time when as Timoxenes had not no many dayes to continue and stay in his Magistracy and that Arate who was to succeede him could not execute his office they assembled the Etoliens neere vnto the Mountaine of Rhie and hauing prepared the Cephalonian ships they sayled to Morea and in passing by the Coasts of the Patrenses Pharences and Tritenses they march against the Messeniens It had beene forbidden not to doe any outrage to the Acheins But who can prescribe an order to a multitude who spoile all where they come Comming in the end to Phigalea and making their attempt against the Messeniens without any regard of their ancient Friendship and without any feare of God or Men they ouer-runne and spoile the Countrey putting all to fire and sword In the meane time the Messeniens finding themselues too weake kept themselues close within their Towne The time of election approaching for the Acheins they assembled at Egea whereas holding their Diet when as the Embassadours of Patres on the one side and those of Pharos on the other made their complaints for the outrages done by the Etoliens and that on the other side the Messeniens demanded Succours with great compassion they were induced partly by the wrongs done vnto their Allies and moued partly with pitty which they had of the Messeniens being likewise discontented that the Etoliens had past their Army thorow their Countrey without their priuity they resolued to giue succours to the Messeniens and thereby to accustome the Acheins to Warre and what the assemblies should ordaine should be obserued Timxenes chiefe of the Acheins who was not yet deposed fearing to make any attempt as if there were no other meanes but the multitude for that after the Warre of Cleomenes when as all quarrels were pacified hee knew well that the people of Morea were giuen to pleasure and that making no more accompt of Warre they were growne idle Contrariwise Arate not able to endure the outrage done vnto his Allies and incensed the presumption of the Etoliens remembring in like manner their ancient hatred hee made haste to cause the Acheins to take Armes and to fight with the Etoliens And therefore fiue dayes before hee should enter into the Magistracy hee receiued the Seale from Timoxenes and wrote vnto the Towne willing them to leuie men and to assemble at Megalopolis But before wee proceede I haue thought good to speake something of his nature and disposition Arate was a man perfect in all things for the Gouernment of a City for hee spake well and had a good inuention being also diligent and of execution There was not his equall to endure a Ciuill dissention patiently nor to contract leagues and alliances Finally hee was a wise and discreet man in his Magistracy and charge and to lay Ambushes for his Enemy bringing them vnto a good end by his labour and patience Whereof there are many proofes and testimonies but especially for that he deliuered Sicyon and Mantinea to the Acheins and had taken Pellene from the Etoliens hee likewise conquered the strong Fort of Corinthe which they call Acrocorinthe Yet if hee were to fight he was carelesse to take Councell and faint-hearted in the fight Wherefore he filled Morea with the triumph of the spoiles taken by him so as Nature hath not onely framed a diuersity in mens bodies but also in their soules So as many times the same man doth not carry himselfe onely in diuers things an able man in some and slacke in others But also hee doth many times in one and the same action make shew of extreame heate and sometimes of incredible slacknesse so as sometimes hee seemes a man of great courage and another
men falling vpon him slew him cruelly with Sthenelaus Alcamenes Thyestes Byonides and diuers others As for Polyphonte hee retired with his friends to Philip hauing long before foreseene the future Things passing in this manner the Lacedemonian Gouernours sent an Embassie to the King to lay the wrong vpon them that were slaine and to perswade him to proceede no farther vntill that all the troubles of the Citie were pacified Ciuing him to vnderstand that the Lacedemonians kept their faith and friendship with the Macedonians inuiolable The Ambassadours meeting the King neere vnto the Mountaine of Parthenia deliuered their charge Who being heard Philip aduised them to returne speedily and to aduertise the Gouernours that hee would soone returne with his Army to Tegee and that they should presently send the chiefe of their Citie to Corinthe to conferre of their present affaires By this meanes the Ambassadours being returned and hauing acquainted them with Philips answere the Gouernours sent him tenne of the chiefe of the Citie among the which Omias was the first who comming to Tegee and entring into the Kings priuie Councell they vsed disgracefull speeches of Adionant and his confederates as if he had bin the cause of this Mutinie Finally they omitted nothing which they thought fit to purchase the Kings loue promising to doe any thing whereby it should appeare plainely that they continued constant in the Kings alliance and friendship Hauing deliuered these things the Lacedemonians went out of the Councell The Macedonians were of diuers opinions concerning these affaires for some being aduertised of the Enterprizes which the Spartains made with the Etoliens being also of opinion that Adimant had beene slaine for the loue he bare vnto the Macedonians beganne to counsell the King to make the Lacedemonians an example to others as Alexander had done the Thebains when he came to be King The other Senators said that this kinde of punishment was more rigorous then their deedes deserued and that they should onely let the offenders know their offence and depriue them of the gouernment of the Common-weale and giue it to his friends All which being heard the King deliuered his opinion if it be credible that it was his owne for it is not likely that a young man who had scarce attained the age of seauenteene yeares could giue iudgement in so great affaires But it becomes a Historiographer to attribute the resolution taken in Councell to Princes by whose will all things are gouerned So they which read or heare this History must conceiue that these kinde of sentences proceede from those which are the wisest and neerest vnto Princes as if they should attribute this to Arate who at that time was in great authority with the King Philip therefore said that if the Allies attempted any thing in particular among themselues it did not concerne him but onely to warne them by words or letters But if they offended their Allies openly they must receiue a publique punishment and that the Lacedemonians had not infringed the common alliance in any thing but contrariwise had offred to doe all things for the Macedonians and that moreouer hee must not study to intreate them worse considering that it were against reason to take reuenge on those for a light cause who being Enemies his Father had pardoned The Kings Sentence being confirmed Petreus a Friend to Philip was presently appointed to goe to Lacedemon with the Embassie hauing charge to aduise the Spartans to liue in Friendship and to take an Oath for the preseruation of their Faith and League In the meane time Philip razeth his Campe and returnes to Corinthe leauing a great hope in the Allies of his good disposition hauing vsed the Lacedemonians so graciously And hauing found the Embassadours of the Allies at Corinthe who were assembled there by his command they began to hold a Councell for the common affaires of Greece where as all with one voice had the actions of the Etoliens in execration The Beociens charged them that in the time of peace they had spoyled Minerua's Temple and the Phocenses that hauing planted their Campe neere vnto Ambryse and Daulia they had a resolution to take them The Epiretes shewed that they had put all their Countrey to fire and sword the Acarnanians that they had attempted to take a very rich Towne in the Night by Scaladoe Finally the Acheins propounded that they had taken Caria belonging to Megalopolis That they had ouer-run and spoiled the Bounds of Patras and Phare and put Cynethe to fire and sword and then razed it And moreouer had spoiled Diana's Temple at Luses and besieged the Clitoriâ—ns and that finally they had made Warre at Sea to Pyle and at Land to Megalopolis ioyning with the Sâ—lauonians The Councell of the Allies hearing these things all with one consent concluded to make Warre against the Etoliens It was resolued in Conncell that all they should bee receiued into the league whose Townes of Prouinces had beene taken by the Etoliens after the death of Demetrins who was Father to Philip. And that moreouer they which through the necessity of the time had beene forced to make an alliance with the Etoliens should be restored to their former liberty and it should bee lawfull for them to liue according to the Lawes and customes of their owne Countries Finally they ordained that the Amphictions should bee restored to their Lawes and haue the superintendency of the Temple which at that time the Etoliens held who had made themselues Lords When as these things had beene thus resolued the first yeare of the hundred and fortieth Olympiade suddainly the Warre of the Allies was kindled which tooke its iust beginning from the outrages done by the Etoliens whereof we haue spoken They that were in the assembly sent presently to the Allies to aduertise them that according vnto that which had beene ordayned euery one for his part should make Warre against the Etoliens Moreouer Philip writes vnto the Etoliens that if they would answere any thing to that they were charged they should send vnto him And that they were mad with folly if spoiling and ruining all the World without any open Warre they which were vniustly wronged would not seeke reuenge and that in doing so they would be held to begin the Warre The Etoliens hauing receiued these Letters making no stay for the Kings comming appointed a day to goe to Rhie to meete the King But when as they were aduertised of that which had beene concluded in the assembly they sent a Post vnto the King to let him vnderstand that they could not resolue any thing concerning the affaires of the Common-weale before the Etoliens had called an assembly The Acheins hauing held their Diet at Egia according to their custome they confirmed the resolution and presently signified Warre to the Etoliens In the meane time Philip comming to Egia vsed a gracious and friendly Speech vnto them the Acheins embraced his words with great
of Etoliens thinking that he might safely ouer-run Thessaly and by this meanes draw Philip to raise his Siege from Palea But being aduertised of the preparation of Chrysogones and Petrea to come and â—ight with him he durst not enter into the Plaine but alwayes kept the top of the Mountaines with his Army And when he had newes of the comming of the Macedonians into 〈◊〉 â—e lâ—aues Thessaly presently to goe and succour his Countrey where being aduertised of the Kings retreat not knowing what to doe and disappointed in all his enterprizes he remained sad and discontented The King at his departure from Lencade with his Fleete hauing spoiled and wasted the Sea-coasts landed at Corinthe with his Army leauing his ships at Leche Then he sent Letters to all the allied Townes of Morea to aduertise them of the day when they should come in Armes to Tegee Which things being thus ordered without making any long stay at Corinthe he parted with his Army and passing by the Countrey of Argos three dayes after his departure he came to Tegee whereas after he had receiued the Acheins which were there assembled he proceeded in his course passing secretly by the Mountaines he laboured to enter the Countrey of Sparta before the Lacedemonians should be aduertised Where hauing marched foure dayes by the Desarts of the Mountaines he came to those which were right against the City Then leauing Menelaie on the right hand he drew to Amycle The Lacedemonians seeing the Army passe by their Citty they wondred at this strange accident and being terrified with this suddaine feare they knew not what to doe For they were amazed at the valiant exploits which they sayd Philip had lately done at Therme and throughout all Etolia And there was a certaine bruite amongst them that Licâ—rgus was sent to succour the Etoliens As for Philips suddaine descent into the Countrey of Sparta no man had euer thought of it and the rather for that his age seemed worthy of some contempt Wherefore matters succeeding contrary to all hope the world had reason to feare for Philip mannaging the Warre with greater courage and policy then his age did beare he terrified his Enemies And namely as we haue sayd he parted from Etolia and pâ—ssing the Gulfe of Ambracia in one night he came to Leucade where staying two dayes and parting the third earely in the morning he arriued two dayes after at Corinthe hauing spoiled the Sea coasts of Etolia and from thence continuing his course he came within nine dayes to the Mountaines which are right against Sparta neere vnto Menelaie so as they could hardly beleeue it when they saw him The Lacedemonians then terrified with the greatnesse and newnesse of this accident knew not what Counceli to take nor to whom to haue recourse The day following Philip campes neere vnto Amycle It is a place in the Spartains Countrey abounding with all sorts of Trees and wealth twenty Furlongs from Lacedemon Where the Temple of Apollo stands being the most excellent of all the rest of the Prouince as well for Art as wealth being seated in that part of the Towne which locks towards the Sea Three dayes after when he had spoiled the whole Country he went to the Castle of Pyrhus where he stayed two dayes and wasting the whole Countrey he put all to fire and sword and planted his Campe neere vnto Carnia From whence he suddainly marcht to Assina from whence after he had attempted in vaine to take it by affault he raised the Siâ—ge and wasted all the rest of the Countrey marching directly to Tenare From thence â—â—â—ning his way hee drawes to the Lacedemonians Hauen which they call Gythia where there is a safe Port about thirty Furlongs from the Citty The leauing it on the right hand he planted his Campe neere to Elea which is if we consider it well the greatest and best Countrey of the Spartains The which he abandoned to the Souldiers who put it to fire and sword Hee also spoiled the Acriens and Lenques and the whole Countrey of the Boies The Messeniens hauing receiued Letters from Philip were no lesse diligent then the other Allies who leuied men presently within their Townes and sent the most able vnto the King to the number of two thousand Foote and two hundred Horse But the length of the way was the cause they came not to Tegee before the Kings departure And therefore doubting in the beginning what they should doe fearing likewise that it would seeme they had willingly made this delay for the suspition they had of them in the beginning they resolued to enter the Spartains Countrey to the end they might ioyne speedily with the King Being come vnto the Castle of Olympes which is seated neere vnto the Mountaines of the Argiues and Lacedemonians and had set themselues downe foolishly and without consideration for they did not fortifie themselues neither with Ditches nor Pallisadoes neither did they choose a conuenient place But relying on the good-will of the Inhabitants they lodged simply neere vnto the Walls Licurgus aduertised of their comming takes the Mercenaries and part of the Lacedemonians and goes directly to the Enemy Where arâ—iuing at the breake of day he marcheth in Battaile against the Messeniens who perceiuing him abandoned all and fled by heapes into this Castle Licurgus recouered the greatest part of their Horses and Baggage but he tooke not a man he onely slew eight Horse-men The Messeniens after this defeate returned by the Argiues Countrey Lycurgus proud of this good fortune being returned to Sparta vseth all speed to leuie men and to prepare all things necessary for the Warre labouring that Philip might not returne by the Spartains Countrey without a Battaile or danger The King parts with his Army from Elia spoiling all as he passeth and brought all backe on the fourth day to Amycle Licurgus hauing resolued with his Friends and Captaines to giue Battaile to the Macedonians goes out of the Citty and recouers the places about Menelaie with about two thousand Foote commanding them of the Citty to be watchfull and when they should see a signe they should speedily make sallies by diuers places taking their way towards Eurota which is a Riuer neere vnto the Citty These were the actions of Lieurgus and the Lacedemonians at that time But to the end that what wee say may not seeme obscure by the ignorance of places wee must declare the nature and scituation The which we will indeauour to doe throughout our whole worke alwaies ioyning places knowne to the vnknowne For the difference of Countryes doe many times deceiue in Warre as well by Sea as Land Our desire is that all men should know not onely the things but how they were done And therefore the description of places is necessary in all things but especially in Warre neither may we blame the vse of Feâ—s Seas and Ilands for signes and sometimes of Temples Mountaines Townes
And to a ciuill man that wherein they Discourse of the Actions of Nations Citties and Potentates whereunto applying our selues plainly and disposing all our Treaty to these things wee direct and guide our selues by a certaine kinde of Discourse as wee haue formerly promised It is true wee direct most Readers to that which is not much pleasing and delightfull Finally wee haue at large deliuered the cause why in reproouing the other parts of a History wee will thus write the Actions There is no hinderance that for the better expressing and declaration wee should not briefly aduertise the Reader heereof But as many of these things are related in diuers manners of Genealogies Fables and Collonies and moreouer of Races Alliances and Possessions it will be necessary for him that would Write to speake consequently of strange things as proper which were an infamous thing Or if he will not hee must labour in vaine in promising publiquely to pursue and Comment of those things which haue bin sufficiently declared and deliuered to posterity by the ancient For this cause and for many others we haue left them receiuing a relation of Actions For that first that as many new things offer themselues often so it is very necessary to vse a new kinde of Discourse The which happens not in the beginning of the Relation so as we deliuer the subsequent Actions And secondly for that this kinde hath beene before and is most profitable by the which the experience of things and Policies haue so much preuailed with vs as they which haue a desire to know the Actions may helpe themselues by an easie way in all that which happens by the course of time Wherefore hauing no such regard to the pleasure and delight of those which shall reade and peruse our Commentaries as to the profit of the Hearers we haue leauing the other parts fixed vpon this Finally they which shall diligently consider of our Commentaries wil be more certaine witnesses When as Hannibal had inclosed the Campe of Appius Claudius being at the siege of Capoua at the first hee vsed skirmishes seeking to draw the Enemy to Battaile But when as no man presented himselfe in the end he besieged them which was an Enterprize wherein hee was frustrated aswell as of the first although the Horse-men of the Wings assailed them in Troupes casting Darts into their Campe with great cries And the foote-men charge them by Bands labouring to breake the Pallisado Yet they could not diuert the Romans from their former resolution repulsing those which assailed the Pallisadoe with great strength and Courage And being well armed they went not out of the Campe with their Ensignes Hannibal bearing these things impatiently and the rather for that the Romans could not any way bee annoyed from the Towne studied what order he might take for the present Affaires For my part I thinke that the case falling out thus seemes to haue made not onely the Carthaginians to doubt but all other men to whom the knowledge thereof hath come Who will not wonder hearing how the Romans haue often beene vanquished by the Carthaginians and durst not present themselues nor fight with them haue not abandoned their Fort beeing in the open field It is certaine that in times past they had alwayes Camped onely at the bottome or foote of Mountaines against the Enemies But now being in a faire Plaine and in the openest place of all Italy besieging a strong Towne they were assailed by them of all sides against whom they durst not once thinke or immagine to make head being so much disheartned And although the Carthaginians preuailed continually fighting yet they were no lesse annoyed by the vanquished Finally I hold this to be the cause that they consider the Enterprize one of another That is to say that the Troupes of Hannibals Horse-men purchased the Victory to the Carthaginians and a defeate to the Romans Wherefore the vanquished made suddaine sallies after the fight They also lodg'd their Troupes in such a place as the Horse-men could not annoy them The case falling out thus neere vnto Capoua was common to them both The Romans in trueth durst not come foorth to fight beeing terrified with the Enemies horse They kept themselues within their Fort knowing well that the Cauallery vanquishing them in fight they could not annoy them The Carthaginians likewise could not with reason stay long with so great a number of Horses For that the Romans had for that â—ause wasted the whole Countrey Neither could they giue order to haue Hay and Barley brought on Horse-backe so great a way vnto their Cauallery and Sumpters Neither durst the Carthaginians besiege the Enemy without Horse being fortified with Ditches and Pallisadoes Against the which in fighting without Winges vppon an equall danger they should hazard an vncertaine Fortune They feared likewise that the Roman Subiects would ioyne with them and succour them and that cutting of their necessary Victualls they would draw him into great distresse Hannibal considering these things hauing opinion that they could not raise the siege directly he takes another aduice Finally he makes his reckoning that if in stealing away suddainly he should shew himselfe about Rome he might do something that might be profitable for the Carthaginians affaires the inhabitants beeing amazed with such a new accident Or if that did not succeede hee should force Appius Army to raise the sâ—ege to succour and supply their Countrey or else foorth-with diuide themselues so as they which should succour the Country and they which remained at the siege would be easie to vanquish Considering these things hee sent a certaine Lybian messenger to Capoua perswading him to retire to the Romans and so into the Citty prouiding wisely by this meanes that his Letters might bee safely carried He feared much that the Capouans seeing his departure would yeilde following the Romans party as destitute of hope For this cause hee acquaints them with his intention by Letters for the which he sends the Lybian after the departure of his Army to the end that knowing his resolution and dislodging they should maintaine the siege couragiously When as they which besieged Capoua had intreated the people of Rome for assistance that Hannibal held them besieged they were all in great doubt and feare for that the present Affaires required a finall end and therefore they sought by frequent Embassies and attempts to assist that party concerning the Generall The Capouans on the other side after they had receiued the Letters by the Lybian and knowne the Carthaginians aduice hold good against the Enemy resoluing to aduenture and trie their Fortune Wherefore Hannibal hauing fedde his Army the fifth day after his comming and leauing fires burning he rais'd his Campe so as he was not discouered by the Enemy Taking then the difficult way by the Saunitide discouering gaining by his Cauallery the nearest places to his way he past the Riuer of Annion secretly whilest that the Inhabitants of Rome were
regard of the Acheins and Acarnanians But at this day they are Confederate with the Romans against Greece in generall These things vnderstood who doth not suspect the comming of the Romans and detest the sottishnesse of the Etoliens who presumed to enter into such a League They spoile the Vines and the Iland of Acarnania and haue already taken the Cittie of the Tallaneins and Anticyra which they with the Romans haue ruined who carry away their VViues and Children suffring as it seemes the common accidents of those which fall into the hands of strangers in regard of the soile of these miserable people the Etoliens enioy it It were without doubt a very honest and pleasing thing that the Lacedemonians should imbrace this League who would haue the Thebeins alone among the Grecians liue in peace when the Persians descended and haue resolued to make vowes vnto the Gods to vanquish the Barbarians Your dutie and Honor my Masters of Lacedemon depends thereon to the ende that hauing recourse vnto your Ancestors and fearing the comming of the Romans and suspecting the bad intent of the Etoliens and putting you in minde of the deedes of Antigonus you may detest the League of the wicked and flie the amitie of the Etoliens allying your selues by a common hope with the Acheins and Macedonians And if some of the chiefe yeild not vnto it at the least budge not neither make your selues Companions of their Outrages It is true that affection to friends is very profitable if it bee commodiously made But if it be forced and finally slow and defectiue it hath no comfort and therefore you must obserue if onely in words or else in actions they will keepe their League with you A parcell of the Riuer of Euphrates Evphrates takes its sourse and beginning in Armenia running its course by Syria drawing towards Babylon and falls as it seemes into the Red Sea whereof the signe is It looseth it selfe in hollow places vnder ground made in that Region before it falls into the Sea VVherefore it hath a different nature to other Riuers The course of others augment as they passe by many places and are very high in VVinter and low in Summer But Euphrates growes very high at the rising of the Canicular especially in Syria and continuing its course decreaseth The cause is for that it is not augmented by the concurrence of the winter raine but by the melting of the Snow It decreaseth likewise for that it extends vpon the plaine and is dispersed for the watring of the Land Then the transport of Armies is slowly made for that the shippes stay in regard of the burthen the Riuer beeing low and finally the swift course of the water is some hinderance vnto the Nauigation A PARCELL OF the Tenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS AS from thence vnto the Sea and from the Citty of Rhegium vnto Tarentum there be aboue two Thousand Furlongs yet the Coast of Italy hath no Ports except those which are at Tarentum That Coast turnes to the Sicylian Sea and bends towards Greece It is much peopled with Barbarians So there are very famous Grecian Citties For the Brucians Lucain and some Countries of the Samnites and moreouer the Calabriens and many other nations inhabite this Country Euen as among the Grecians lies Rhegium Caulone Locres and Croton Moreouer the Metapontins and Thurins possesse this Maritine Region And therefore they which come from Sycily and Greece are when as they saile vnto any of the said places by necessity carried to the Ports of Tarentum And are forced to Traffique with their Merchandizes in that Cittie with all the inhabitants of that Coast. Some happily may coniecture that the Commoditie of this place proceedes from the abundance and fertillitie of the Crotoniates And although they haue some Summer stations of small reuenew yet it seemes they will challenge to themselues a great fertillitie and from no other thing but from the fruitefulnesse of the place which is not to bee compared to the Ports and Region of the Tarentins There is also a Commoditie from this place to the Adriaticke Ports at this day great but in former times greater All they which sailed from high Pouille vnto Sipuntes in Front and were carried into Italy landed at Tarentum and made vse of this City for their Commerce and Trafficke as in affaires Then the City of the Brâ—tensins was not yet built Wherefore Fabius much esteeming this abode was addicted vnto it leauing all other things All others hold him for a very fortunate man and that many times and for the most part he ended his Enterprizes without reason and accidentally holding this kinde of men to bee more diuine and admirable then those which attempt all things by a discourse of reason Being ignorant withall that by these words the actions of the one are worthy of Commendations and those of the other happy and fortunate Moreouer the one is common vnto the people But the other is proper to wise and iudicious men whom we must hold diuine and beloued of the Gods For my part Fabius seemes to me to haue a Nature and disposition like vnto Lycurgus the Law-giuer of the Lacedemonians We must not thinke that Lycurgus had beene so superstitious as obeying Pitheas he had established the Lacedemonian Common-wealth Nor likewise Publius Scipio moued with Dreames and Diuinations had purchased so great a power in the Countrey But for that the one and the other saw many men not greatly to affect doubtfull affaires not likewise to presume to vndertake matters that were graue and dangerous without the hope of the Gods For this cause Lycurgus making vse of the same drawne from Pytheas in his opinion hee made them more pleasing and certaine Publius Scipio in like manner had made an impression in many of a conceite of him that hee executed his Enterprizes by a certaine Diuine Councell By this meanes he made his men more assured and willing to attempt difficult things That he hath brought euery thing to an end by sufficient reason and wisedome and that for this cause all his actions haue had an end concurret to reason will appeare manifest and plaine by the Discourse which I shall hold concerning him It is certaine he was bountifull and generous But as for his industry sobriety and vigilancy in his resolutions no man can conceiue them but such as haue liued with him and haue exactly searcht the depth of his disposition amongst the which was Lelyus who had beene his Companion from his Infancy in all his actions and discourses vnto his Death for that hee seemes to speake likely things and conformable to his actions First hee reports this Noble deede of Publius when as his Father had resolued to fight with Hannibal neare vnto the Riuer of Poe. For at that time being as it seemes but seuenteene yeares old going into the Field hee had receiued from his Father a Troupe of the best and strongest men for
intreated them againe not to do any thing slowly nor by Discourse And that consenting all with one voice to the Articles of the peace they should Sacrifice vnto the Gods and pray that the people of Rome might confirme them When it seemed that hee had giuen wise aduice and fit for the time it was concluded to accept the Accord prescribed and to passe it with the Romans Wherefore they suddainly sent away the same men in Embassie which had contradicted the Articles A Parcell of the Deedes and Posterity of Ptolomy FInally who will not wonder that Ptolomy had not prouided to giue aide to these men during his life seeing there were some which were ready to succour them But when Death surpriz'd him hee left a young Infant to whom by right of nature he had indeauoured as they say with both hands to preserue him the Crowne Then encouraging one another they make hast to practise a Villany and to murther this Infant and to diuide his principallity among them The which they do not after the manner of Tyrants who pretend some colour for their infamy But carry themselues afterwards so impudently and brutishly as that which they speake of the life of Fishes is due vnto them Of whom they say that although they be of one kind yet the defeate of the smaller feeds and entertaines the life of the greater Wherefore who will not thinke to see a great execration against the Gods and a cruelty towards men and likewise a great auarice of the said Kings seeing this paction and agreement as in a glasse What is hee who for these causes hauing accused Fortune in humane affaires doth not likewise consider that shee hath since made them to suffer worthy punishments and left to posterity a good example for the amendment of their course of liuing as hauing propounded vnto these Kings such an ignominious punishment For when they had transgrest the agreements among themselues and diuided the Infants Principality all things did iustly proue hurtfull and opposite vnto them which they had wickedly resolued against their Kinsfolkes and Neighbours by the bringing in of the Romans for that the one and the other being suddainly vanquished they were not onely forced to abate their couetousnesse of another mans goods but being made subiect to tributes they were constrained to obey the Commandments of the Romans Finally Fortune hath in a short time disposed of the Reigne of Ptolomy making the Potentates of the others and their successours some of them to bee banished and miserable involuing some in a manner in the like Disasters Of Philip of Macedony THe Cianeins fell in these miseries not so much through Fortune and the iniustice of their Neighbours as by their owne rashnesse and the bad gouernment of their Common-weale where most commonly the worst were in esteeme and good men put to death for the spoiles of their Wealth and by this meanes they are in a manner willingly fallen into these misfortunes whereunto all men incline I know not how apparently yet they cannot resolue vpon any aduice nor suddainly distrust which some bruite Beasts doe For if sometimes they enter into Iealousie of Baites and Nets if they haue seene any other perish you shall hardly draw them to doe the like holding the place for suspect with a distrust of all things which haue any resemblance In regard of men when they heare some speake and see others perish in like manner Yet suddainly when any one vsing gracious words hath propounding a mutuall hope of correction they run without any regard into the toiles knowing certainly that neuer any man which had swallowed this kind of baite had escaped such policies being an assured defeate to all men When as Philip had reduced the City vnder his obedience he reioyced as if he had brought some braue and honourable action to an end And when hee had speedily giuen Succours to his Allies and had terrified all those which estranged themselues from him and had claymed abundance of goods and bodies vnder the colour of Iustice hee neuer thought of those things that were contrary although they were manifest giuing at the first Succours to the Allie who had not beene wrong'd and yet had broken the confederations with his Neighbours And as finally he had confirmed the bruite of his cruelty towards his Friends afflicting the Cities of Greece with great miseries he had iustly purchased the generall esteeme of a cruell man withall the Grecians Thirdly he wronged reuiled the Embassadors of the said Cities who were come to free the Cianeins from that eminent danger And being called by him and conferring daily with him they were present at things which he desired not Moreouer he incensed the Rhodiens against him so as they could not endure to heare any mention of him Finally Fortune therein fauours him openly His Embassadour made an Oration vpon the Theater against the Rhodiens commending the magnificence of Philip who when he had by some meanes got possession of the City he had done that grace vnto the people This he did to reprehend the suspicion and detraction of those which resisted him and to manifest his resolution to the City There came also some one from the Port vnto the Magistrate aduertising him of the ruine of the Cianeins and of the cruelty which Philip practised against them So as when the Gouernour entring in the midst of the Embassadours Oration speaking the said things and declared the newes the Rhodiens could not beleeue for the excesse of the fact Philip hauing then preuaricated and dissembled not so much against the Cianeins as against himselfe began to be so transported and to stray from his duty as hee gloried and brag'd in his actions as good for the which hee should haue beene ashamed The Rhodiens from that day held Philip for an enemy and prepared to that end The Etoliens also conceiued a hatred against him for the same fact When as lately being reconciled he had giuen forces to that Nation there being then no cause of hatred nor spleene when as a little before the Etoliens the Lysimacheins Calsidoniens and Cianeins were made Friends hee hath in assailing first the Lysimacheins distracted their City from the Alliance of the Etoliens spoiling those of the Calsidoniens and thirdly the Cianeins whilest that the Chiefe of the Etoliens was resident in their City hauing the superintendency of the publicke affaires Finally Prucias reioyced for that which had hapned beyond his desires But he was discontented that another should reape the reward for the taking of the Citie and that there was fallen vnto him a desolate place naked of buildings so as hee could not effect any thing After he had assembled the greatest men of the Macedonians he came to them with the King and Agathoclia faining in the beginning that hee was not able to speake for teares And when he had wiped them often with his cloake and caused them to cease take saith he carrying an infant
assemble the people and consult in despaire of their necessities First of all they decree to giue liberty to their Slaues to the end they might willingly become Companions in the Combat And consequently drawe all their Wiues into Diana's Temple and the Children with their Nurses into the Schooles and finally their Gold and Siluer into the Market place and the richest apparrell into the Rhodiens Galley and that of the Cyziceneins When they had decreed these things and had with one accord executed the resolution they make another assembly choosing fifty of the most ancient and men of credite being strong and able to execute the decree and make them sweare in the presence of all the Citizens that if they saw the Wall taken by the Enemy they should then kill their Wiues and Children and set fire of the sayd Galleyes casting according to their Oath the Gold and Siluer into the Sea Finally they call their Prelates who coniure them all to vanquish their Enemies or to dye fighting for their Countrey This done after they had sacrificed they force their Prelates and their Wiues to make execrations vpon the Sacrifices of the said things These things thus confirmed they did not countermine aginst the Enemies Mynes resoluing that if the Wall sell they would stand vpon the ruines fighting to the death Wherefore some one may with reason say that the folly of the Phocenses and the ioy of the Acarnanians hath beene vanquished by the courage of the Abydeins The Phocenses seeme to haue decreed the like for their Kinsfolkes although they were not wholly in despaire of the Victory for they were to fight in field with the Thessalians The Acarnanians fore-seeing the attempts of the Etoliens resolued the same in their eminent danger whereof wee haue formerly spoken in particular The Abydeins being shut vp and in a manner desperate of their safety desired rather by a common consent to try this Fortune with their Wiues and Children then liuing to deliuer them into their Enemies hands For which reason wee may blame Fortune for the ruine of the Abydeins Seeing that hauing compassion of the calamities of the former shee hath suddainly relieued them yeelding vnto the desperate hope and safety whereas contrariwise shee hath beene incensed against the Abydeins The men were slaine and the City taken their Children with their Wiues fell into their Enemies hands For after the fall of the Wall planting themselues vpon the ruines according to their Oath they fought with such great courage as when as Philip had sent supplies vnto the Macedonians at the assault vntill Night hee was in the end forced to take breath and to despaire of his attempt The Abydeins did not onely fight with great confidence standing vpon the dead bodies in danger and with resolution with their Swords and Iauelings But hauing no meanes to vse them they cast themselues with fury vpon the Macedonians ouerthrowing some with their armes charging others alwaies with the stockes of their broken Iauelings and repulsing them thrusting directly at their Faces and other naked parts Night being come and the Combat ceasing Glaucides and Theognite assembling some few of the ancient changed for the hope of their priuate safeties that seuere and noble vow of the Citizens in regard of the great number that had beene slaine at the Wall and for that the rest were weakned with toile and wounds Wherefore they resolued to abandon their Wiues and Children to Captiuity and at the breake of day to send their Priests and Wiues with their Diadems and head-bands to Philip to the end that intreating him vpon their knees they might deliuer him the City At the same time King Attalus being aduertised of the Siege of the Abydeins sailes by the Egean Sea to Tenedos In like manner Marcus Emilius the younger a Roman came by Sea to Abydos For when the Romans had beene truely aduertised of the Siege of Abydos and would expostulate with Philip according to their charge and to vnderstand the cause why hee assailed the Kings they sent this Emilius vnto him Who when he had audience of Philip in Abydos he let him vnderstand that the Senate admonished him not to make Warre against any Grecians nor to meddle with the affaires of Ptolomy And whereas hee had done outrage to the Rhodiens and Attalus he should make a promise to giue them satisfaction in doing which hee should remaine in peace but if he would not obey he should prepare to haue Warre with the Romans When as Philip laboured to let him vnderstand that the Rhodiens had beene the first Assailants Marcus interrupting him said What haue the Athenians Cianeins and Abydeins done which of them hath first assailed you The King studying what to answere to these three demands told him that hee pardoned his arrogancy in words for that first he was young and without experience Secondly that he was the best man amongst them as in truth he was The Romans sayd he haue no reason to breake the Accords nor to make Warre against mee but if they did he would defend his owne valiantly and inuocate the Gods for aide This Speech being ended they parted one from the other Philip hauing gotten the City of the Abeydeins he presently tooke all the Goods which had beene carryed away by them When he saw the people and their fury who slew burnt and strangled themselues their Wiues and Children casting them into Wells and hanging them in their houses hee was amazed And being discontented at that which was done he let them know that he gaue them three dayes respite that would hang or kill themselues But the Abydeins preuenting him according to their first resolution could not suffer any one of those to liue which were not yet bound nor tied to this kind of necessity holding themselues in not doing it for Traytors towards those which had fought and were dead for their Countrey All the rest without delay dyed according to their Races Of Philopomene and the deeds of the Acheins ANd when as Philopomene had considered the distances of of all the Cities and that they might come to Tegee by one way hee wrote Letters to all the Cities and sends them to those which were farthest off and diuides them in such sort as euery City had not onely those which were directed vnto it but also those for other Cities lying vpon the same way Hee hath written to the Magistrates in these termes When you shall haue receiued these Letters vse all diligence that such as are able to beare Armes may assemble in the Market place euery man furnished with fiue Dayes victuals and seuenteene Sous and sixeteene Deniers in Money And when they shall be all assembled lead them to the next City where being arriued deliuer the Letters to the Magistrate and performe the contents In the which was contained the charge which had bin giuen to the former only the name was altred but he place was not named whither the Voyage
was intended This course being continued no man knew to what end nor why this preparation was made nor whither they went out of the next City All being vncertaine and receiuing one another they marcht on But for that the Cities which were beyond had not an equall distance from Tegee hee did not send Letters to them all at the same time but particularly according to their order so as vnknowne to the Inhabitants and to those which arriued what should succeed all the Acheins entred in Armes by all the Gates Hee had without doubt resolued these things in his iudgement by a Military stratagem for for the multitude of Scouts and Spies which the Tyrant had The which the Tyrant had The same day that the multitude of the Acheins should assemble hee sent choise men who in the Night should passe the Selasia and at the breake of day runne into the Countrey of Lacedemon But if the Mercenaries by encounter did any way trouble them he giues them charge to recouer Scotite obeying Didascolonde the Candiot in all things For hee had giuen him the charge of all this enterprize These men went resolutely to the place appointed And when as Philopomene had commanded the Acheinsâ—o â—o suppe earely hee goes with his Army out of Tegee and making good vse of the Night in his Voyage hee leads his Army to the place appointed neare vnto Scotite the mid-way betwixt Tegee and Lacedemon The Souldiers of Pelene the day following ran speedily as it is their custome and assailed the Enemy suddainly who were aduertised of their comming by their Scouts And when the Acheins according to the Commandment they had receiued retired they pursued them at their backes confidently and with courage But suddainly they fell into the Ambush where some of them were slaine by the Acheins and others taken A PARCELL OF the Seuenteenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS Where they treate of the Peace betwixt Philip of Macedony and the other Grecians by the meanes of Titus a Roman THe time appointed being come Philip artiues by Sea from the Demetriade to the Gulfe of Meliâ—a accompanied with fiue Foists and one Galley wherein hee sayled He was attended on by Apolodorus and Demosthenes Macedonians his Chancellours There was also Brachylles of â—eocia and Chiliades the Achein a Fugitiue out of Morea for the causes aboue mentioned With the which were also King Saminandre and Dionisodorus sent by Attalus And as for the Cities and people Aristenetes and Xenophon were for the Acheins and Acesymbrotes and Nauarchus were for the Rhodiens and for the Etoliens came Phenee Chiefe of the Army with many other Citizens When they were approacht the Sea neare vnto Nicea Titus the Chiefe of the Romans stayed at the shoare Philip being almost at Land stayed in his Vessell And when as Titus perswaded him to Land he sayd standing vpright in his ship that hee would not Being likewise demanded by Titus what he feared he answered No man but the Gods but there were many there whom hee did not trust namely the Etoliens And when the Roman Commander wondred saying that the perill was equall vnto all and that time common Philip answering sayd that he vnderstood it not so For an inconuenience hapning to Phenee the Etoliens had Commaunders enough for the War But if Philip dyed there was no King of Macedony for the present In the beginning of his Speech he seemed importune to them all But Tytus aduised him to speake of the Affaires for which hee was come Philip answered him that it belonged to him and â—ot vnto himselfe For this cause hee required him to let him know what there was to be done to enioy a Peace The Roman Commaunder told him that hee must vse plaine and open words and aduised him to leaue all Greece restoring the Prisoners and Fugitiues which were in his power To yeild likewise vnto the Romans the places of Sclauonia which he had seazed on after the Accord made in Epirus That he should restore vnto Ptolomy all the Cities which he had taken since the Death of Ptolomeus Philopater When Tytus had spoken this he held his peace But turning to the rest hee willed euery man to deliuer his charge Dionisodorus being sent by Attalus beganne first saying that he should restore the shippes taken by him in the Battaile at Sea neere vnto Chio and likewise the Prisoners and re-edifie the Temple of Venus and the Aâ—senall of the triumphes of Victories which hee had ruined After whom Asesymbrotes Chiefe of the Army at Sea for the Rhodiens required that Philip should leaue Perea which he had taken from them and finally retire the Garrisons which hee had at Iasse in the Vargylies and in the City of the Eromeens And moreouer restore the Perinthiens to the comminalty of the Constantinopolitains and to abandon Sestes Abydos and the Faiers of Asia After the Rhodiens the Acheins demanded Corinth and the City of the Argiues whole and safe After these the Etoliens required first as the Romans had done that hee should abandon all Greece and that afterwards hee should restore the Cities whole and entire which formerly had beene of the same Burgesse with the Etoliens When as Phenee Chiefe of the Etoliens had spoken thus Alexander following after whom they call Isie in shew a man of iudgement to mannage affaires and of great Eloquence said that Philip did not demand a peace roundly nor made Warre valiantly if it were to be done at any time and that in assemblies and treaties hee watcht carefully playing the part of an Enemy and that in the Warre hee carryed himselfe wickedly and not as a good man For when he should affront the Enemy it is manifest that hee flies the list and in the meane time burnes and ruines Cities and being thus vanquished by his will hee corrupts the rewards of the Victors although the ancient Kings of Macedony were neuer of that minde but quite contrary They haue fought often Battailes in the open field and haue seldome ruined any Cities The which is manifest to all the World as well by the Asian Warre of Alexander against Darius as by the difference of the Successors by the which they haue all made Warre against Antigonus for the Empire of Asia And their posterity hath beene of this humour vntill the time of â—yrrhus to fight valiantly with an Enemy in open Battaile Doing all that concerned a mutuall Combate of men furnished with Armes yet pardoning the Citties for that the Victors of them are vanquished and blamed by those which are subdued It is the part of a mad man to ruine that for which the Warre is made and then to leaue it The which he sayd Philip did at that time and that he had ruined more Cities in Thessaly being of the same friendship and League in Warre when as hee parted speedily from the streights of Epirus then euer any of those had done which made Warre against
Philip. Alexander the great Philips wise and â—wâ—reâ— Complaints of diuers people against the Etoliens Warre concluded against the Etoliens The Amphictions Scope chosen Head of the Etoliens Phebidius Enuy the cause of great mischiefe The difference betwixt a priuate and publique iniury The commendation of the Acarnanians Answeres toâ— Embassadours The blame of the Epirotes The Messeniens alwayes friends to the Arcadiâ—ns and Enemies to the Lacedemonians Aristocrates Machate sent Embassadour from the Etoliens to the Lacedemonians Carixeneâ— Timee The murther of the Lacedemonian Gouernours by the young men A league made betweene the Lacedemonians and Etoliens The power of clemoncie in Princes Licurgus chosen King Marchate preuailes in his enterprize Townes taken in Argos by Licurgus Philips Army The scituation of Constantinople The circuit of the Pontique Sea Bosphorus Cimeriques Two causes why the black Sea and the Pontique run continually The Danowe The shelfes in the Sea King Darius The refuge of Europe The Country of the Oxe Chrysopolis The commodities of Constantinople by the Sea of Abydos and Sestes The continuall Warre of the Constantinopolitains with the Thracians Brennus Chiefe of the Gaules The Thracians vanquished by the Gaules An absolute defeate of the â—aules Empire A Tole imposed vpon those that failed into the Blacke Sea by Constantinople Mecatondore Olympiodore Prusias Attalus and Achens The meanes of Acheus raigne Acheus causeth himselfe to be called King Fanum taken by Prusias from the Constantinopolitains An Embassie sent by the Rhodiens to Ptolomy The Death of Thibete Canare King of the Gaules An accord betwixt the Constantinopotitans and the Rhodiens An accord made with Prusias Candy in a manner reduced all vnder the obedience of the Gnosiens and Gortiniens The Lyciens Towne razed and burnt Plator chiefe of the Sclauonians Mithridates The Rhodiens succour the Synopenses The Scituation of Synope Alexander Dorimache Egyrus Oeanthy The scituation of Egire Egire surprized by the Etoâ—â—ens An assault giuen by Dorimache to the Fort of Egire The Etoliens defeated by the Egirates Alexander slaine Dorimache smothered Micchus defeated The Castle of Mure taken by Euripides Athence taken by Licurgus The scituation â—f Ambracia Scope makes an incursion into Macâ—dony Ambracia taken by Philip. The Gulfe of Ambracia Poetia taken by Composition Fifteene hundred Etoliens defeated byâ— Philip. Metropolis taken and burnt An assembly of the â—rolient to keepe the passage of a Riuer Ithoria very strong Peania taken by assault Philip fortifios the Fort of the Eniâ—des The retreate of the Dardâ—â—iant without doing any thing Dorimache chosen Generall of the Etoliens The retreate of Euripides from Sâ—ymphallâ— The Mountaine of Apeâ—ure Thy flight of Euripides A defeate of the Etoliens Arate ioynes with Philip. The scituation of Psophis The Riuer of Erimanthe A sally of the Elienses vpon the Macedonians Psophâ— taken by assault A composition made betweene the Citizens of Psophis and Philip. Philip giues forces to the Acheins Lâ—ssion taken Straton Thalame Thalame yeelds Appelles Tutor to Philip. The malicious policy of Appelles The Nature of Philip. Succours sent to the Elienses by Dorimache The scituation of Triphalia and iâ—â— Townes The scituation of Alphira The Image of Minerua Philip assailes Alphira The Typaneatâ—s yee le vnto Philip. The Phialences yâ—eld to Philip. The 〈◊〉 of the Lâ—preates against the Etoiens 〈◊〉 yeelded to Philip. Townes which yeeld to Philip. Chylon The Lacedemonian Magistratâ— slaine by Câ—ylon The Lacedemonians were vnfortunate after they had left the Lawes of Licurgus Appelles persists in his enterprize Eperate chosen chiefe of the Acheins The Castle of Mur yeilded to Philip. The slander of Appelles The accusation of Appelles against Arate the Acheins The Answere of Arate Taurion dispossest of the gouernment of Morea The conditions of Courtiers Alexandeâ— Chamberlaine to King Antigâ—nus Eperate Chiefe of the Acheins and Dorimachâ— of the Etoliens Mony Corne deliuered to Philip by the Acheins The naâ—ure of the Macedonians The Conspiracy of Appelles and 〈◊〉 The forces which Philip left at Dyme The scituation of Cephalenâ—â—a Leonce Trayâ—our to Philip. Embassadours sent to Philip from the Messeniens and Acarnaniens The Riuer of Acheloe Methape taken by Philip. The order which Philip held to passe the streights of Therme Therme spoyled by the Macedonians The prudence of Antigonus towards the Lacedemonians The â—urtesie of Philip the father of Alexander to the Athenians Alexander the Great The blame of Philip. The Lawes of Warre The practise of a Tyrant The Duty of a King To vanquish an enemy by mildnesse The Etoliens charge Philips Rearward Paphia burriâ— Methape razed by Philip. The Etoliens made a sally out of Strate Megalee and Leonce doe outrage to Arate Megalee and Crinon condemned by the King in 12000. Crownes The condemnation of Magalee and Crinon Licurgus takes the Towne of Elea. Philip comes to Corinthe Menelaie Amycle The great diligence of Philip. The scituation of Amycle The Temple of Apollo The Port of Gythia The Castle of Olympes The Messeniens surprized by Licurgus Philip parts from Elia spoiling all as hee passeth The Riuer of Erota The â—light of the Lacedemonians Embassadours from Rhodes to Chios A mutiny against philip and his men Leonce and his Faction retired to Appelles The misery of Courtiers The flight of Megalee The taking of Leonce Appelles taken Prisoner Megalee kills himselfe The death of Appelles and his Sonne Philip sailes to Corinthe The flight of Licurgus into Etolia The Mountain Panachaique Old Arate made Chiefe of the Acheins The Auâ—houâ—s good intention An order required in all things Ptolomy King of Egypt The enterprize of Cleomenes vpon Ptolomy An Army neere vnto Ephesus Mega Beronice Archidamusâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes Nicagorus 〈◊〉 seth Cleomenes Cleomenes taken Prisoner and put in Guard The bold enterprize of Cleomenes Ptolomyâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes TheÌ„odote Antiochus Soâ— to Seleucus The Speech of Hermes against Epigene Antiochus marries Lâ—â—dicea Molâ—n goes to field with an Army The Scituation of Media Liban Antiliâ—ban The Towne of Brâ—chesâ— The Retreate of Molon Xenoete his Army defeated and spoyled A mutiny in Antiochus his Campe. The practise of Molon against â—pigene Antiochus puts his Army in Battaile The order of Molons battaile The death of Molon Molon Crusâ—câ—fled Antiochus goes against Artabazanes Antiochus hath a Soâ—ne Artabazaâ—es makes an accord with Antiochâ—â— Apolâ—phanes aduice to Antiochus Apolophanes aduiâ—â— to â—nâ—iochus Ptolomy the Bâ—nefactor The scituation of Seâ—euciâ— Antiochus corrupts the Captaines of Seleuoia Seleucia assaulted The Towne of Brocâ—es besieged Tyrus and ptâ—lâ—mais taken The policy of Agathocles and Sosibius An Army raised by Ptoâ—omy The distribution of Ptolomes Army to his Captaines An Embassie sent from Antiochus to Ptolomy Reasons of the warre propounded by Antiochus Thâ— answer of Ptolomes Embassadours to Antiochus A leuie of Armies by Antiochus and Ptolomy Embassâ—dours from the Arcadiâ—ns to Antiochus Antiochus his Army diuided into three A Combat at Sea and Land Diuers Townes taken by Antiocâ—us
the Romans in Italy Asdrubal brother to Hannibal slaine The Celts slaine sleeping The number of the dead An accord betwixt the Romans and the Etoliens Phylopemen makes Warre against Machanides Tyrant of Lacedemon The order of Philopomens Battaile The order of Machanides Army The safety of Monarches Machanides slaine Anaxidamus slaine Tegea taken The exellency of Hannibal Diuers Nations vnder the leading of Hannibal Asdrubal camps neere to Elinge Publius Scipio drawes his Army together Asdrubal chargeth the Romans A suddaine charge of the Romans against the Carthaginians The double policy of Scipio Scipio puts his men in battaile Asdrubal puts his men in Battaile A disorder by the Elephants A defect in the Text. A good Comparison The wisedome of Scipio Publius Scipio assembles his Army Three causes of the peoples mutiny against Princes The inconstancy of the people A punishment of the Mutines Scipio's Speech to his Army Scipio layes a baite for the Enemy The Spaniards put themselues in Battaile The order of Scipio's Battaile A defeate of the Spaniards The manner of the Lybians liuing The Iland of Cyruon not well knowne by Tymeus The manner of breeding Swine in Italy The City of the Locrines The Collony of the Locrines according vnto Aristotle A defect in the Text. Two kinds of vntruth Tymeus reprehensible Agathocles cruell A parcell corrupted Zaleucus the Law-giuer Cosmopole A seuere sentence A witâ—â—nswer of a Young man Of the Voyage of Alexander against Darius Galâ—sthenes The reprehension of Calisthenes An excuse of Alexander vpon Calisthenes The Warre like vnto a Disease The Acheins free from fraud Heraclides malicious The vices of Heraclides The force of truth Nabis Tyrant of the Lacedemonians Apege the Wife of Nabis Vtica besieged by Scipio Pedisca the wife of Syphax The Campe of Asdrubal of 30000. Foote and 3000. Horse The Campe of Syphax of 10000 Horse and 50000. Foote A custome of the Romans during their repast Massanissa Scipio drawes to the Enemies Campe. Lelius assailes Syphax his Campe by fire Scipio sets Asdrubals Campe on fire The flight of Asdrubal The Carthaginian Senate hoâ—â—â—â— Councell Scipio attends the Siege of Bysarthe 4000. Celtiberians come to succour the Carthaginians Scipio drawes towards the Enemy The order of Battaile of the Romans Army The order which Syphax and Asdrubal held The beginning of the Battaile The defeate of the Celtiberians Syphax retires in safety The adulec of the Romans The pursuit of the Romans after Syphax Diuers opinions of the Carthaginians concerning their Warre Tunie taken by Scipio Lucius Ser uinus Lucius Citinus and Lucius Fabius sent Emâ—â—ssadourâ— to Carthage A remonstrance of the Roman Embassadours to the Carthaginians A Conspiracy of the Carthaginians against the Roman Embassadors Hannibal sends to Tycheus Athia Lieutenant at Sea for Scipio The Carthaginian Embassadours stayed by Ethias The Carthaginians preâ—â—e Hannibal The Clemency of Scipio vnto Hannibals spies The comming of Massanissa to Scipio's Camp The enterview of Hannibal and Scipio Hannibals Speech to Scipio Scipio's answer to Hannibal Articles comprehended in the Accords past betwixt Scipio and the Carthaginians The order of Scipio's Battaile Scipio's Speech to his Army The order of Hannibal his Battaile The beginning of the Battaile by the Elephants The strength of the Battaile The great fury of the fight The victory of the Romans against the Carthaginians Hannibal flies to Adrumetum Hannibal vanquished by fortune A defect of the 〈◊〉 Zachantia spoiled by the Carthaginians The Articles of Accord propounded by Scipio to the Carthaginians Hanibal forceth a Citizen A good comparison Embassadours wronged by Philip. The Rhodiens declared Enemies to Philip. Danae a prisoner Moeragena saues himselfe naked Oenanthe sad A mutiny of the people Agâ—thoclea shewes her Papps vnto the Macedonians Phylon slaine Agathocles slaine Nicon and Agathoclea slaine The Egyptians cruell The cruelty of Virgins Agathocles and Denis Sicilians The saying of Scipio Two ends in Histories Attalus chargeth Philips Army at Sea The number of Philips ships and of his Enemies Democrates Captaine Generall to Philip sunkt Erythee a town in Asia The Pollicy of Attalus his Souldiers The losse of ships which Philip made The causes why Philip challenges the Victory to himselfe The death of Theophiliscus Prinasse besieged by Philip. The Gulfe of Neptune The City of Miletum built The Image of Diana Syphax King of the Masaisylins A man may be commended and blamed according to the diuersity of his Actions Of the profit of Abydos and Sestes A comparison of the streight of Abydos with that of Gibeltar The City of the Abydeins The Abydeins besieged by Philâ—p The course which the Abydeins take in despaire The prowesse of the Abydeins Marcus Emilius sâ—nt to Philip. The braue answere of Philip to Marcus Emilius The cruelty of the Abydeins to themselues The forme of Philopomenes Letters to the Cities A sally out of Pelene vpon the Acheins Philips Company The wise answere of Philip. The Articles which Dionisodorus demanded of Philip. Asesymbrotes demands for the Rhodiens The demands of the Acheins and Etoliens Alexander against Philip. Philips answer A strange Custome of the Etoliens Philip lands The Articles agreed on by Philip. Another assembly aâ— Thronye Philips cause sent to Rome Embassadours sent to Rome by Titus the Etolienâ— Acheins and Athenians Philips Embassadors reiected Warre declared against Philip. The Commendation of Titus The Grecians delicate of their Bodies A difference betwixt the Romans Stakes and the Grecians Titus plants his Campeneare to Pherees An encounter of the foretunneâ—s The Romans charged by the Macedonians The Nature of the Etoliens as well on force as Horsebacke Titus puts his Army in Battaile A Battaile betwixt the Romans and Philip of Macedony The signe which the Macedonians giue when they yeild The victory of the Romans Number of the dead on either side The Romans haue bin Vanquished by the pollicy of Hannibal Order of the Romans Armes For what cause the Romans Vanquish Philips retreate into Macedony Antiochus makes an assembly at Lysmachia Antiochus answere to the Romans Scope puâ— to death by poyson Altars set vp by Dicearâ—hus to cruelty and iniquiry