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A18883 Those fyue questions, which Marke Tullye Cicero, disputed in his manor of Tusculanum: written afterwardes by him, in as manye bookes, to his frende, and familiar Brutus, in the Latine tounge. And nowe, oute of the same translated, & englished, by Iohn Dolman, studente and felowe of the Inner Temple. 1561; Tusculanae disputationes. English Cicero, Marcus Tullius.; Dolman, John, of the Inner Temple. 1561 (1561) STC 5317; ESTC S107988 158,994 448

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borne Hea. So I thinke certaynelye Mar. Tell me I praye you do these thinges feare you the thre headed Cerberus in hell the noyse of Cocytus the rowinge ouer Acheron Tantalus nye sterued for thirst touching the brimmes of the water with his chinne or this els that Sysyphus turnes the tombling stone and vayles not of a ioate Perchaunce also the rigorous iudges Minos and Radamanthus afore the whiche neyther Lucius Crassus ne yet Marcus Antonius shall defend you neyther because afore Greeke iudges your cause shall be pleaded Demosthenes can do you any seruice you your selfe must in a wonderfull assemblye pleade youre owne cause These thinges perchaunce you feare and therfore thinke death to be the greatest euell that may be Hea. Thinke you that I am so madde that I woulde beleue these tales Mar. Why do you not credite them Hea. No truly Mar. You tel an yll tale for your selfe Hea. Why so Mar. Because he had neede to be eloquente that shoulde assaye to dysproue these thynges Hea. Who coulde not lyghtlye be eloquente in suche a cause or what busynes is it to confute these monsters of Poetes and Paynters Marcus Yet neuerthelesse you shall reade the bookes of philosophers verye full of reasons agaynst the sayd tales Hearer Folyshelye enough I assure you For who would be so madde as to be moued wyth them Marcus Wel if there be none wretched in hell neyther be there anye in hell Hearer So I thynke Marcus Where then are those whō you cal wretches or what place do they inhabite for if they be they must nedes be in some certayne place Hea. I truly thinke they be no where Mar. Then you thinke that they are not at all Hea. Euen so and yet neuerthelesse that they be wretches because they be not Marcus I had rather that you sayd it for feare of Cerberus then that you shoulde haue broughte suche an vnwittye reason Hearer Why so Mar. Whom you saye not to be he you say afterwardes is where is your wit when you saye that they are wretched then you saye that they whiche are not are Hea. I am not so blunt witted that I would so saye Mar. What saye you then Hea. For example I say that Marcus Crassus is wretched for that he was caused bi death to leaue so great ryches that Cneius Pompeye also is wretched whom deathe depryued of so great glory and honour to conclude I saye that all those are wretches whych lacke the fruicion of this pleasaūt light Mar. You come to the same poynte for they must nedes be if thei be wretches But you euen now did denie that those are which be deade if they be not therefore they can be nothinge and by that meanes neither can they be wretches Hea. Perchaunce I haue not tolde you all that I thinke for not to be whē you haue bene I thinke is the greatest misery that may be Mar. Nay by that reasō what can be more wretched then not to haue bene at all and so those which are not yet borne because they be not are miserable and we oure selues if after our death we shall be miserable were miserable also afore we were borne But I sureli for my part am not remēbred that I was a wretche afore I was borne Yf your remembraunce be anye surer I would fayne knowe yf you remember any such thing of your selfe Hea. You boord with me as though I should say that those are wretches whiche are vnborne and not those whych be dead Mar. You graunt therfore that they be Hea. Nay because they be not as they haue bene therfore I saye they be wretched Mar. Perceyue you not that you speake contraries for what maye be so contrarye as to saye that he which is not not onelye is but also is a wretche Do you goinge out at the gate called Capena when you see the tombes of both the Calatines the Scipions the Seruilians and the Metellans thinke that they be wretched Hea. Because you vrge me so muche with the word I wil no more saye that they be wretches but onely wretches for that very cause because they be not Mar. Then you say not Marcus Crassus is a wretche But onelye Marcus Crassus wretche Hea. Euen so Mar. As though whatsoeuer you do so pronounce must not either be or not be A●e you nothing skilfull in Logike Emonges the verye principles of that arte this is taughte That euery proposition for so it semes good to me to interprete the Greeke worde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I wil vse hereafter a more mete terme yf I chaunce to happē on any is eyther true or false Wherfore when you say Marcus Crassus wretche eyther you say this in effect Marcus Crassus is a wretche that men may iudge whether it be true or false or els you saye nothing at all Hea. Well now I graunt you that they are not wretches whiche are deade because you forced me to graunt that such as were not could not be wretches But what saye you to this We which liue forasmuch as we must nedes dye are not we wretches For what pleasure may we take in our life time when daye and nyghte we must alwayes thinke that we shall by and by dye Marcus Understand you then by this your graūt of how much misery you haue relyeued mankynd Hearer How so Mar. Because if deathe were miserable to suche as are deade then we should haue a continual and euerlasting misery But nowe I se the ende of our race to the which when we haue once runne there is nothyng more that we ought to feare But you as farre as I can perceyue folowe the opinyon of Epicharmus the Sicilian a man quycke witted and not wholye voyde of learninge Hearer What was his opinion for I knowe it not Marcus I wil shewe you if I can in Latine for you knowe that I do no more vse to speake Greeke in my Latine talke then Latine in my Greeke Hea. You do well in that But I pray you what was the opiniō of Epicharmus Mar. I woulde not dye but to be deade I would not much passe Hea. Now I remēber the Greke very well And inasmuche as you haue constrayned me to graunte that such as are deade are not wretched bringe to passe also yf you can that to dye I may thinke no misery Hea. Surely that is but a smal matter But I am about thinges of more weyght Hea. Howe is this but a small matter or what are those more weyghty matters that you entende to bringe to passe Mar. Because if after deathe there is no euell neither trulye is death it selfe euell the next time to the whiche is the time after death in the whych you graunt there is no euel So to die truly is no euell because it is but a leadinge and an entraunce to that whyche is no euell Hea. I pray you let these thinges be more plainely opened For these darke reasons make me sooner to confesse the thing that
certayne kynde of misery chiefely sorowe is the very torment of a troubled mind Lust bryngeth heate ouermuche gladnes causeth lightnes and feare breedeth a basenes of courage But sorowe causeth farre greater thynges then all these as pynynge veration affliction and filthinesse It teares eates and murders the minde It vnlesse we laye aparte that we vtterlye shake it from vs we can neuer wante miserye And this trulye is playne and euidente that the cause of gryefe of the minde is when any thynge whych we account to be some marueylous euell seemeth to be euen at hande and presentelye to pricke vs. But Epicurus thinketh that the opinion and thought of anye euell causeth sorowe so that whosoeuer beholdeth anye great euell yf he thinke that the same hath at anye time chaunced vnto him he by his opinion must needes be troubled wyth sorowe The folowers of Aristippus called Cyrenaikes thinke that gryefe of minde ryseth not of euerye gryefe but onelye of suche as commeth vnlooked for and vnprouided And assuredlye that is of no small force to encrease the gryefe for all sodayne chaunces seeme to be more greeuous then other And for that cause are these verses worthelye commended as the sayenges of a stablyshed minde When firste of all I them begot I knewe that they must dye To bring them vp that well to do I did my whole dutye And eke when I to Troy them sent theyr countrey to defend I knewe I did to deadly warre and not to feastes them send This foreknoweledge of euels whych are to come doth make the fall of those thinges more tolerable whose cummynge a man hathe longe time afore foreseene and for that cause these sayenges of Theseus in Euripides are commended For I may lawefully after my wonted fashion turne the same into latine Recounting oft wyth me the wordes of that wyse father old In minde the mischieues that might come I did alwayes behold Some cruell deathe or exile els and nowe and then among Of euerye other mischiefe straunge I did forethinke a throng So that if any storme should fall by fortunes bitternes Like as a thinge foreseene before it should me grieue the lesse Whereas Theseus sayeth that he learned it of a wyse olde man Euripides meaneth that by him selfe For he was the scoler of Anaxagoras who when newes were brought him of the death of his childe sayde I knewe that I begot him subiect to mortality whiche sayeng declareth that suche chaunces are greuous to theym whiche looke not for them Therefore herein trulye is litle doubte that all such thinges as are counted euell are then moste greeuous when they fa●l sodaynelye Wherfore although this thinge onely doth not cause sorow yet neuerthelesse because the setlyng and preparynge of the minde is of great force to asswage the gryefe let euerye man forethynke such inasmuch as they may happen to a man And trulye it is a great poynt of wysedome for a man to looke for all such casualties as customably happen to men not to meruayle at any thynge when it doth chaunce and not to doubt but anye mischyefe whyche is not chaunced maye well ynoughe happen Wherefore let euerye man in hys prosperitye Muse with him selfe by what meanes he may beare aduersitye Some peryll losse or cruell exyle when he returneth home His childes offence or his wiues death let him aye thinke vpon And these as commen let him take besydes some straunger payne If some good chaunce befall to him let him take that as gayne ¶ Inasmuche as Terence hath spoken this so wyselye whyche he borowed of philosophye shall not we out of whose store it was taken bothe saye the same better and also thinke it more constantlye For this is the same countenaunce whyche neuer chaungeth Which Xantippe was wonte to prayse in her husband Socrates sayeng that he alwayes shewed the same looke at his commyng home that he dyd at hys goynge oute Neyther was he in this poynte lyke to Marcus Crassus who as Lucilius sayeth neuer laughed but once in all his life But as farre as I coulde learne he was fayre and cleare ●ysaged And trulye there was good cause whye his countenaunce shoulde be alwayes alyke inasmuche as his mynde whyche causeth the diuersitye of al lookes dyd neuer varye Wherefore bothe I will take of the Cyrenaikes these weapons agaynst chaunces that is to breake theyr force with long forethinkynge of the same and also I iudge that that euel which is in griefe consysteth in mens opinion and not in the thinges them selues For if it were in the thinges that chaunce vnto vs wherefore shoulde the foresyghte of them make them y e lighter But there may be more suttle reasoninge of these matters yf fyrste we see the opinion of Epycurus Who thinkes it necessary that euerye man to whom any euell is chaunced shoulde foorthwith lyue in gryefe and sorowe aswell although he did foresee and prouide for those chaunces afore hand as also when they waxe olde For neyther doeth the lengthe of tyme make the euels the lesse sayeth he neither yet the foresyghte of theym make vs to beare them more lightly He sayeth also that suche forethinkynge of euels is very fond Because it maye be that they shall not chaunce at all Euerye gryefe sayeth he is odious ynoughe when it doeth chaunce but he that alwayes lookes for some aduersitye makes it to him a continuall and euerlastinge miserye And if it shoulde chaunce not to come in vayne then should a man voluntarilye sorowe So he thinketh that a man is alwaies vexed eyther wyth the chaunce or els wyth the thought of some euell But the ease of sorowe he placeth in thinkinge of gryefe the other in drawyng● it to the contemplacion of pleasure For he thinketh that our minde may aselye obeye reason and folowe her guyde Reason sayeth he dothe forbyd vs to thinke on gryefe It drawth our dull wittes from the sharpe thoughtes of sorowe to beholde the miserye of the same from the whiche when she hath once wythdrawen vs she then moues and stirres vs to beholde and handle sundrye sortes of pleasure the whyche both to remember when they are past and also to hope for when they are comming he thinketh to be the perfect lyfe of a wyse man Thus I haue vttered his opinion according to my fashiō But the Epicureans do it after an other sorte of theyr owne But nowe let vs consider howe lightelye we esteme theyr wordes in this poynct Fyrste of all they do without cause reproue the forethinking of euels to come For there is nothinge that maye so much dul or lighten the force of griefe as a continuall thought and perswasion through out all our lyfe that there is no miserye whych maye not happen vnto vs as the ponderynge of the condition and estate of man as the lawe of our life and study to obeye Whiche causeth vs not to mourne alwaies but neuer For who so pondereth with him selfe the state of euery thing the inconstancie
last ende Lykewyse the mournynge of those whyche lament the losse of theyr chyldren is swaged wyth the examples of them that haue abyden the like So the tryall of other men afore hand maketh that those thynges whyche chaunce on a sodayne seeme lesse in deede then we tooke them at the fyrste to be So it commeth to passe that whyles we ponder the thynges well by litle and litle we perceyue howe muche oure opinion was deceyued and that Telamon dothe well proue sayenge When fyrste of all I them begot I knewe that they must dye And Theseus In minde the mischiefes that might come I did alway behold ¶ And Anaxagoras sayde I knewe that he was borne to dye For all these men long weighing the chaunces that happen to men perceiued that they are not to be feared accordinge to the opinion of the commen people And truly me seemeth that they whiche ponder thinges afore hande are holpen after the same sort that they are whom continuance of time dothe helpe sauynge that reason healeth the fyrste and nature the other they hauinge thys alwayes in theyr mindes whyche is the grounde of all such remedyes namely that the euel whych they thought to be so greate is not suche that it maye destroye a happye and a blessed lyfe Thus therfore we will conclude that of a sodayne chaunce there commeth a sorer strype not as they thinke that when twoo equall chaunces do happen to a man it onelye shou●de put him to gryefe whyche commeth of a sodayn● for it is wryten that some men vnderstandinge the commen miserye of mankind namely that we are al borne vnder that lawe that none may be for euer voyde of misery hane taken it verye heauilye yea and mourned for it For the whyche cause Carneades as Antiochus writeth was wonte to reproue Chrisippus for cōmending these verses of Euripides There is no man whom gryefe of minde sickenes may not payne Some manye children do beget and burye them agayne And death is thend of al the grieues that happen may to man We all must render earth to earth and dust from whence we came And til that time shall mowe vs vp we here on earth must lyue Like as we suffer corne to growe to reape the same with sciue For he sayde that suche kinde of talke was of no efficacye to ease a man of gryefe but rather gaue vs occasion to lament that we were borne vnder so ●ruell necessitye And as for that kind● of comfort whych cometh of the rehersall of other whyche hane abyden the lyke gryeues that he thoughte was good to comforte none other but onely those whyche were delyghted to heare other mennes sorowes But I trulye thynke farre otherwyse For both the necessity of bearyng the estate of mankynde forbyds vs to stryue wyth god and also it putteth vs in remembraūce that we are men which onely thought doth greatlye ease all gryefe and also the rehersall of exaumples serueth not to delyght the myndes of enuious persons but onelye to proue that he whiche mourneth ought to beare it pacyentlye inasmuche as he seeth that many● afore him haue wyth greate moderation and quyetnes suffred the same For they muste haue all maner of suche stayes whyche are readye to fall and can not wythstand the greatnes of gryefe And wel did Chrisippus saye that gryefe of minde was called 〈◊〉 whyche sygnyfyeth the dissoluing loo●yng of euerye part of a man Whych may well be rooted oute euen at the fyrste the cause of the gryefe beinge once knowen But the cause of it is nothynge els then the opynyon of some great euell that is prosent and at hande But the gryefe of the bodye whose prickes are ryghte sharpe maye well be borne wyth the hope of ease And the lyfe honestly and worshypfullye spente is so great a comforte that those whyche haue so lyued eyther gryefe toucheth not at al or at the least verye lyghtlye But to this opinion of some great euell when that also is adioyned that we thinke we oughte and that it is our dutye to take such chaūce greuoslye then trulye becometh that gryefe of minde a heauy perturbation For of that opinion proceede those diuers and detestable kyndes of lamentynge tearynge of the heare like women scratchynge of theyr face beating of the brest legges and heade So is Agamemnon of Homere and also of A●●ius described And renting oft for griefe his goodly bushe of heare Whereupon there is a merye ieste of Byon Sayenge that the foolyshe king pulled of his heare as though baldnes would helpe his sorowe But all these thinges they doo thinkynge that they ought of ryght so to do And for that cause Aeschines inueygheth agaynste Demosthenes for that he three dayes after the deathe of his daughter had done sacrafyce But howe rhetorically pleadeth he what reasons gathers he Howe wryeth he his wordes So that a man may welll perceyue that a rh●torician may saye what he lyst But truly his talke no man would allowe vnlesse we had this foolishe opinion in oure mindes that all good men ought to mourne for the death of theyr frendes Herof it commeth that in greate grieues some men flye to solytarynes● as Homere wryteth of Belerophon Who flyenge all resorte of men in fyeldes dyd walke alone And there consumed and pinde away with bitter gryefe and moane And Niobe is fayned to haue bene turned into a stoane as I thinke to note thereby her continuall solytarynes in mournynge But Hecuba for the cruell madnes of her minde the Poetes ●ayne to haue bene turned into a dog And there be some whom in sorowe it delyghteth to talke wyth solytarines ▪ As the nurse in Ennius A furious luste is come on me nowe out abroade to tell The wretched chaunce of Medea to heauen to earth and hell ¶ All these thinges men do in gryefe hauing opinion that they oughte of ryght and dutye to be done And if any perchaūce at such time as thei thought that they ought to mourne did behaue them selues somewhat gently or spake any thing merily they will reuoke thē s●l●es agayne to sadnes blame them ●●lues as of a faulte for that they ceass●● to mourne But yong childrē theyr mothers and maysters are wonte to ●hasten not onely with wordes but also wyth strypes if in time of commen ●●urnynge they chaunce eyther to do or speake anye thynge merelye they compell them to weepe What I pray you when they leaue of theyr mournynge and perceyue that they profyt● nothing● at all wyth sorowe doth not that declare that all whyche they dyd afore was onelye of theyr owne wyll wythoute any other constraynte What the olde man in Terence the tormentour of hym selfe dothe he not saye I thinke O Chremes so muche le●●e wronge I do to my sonne As if I do my selfe appoint a wreth● for to become Loe he hath euē decreed to be a wretch and doth any man appoynt anye such thinge agaynst his owne will I would my selfe worthy accompt of
t● be sicke But it in good thinges because some are more apte to goodnes ▪ than other may be termed aptenes And in euell thinges it may signifye a ●●adines t●●all And in such thynges ●s are neyther good nor bad it maye ●aue his former name But as there ●re diseases and sickenesses in the 〈◊〉 so like wise there are in the minde A disease they call the infection of the whole body● but a syckenes they name ● faynte disease A faulte is when the limmes of the bodye are not ●quallye proporc●o●●ed but some miss● placed and yll fauoured to see So a disease and sickenesse are when the whole b●●dye is disquiete or out of tempe● ▪ 〈…〉 maye be oftentimes per●●yue● 〈◊〉 ●odye beyng of perfect health But in the ●●nde we can not separa●●e ● 〈◊〉 from a disease but onely● by thoughte And in it that whiche we 〈◊〉 a faulte in the bodye maye well 〈◊〉 called viciousnes Whyche is an in●●staunt and waueringe dssposition 〈◊〉 all the life tyme. So it 〈◊〉 to passe that the corrup●●on 〈◊〉 maners ▪ breedeth a syckenesse and disease and the other causeth inconstancy ●nd repugnaunce Neyther yet doth e●●ry imperfection cause discordaunce in the mind As they who are not farre from wisedome yet whiles they are in that imperfectiō haue some iarring in th●yr mindes but no such contrarietye or repugnance But syckenesses and diseases are partes of viciousnes But whether perturbations be partes of the same it is in doubt For vices be permanente affection● but perturbations are continuallye in motion so that they can be no partes of suche affections as vse to cōtinue in the mind ●nd as in the proportion of euels the minde maye well be resembled to the body so it maye likewyse in good thinges For the chyefe partes in the body are beautye myght health and swiftnes The same likewyse there are in the minde The bodye is in healthe when those principles of the which we consist agree among them selues and iarre not So the mynde is sayde to be in good healthe when it agreeth in ryght iudgemētes and true opinions ●nd that is that vertue of the mynde whyche some ●all temperaunce ▪ And other some name 〈◊〉 be a vertue folowing and obeyeng temperaunc● ▪ hauing no certayne name But whyche of them so euer it be they do all agree that it is in a wyse man onely But there is a certayne healthe of minde whyche a ●oole also maye haue Which is when by the helpe of philosophye the perturbations of his minde are cured And is there is a certayne proportion of the ●●●mes of the bodye wyth a pleasaunt shape whych is called beautye so likewyse teh equalitye and consente of the mynde in opinions and iudgementes ▪ with a certayne stoutenes and co●●tan●ye folowynge vertue or rather con●●ynyng the whole power and force of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 named the beautye of the minde Nowe as for the strengthe ●●yntes and styffenes of the bodye there are like partes also in the minde But whereas there is a certaine quick●esse in the body otherwise called swiftnes neither doth the mynd want that prayse also whyche in shorte tyme can runne ouer the remembraunce of thinges in number infinite But these differences there are betwyxte the body● and the mynde that the mynde beynge in good health maye in no parte feele anye griefe but the bodye maye Also the diseases of the body may sometime come wythout oure faulte But so can not the diseases of the minde The lyghtest troubles of the whyche can not happen wythout the despysyng of r●●son And for that cause they be in me● on●lye For beastes maye haue some such like chaunces ▪ but they haue no ●●rturbations and betwixt quicke and dulle witted men this difference there is ▪ that wyse men like as the brasse 〈◊〉 Cori●●he will ●eeldo●● 〈◊〉 rows●ye so will they likewyse eyther hardly fall into a●ye disease or els y● they chaunce to fall into anye lightly●●e cured And so it is not with dul witted men Besides that the minde of ● wyse man is not subiect to euerye perturbation For he doth none of those thinges whych are beastlye and cruell Yea and those perturbations whyche sometimes chaunce vnto him haue a certayne shewe of gentlenes as pitye sorowe and feare But those sickenesses and diseases of the minde are more harde to be rooted oute then those extreme vices whyche are contrarye to vertues For those olde rooted dyseases remayning vices can not be taken awaye Because they are not so lyghtlye healed as the other rooted out And thus you haue so much as the Stoikes subtelye reason of perturbations Which they call logicall because they are profoundlye wrytten From the which since our talke is now escaped as it were from cragged rockes nowe let vs go to the other part of our disputations if you thynke that we haue spoken playnely ynoughe respectinge the darkenesse of the matter Hea. Yea truly playnely ynough Therfore now we looke that you shoulde spreade the sayles of your talke whyche why●ome you spake of Mar. Forasmuche as ●●th at other times hertofore we haue spoken muche of vertue and must also hereafter do the same In manye oth●r places for moste of those questions whych pertayne to the trade of life and maners are grounded vppon vertue for that cause we wil nowe define vertue Whych is a constante and laudable affection of the minde bothe makynge them in whom it is commendable and also it selfe euen wythoute the name of profyte worthy of prayse From it do procede all honest desyres wordes and deedes And to be shorte the whole rule of reason Howebeit vertue it selfe may in the bryefest maner well be termed the rule of reason To this vertue vyce is contrarye for so I thinke better to terme it then malyce whych the Greekes call Kaki● For malice is the name of some one certayne vyce But vice is the name of all From whiche also proceede al perturbations Whiche be as I sayde afore the troubled and stirred motions of the minde strayed from reason enemyes of the mynde and also of a quyete lyfe For they brynge wyth they● carefull and bitter gryeues they afflycte and weaken the minde wyth feare They inflame it also wyth a greedy appetite Whych we terme eyther desyre or luste Whiche is an impotencye of the minde swaruing from temperaunce and moderatiō Whiche if it chaunce to obtayne that whyche it did desyre then it falleth into excessi●e myrth So that then nothynge whyche he dothe is to anye purpose at all Lyke as he whyche thynketh ioy● and pleasure of the minde to be th● chyefest erroure The helpe of all these euels consysteth in vertue onely But what is there not onelye more miserable but also more fylthye or yll ●auoured then to see a man afflycted or ouercome wyth gryefe To whyche ●iserye he trulye is verye nyghe who ●eareth anye euell when it it is comming and standes cōtinually in dread of the same The power whereof the Poetes myndinge to
the Moone the Sonne and the other fyue Planettes in the artificiall Spheare he didde as muche as God whome Plato bringeth in in his booke entituled Tymcus makyng the world when he made the turninge of one Spheare to rule seuerall motions differynge bothe in slowenes and swyftenes Whiche if in the motion of the whole worlde it can not be done wythout the hand of god neither coulde Archymedes in his materyall Spheare haue imitated the same with out an heauenlye wyt Neyther yet can I see howe these accustomed thynges with the whych we are dayly acquaynted can be done wythout an heauenlye power As that a Poete shoulde wryte a graue and full verse wythoute some heauenlye influence or that a man should be eloquent with pleasaunt wordes and weyghty sentences wythoute some greater inuention then the witte of man But philosophy the mother of all artes what other thynge is it then as Plato sayeth the gyfte and as I thinke the inuention of the gods She fyrst taught vs the worshippe of them and secondarelye to vse right towards all men and then afterwardes modestye stoutenes of stomake She draue away all darkenes from the soule whiles it is in the prison of the bodye that it might see all thinges as well highe and lowe as farre and neare And sure lye this seemes to me to be a heauenly thynge whyche dothe so manye and so wonderfull thinges For what is the remembraunce of wordes and deedes what is inuention assuredly such thinges they are as a man can not imagine greater in god him selfe For I do not think that the gods are delighted with the foode whyche the Poetes call Ambrosia or wyth the heauenlye drynke whych they call Nectari neyther can I thinke that they haue yonge boyes waytynge at theyr tables neyther do I beleue Homere whyche wryteth that Ganimedes was taken vp into heauen to be cupbearer to Iupiter It is no sufficient cause why he should do Laomedon so much iniury Homere fayned it and applied the qualities of men to the gods I had rather that he had deriued the properties of y e gods vnto vs namely to be wyse to inuent and to remember The soule nowe whych as I saye is a heauenly thing as Euripides feareth not to saye is god him selfe And truly if god be either aer or fyer he is the soule of man For as the heauenlye nature is voyde bothe of earthlye substance and also wateryshe moysture so in lykewyse is the soule of man compounded of none of them bothe But if it be a certayne fyft nature as Aristotle first inuented assuredlye as well the gods as our soules do consyste of the same substaunce Which opiniō we folowing haue thus expressed in our bookes which we entituled of consolation there can be foūd no original nor beginning of our soules in the earthe sith in them nothinge is mixt or cōpound nothing made or framed of earth nothing moyst or a●rye ne yet of fyerie nature for in these foure natures there is nothinge that hath the power to remember inuent or ymagine that can either beare in memory thinges paste foresee such as are to come or rightly weyghe such as are presēt Which propertyes giftes as they are heauenly so no man can imagine howe they maye come to man but from God Whereby it seemeth that the nature of the soule is other then these foure seperated from these accustomed commen natures So whatsoeuer it is that can discern● by the senses can iudge by discrecyon or can wil or not will that must nedes be of an heauenly force and power and for that selfe same cause euerlastynge For god him selfe whome we can not conceyue but by the force of oure vnderstandinge we can ymagine to be no other thing then a loose and free soule seperate frome all mortall concretion seenge and mouing all thinges it selfe beinge moued of nothinge and of this selfe same force and nature is the mind of man Where then or what is thy soule canst thou tel me where or what maner thinge it is But if I haue not so manye helpes to the knoweledge of my soule as I woulde wyshe to haue wilte thou therfore let me to vse those thinges which I haue to the vnderstandinge of my soule the soule is not able in this bodye to see him selfe No more is the eye whyche although he seeth all other thinges yet that whiche is one of the leaste can not discerne his owne shape But admit that the soule can not consider him selfe howebeit perhaps he may His operacions as quyckenes of inuention sure remembraunce continuance and swiftnes of motion it doth well ynoughe perceyue And these be greate yea heauenlye yea euerlastinge thinges But of what shape it is or where it resteth we oughte not to enquyre As when we see the forme and beautye of the heauens furthermore suche quyckenes of motion as we can scarce conceyue also the continual courses of day and nyght the foure chaunges of the yeare conueniēt both for the rypening of fruytes and also for the tēperate disposicion of our bodyes Besydes this when we see the sonne the causer and worker of all encrease and the moone whose encrease and decrease of lyght doth in steede of Calender descrybe vnto vs the chaunges of euerye daye when we beholde the other fyue planettes whych most constantly continue one set course vnder that Circle whiche is deuided into .xii. equall partes with vnequal motions and the faces of the skyes by nyghte on all sydes set with starres and the globe of the earthe saued from the sea and fyxed in the middest of the whole world in some places habitable and wel tilled of the which one part whych we inhabite is placed vnder the North starre where The blousteringe Northerne blastes congeale the frosen snowe And the other farre in the south which the Greekes call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas the other partes be not inhabited eyther because they are frosen with cold or parched with heate But here where we dwell at appoynted seasons The Sunne doth shyne the trees doth burgen greene The mery Uynes wyth clusters are bespred The bindynge trees wyth fruyte a ioye to seene The corne doth spring thinges that erst were dead As nowe reuiued their olde shape of do cast The fountayns flowe and grasse waxe greene a newe When Somers heate hath chaūged the Wynters hue Furthermore whē we se the multitude of beastes ordained partly for our foode partly for y e tillage of our groūd partly to cary vs partly to clothe vs man amonges al these thinges a beholder of the heauens gods a worshipper of the same furthermore all thinges as wel in land as in sea prouided for the profite of mankind these other innumerable workes of god as oft as we do behold must we not nedes acknowlege that if these thinges were at any time made there must be some worker maker of thē Or els if they haue bene for
euer from the beginning as Arystotle thinkes y ● at the least there is some ruler gouerner of so greate a worke So likewise although thou canst not se the soule of mā no more thē thou canst god him selfe yet neuerthelesse as y u dost acknoweledge god by his workes so likewise seing the infinite remēbraunce of thinges the quickenes of inuentiō the swiftnes of motiō in the same finally all the beautie of vertue y ● must nedes confesse the diuyne heauenlye power of the same In what place is it then I thinke truly in the heade And whye I so thinke I can bryng many reasons But that we will referre to an other time And now dispute where the soule is In thee he is assuredlye What nature hathe it a nature properlye belonging to it selfe as I thinke But admit that it had the nature eyther of fyer or aer For that is nothinge to oure purpose This onely consyder that as you knowe God althoughe his place and shape you knowe not so likewyse you ought to conceyue your soule although you knowe neyther his mansion place nor forme And trulye as concernynge the soule we can not doubt vnlesse we will confesse oure selues wholye ignoraunt in naturall philosophy but that there is no motion in the same no composition no concretion no copulation nor coagmentacion Which if it be so assuredlye it can neuer be seperated departed disseuered or sundred and for that cause neyther can it die For death is the departing seperatynge and loosynge of those partes whiche before death were conioyned Wyth this reason and suche like Socrates being moued did neyther desyre anye patrone to pleade for him when the iudges gaue him dome of death neyther yet became he an humble sutor to theym for the lengthning of his lyfe But vttered alwayes a stoute stubbernes procedinge not of pryde but of a hautye courage Yea and the very last daye of his lyfe he reasoned much of this selfe same question and a fewe dayes afore when he might easely haue bene conueyed oute of pryson he would not and finallye at the time of his deathe holdinge in hys hand the cuppe that should poysō him spake in such sort that he seemed not to be compelled to dye but wyth a feruēt desyre to clyme vp to heauen For thus he thought and so he taught that ther were .ii. wayes and courses of our soules when they departe oute of oure bodyes For such as had defyled them selues with sinne and had geuen theym selues ouer to lust and pleasure wherwyth they beinge blynded had stayned the nobilitye of theyr soules wyth walowynge in vyce or otherwyse fraudulently gouerninge the commen welth such he thought wente by a path seperated from the counsell of the gods but suche as had kepte thē selues pure and holye and were leaste defyled with the fylth of they● bodyes but had alwayes called them selues frō the filthy lustes of the same and whyles they lyued in theyr bodyes ●ad ●mitated the lyfe of the gods such he thought had an easye retourne to the place frō whence they first came And for that cause he saieth that a● the swannes which not w●thout cause are dedicated to Apollo but because they seeme to haue of him the gift of naturall prophecye foreseeynge what pleasure is in deathe do dye singinge with greate delyght so ought al good and learned men to do Neyther truly could any man doubte hereof but that as ofte as we muse muche of the nature of our foule we are in such case as they are wonte to be who when they haue a long space beheld the sonne are made in maner blynde with the bryghtnes thereof And so likewyse the eyes of our minde beholdyng it selfe do often ware dimme and by that meanes we lose the diligence of contemplation of the same So the indgemente of our opinions doubtynge wauerynge staggering pōdering many doubtes is driuen as a waueryng shyppe in the mayne sea But these exāples are coūted state come frō the Grecians But Cato our countreymā so departed out of thys life as one that was glad that he had gotten iust occasion to dye For that god that ruleth wythin vs forbiddeth vs to departe hence withoute his leaue But when soeuer he shall gyue vs a iust cause as he did to Socrates now of late to Cato often heretofore to manye other then truly euery wise man wil gladly depart frō this darkenes into that light Neither yet oughte he to breake y e bandes of his prison for that the lawes of god do forbid but to depart frō thence when he is deliuered called by God as an officer or other lawfull power For all the life of wise men as he in like wise sayeth is y e practise of death For what other thing do we whē we cal our mind frō pleasure that is the body frō the cares of welth richesse which is the minister hand maid of y e body to cōclude whē we separate our selues frō all s●irre in y ● cōmen wealth and from all other businesse what do we then I saye but call oure soule to it selfe compellinge it to retourne to it selfe and to wythdrawe it selfe as muche as may be frō the coniunction of the bodye and to separate the soule from the body is nothing els then to dye Wherfore let vs practyse thys to seuer oure selues from our bodyes that is as much to saye let vs accustome oure selues to dye For that both whyles we lyue here in the earth shal be lyke to that heauenlye lyfe and also when we beinge loosed from the bandes of our bodye shal wend towardes the heauēs so much the lesse flowe shall we fynde our course thyther wardes For they whych haue alwayes liued in the fetters and gyues of theyr body yea when they are loosed go some what more slowelye as those whyche many yeares haue bene laden wyth yrons For truly this lyfe is but deathe whyche I could lament more at large if I lysted Hea. You haue done that sufficiently in your boooke whyche you entituled of comforte Which when I reade I desyre nothynge more then to leaue this body But now whiles I heare this muche more Mar. Youre tyme wyll come and that shortly whether you drawe backe from it or hastē towardes it for swyfte wynged tyme flyes a pace but so much it lackes that deathe is an euyll as you whylome thought that I feare me there is scarse any other thyng to be accompted good that may happen to man Since it shall eyther make vs gods our selues or els place vs wyth the gods Hea. Yet neuerthelesse there be some that think not so Mar. But or euer I haue finished my talke I wyll proue vnto you that there is no reasō why death ought to seeme an euell thinge Hea. Howe can it seeme an euell thinge vnto me nowe I knowe thus much Mar. How can it aske you there are great companyes of Philosophers agaynst this opinion and those trulye
I woulde to god I myghte haue pu● in execution For there is nothynge that I dyd desyre more For I wanted nothyng I had plenty of worship so that euer after I did looke for warre and battaile wyth fortune Wherfore if reason will not moue vs to despyse death yet let our lyfe forepassed do it when we thinke we haue deserued sufficient prayse and glory For although oure sense be paste when we are once deade yet neuerthelesse we do not wāt the due reward of glorye and fame for those thinges whych we haue done in oure lyues For although glorye of it selfe hath no cause why it should be desyred yet neuerthelesse it alwayes foloweth vertue as the shade of the same But as for the wronge iudgemente of the commen people as I count it a cōmēdable thing to haue theyr good wil so I thinke no man can be the happyer for attayninge the same Yet can I not thinke that Licurgus or Solon shall at any time want the gloryous report that they deserued for makyng ci●ile lawes or that the memorye of the warlike prowes of Themistocles and Epaminundas shal at any time be forgotten For the sea shal soner ouerwhelme y ● Ile it selfe of Salamine thē it shall drenche the remembraunce of the Salamine triumphe And y e towne of Leuctra in Boeotia shal soner be rased then the remembraūce of the fielde there foughte forgotten So neyther time can duske the prayse of Curius Fabritius Calatinus the two Scipions the two Affricanes Maximus Marcellus Paulus Cato Lelius and diuerse other whose due prayse who so euer measureth not by y ● vaine iudgement of the commen sorte but by the sure meaterodde of wysedome he vndoubtedlye would if necessity so dryue him with a stoute stomake go vnto the death in the whiche there is eyther the chiefest ioye that may be or at the least wyse no euell Yea and such a man wil gladly dye in his chiefe prosperity For vnto a wyse mā a huge heape of goods can not be so pleasaunte as the departure from the same shalbe ioyfull To this entent may we apply the sayenge of a certayne wyse man of Lacedemon who when one Diagoras a noble man of the citye of Rhodes had bothe bene him selfe conquerour at the game pus and also the selfe same daye hadde seene both his sonnes conquerours at the same came to the old man sayde Dye nowe O Diagoras for thou shalt not be taken vp quycke into heauen It was counted a great thyng in those dayes among the Grecians to see thre men of one house winne the games in the mount Olimpus for y t cause he willed him hauing gottē such prosperity to abide no lōger in his life subiect to y e casualtie of fortune But now I thinke I haue sufficiētly aunswered you with these fewe wordes since y ● it is playne y ● suche as are dead are in no miserye But I haue taried somewhat the more in talkinge of it because that that is one of the greatest cōfortes in al our lamētaciōs mourninges For we oughte not to muche to require other mens sorow as concerning our selues least we may seme to fauour our selues more then it becometh vs. And y t suspicion vexeth vs most when we thinke y ● our frendes whō we haue loste are in such misery as the cōmon people think that not without payne This folishe opinion I minde vtterly to roote out therfore perhaps was somewhat longer thē otherwise I wold Hea. what do you cōplayne of being to long I assure you it semed not so to me For the first part of your talke made me not vn willinge to die But the last made me euē to c●●et death So y ● by al your reasoning I am fully perswaded to count death no euel Mar. Do you thē loke for a conclusion after the maner of y e Rhetoriciās or els shal we here breake of Hea. No not so For I long to hear you in y ● art which you alwayes set forth or rather if we will say y ● truth it sets forth you And therfore I praye you let vs heare y e conclusiō Mar. Diuers men are wont to alledge in the scooles the iudgementes of the gods thē selues as cōcerning death And those not of their owne heades but cōfirmed w t the aucthority of Herodotus and other more First they tell of Cleobs Biton the sonnes of Argia the prieste The historie is cōmen whē she should haue bene caried in a wagon to a certaine solēpne sacrifice a good space from the towne the horses were tired the .ii. yong mē●hich I named euen nowe putting of theyr garmentes annoynted theyr bodies with oyle came to the waggō and drewe it The pryest when by this sort she beinge drawen of her sonnes was come to the place of sacrafyce prayed the goddesse that in reward of theyr godly reuerence she would gyue to her two sonnes the greatest reward y ● god myght gyue to man Her prayer beinge finished the yonge men after they had dined laye downe to sleepe and in the morninge were found dead The lyke is reported of Trophonius and Agamedes Who after they had buylte to Apollo a temple at Delphos desyred of him as great a rewarde as any man might haue To whō Apollo answered y ● they should haue theyr request thre dayes thence nowe as soone as the thyrd daye came they saye that they were both found deade So they say that god yea and that god to whō all the rest of the gods yelde in prophecye shewed hereby that death was the best thing that any man might wyshe There is also an historye of Silenus who beinge taken prisoner of kynge Midas payed this raūsome He taught the kynge that the best thing y ● myght chaūce to a mā was neuer to be borne the nexte to dye as soone as might be The which sentence Euripides hathe e●pressed in verses in his tragedye entituled Cresphon It wel behoues vs to lamēt the birth of euery man Yf we the daungers of this life and present perilles skanne But when triumphante death hath ryd him once from those Then ought his frendes no more to waile but mery to reioyce There is the like in the booke of consolation of Crantor For he saieth that one Psichomantius meting with one Elisius who much lamēted the death of his childe gaue him three such verses writen in a table O mortall men with ignoraunce howe much be you deceyued For this mans sonne reioyces nowe this mortall lyfe bereaued Thou eke were wel if so thy lyfe the fatall wightes had weaued With these and such like authorities they cōfirme this cause to be adiudged by the immortall gods Alcidamus an auncient oratour a man of great fame wrote in commendacion of death who lacked the weighty reasons of philosophie but had plenty of wordes inough But the notable deathes whiche men suffer for their countreye seeme to the rhetoricians not only glorious but also
blessed They rehearse Erictheus whose doughters suffered voluntarye death to saue the life of theyr citesins And Codrus who willingly entred in the mids of his ennemies in the armor of a commen souldiour to thintēt that he mighte not be knowen to be kynge Because there was an oracle geuen that if the king were flayne thē should the Athenienses haue the victory Neither do thei ouerpasse Menecheus who hauing the like oracle giuen bestowed his bloud for his countrey Iphigenia also was willinge to be slayne at Aulide that by her bloud her countreymē might more easely sheade the the bloud of theyr ennemies Then they come nigher They remember Harmodius and Aristogiton Leonidas also the Lacedemonian Epaminūdas the Theban They knowe not our countreymen whom it would aske great tyme to recken there be so manye to whom we knowe that glorious death was alwaye welcome Which inasmuche as it is so I must nedes wishe that either men would hereafter desyre deathe or at the least wise ceasse to feare it For if at the last daye of our lyfe our soules dye not but onely chaunge their place what ought we more to wyshe But if death do vtterlye destroye vs what can be better then in the rage of great stormes swetely to slumber and after that a man hath nodded oute of this lyfe to sleepe euerlastingly Which if it be so then oughte we rather to allowe the wordes of Ennius thē Solan for Ennius sayde Let no man me bemoane ne moyst● my graue with teares But the other Let not my death want teares al ye my frendes do wepe And ye that erst aliue me loued with teares my funeral kepe But we if so be it happen that by the commaundemente of god we must depart out of this life let vs do it merely thanking him for it And let vs thinke that thereby we are loosed from prison and eased of the irons with the whych we were clogged either to depart into perpetuall mansion house appoynted for vs or els to be voyde of the sense of all griefe And afore such time that we shall be called of god let vs thinke that day which is so terrible to other to be a blessed and a happye daye to vs. Because it is appointed either of the gods immortall or els of nature the firste framer and maker of all thynges For we were not firste made by happe or chaunce but by a certayne heauenlye power whych will prouide for vs and not create anye of vs to the ende that when we had passed the miserye of this lyfe we should fall into the euerlasting darkenes of death But let vs rather thinke that deathe is a safe hauen and baye for vs to the whyche I praye god we maye come wyth spedye wynde and say●e But althoughe for a while we may be kept of by a contrary tempeste yet neuerthelesse we must needes come to it at length And can that whyche must needes come to all men be misery to any one Thus you haue nowe my conclusion so that you can not iustly complayne of any thing Hea. You say well and truly this conclusion hath strengthned me more thē I was before Mar. I am glad of it But nowe let vs see somewhat to our owne ease And this nexte daye and so long as we shall abide in thys my manor we will talke of those thinges chiefely whiche pertayne to the ease of griefe of the minde feare and desire which is the most profite of al philosophy ☞ Thus endeth the firste booke THE SECOND BOOKE treating of the second question whyche Marke Tullye Cicero disputed in his manor of Tusculanum concerninge payne and forment howe farre it is the dutye of a wyse man to suffer the same NEoptolemus in Ennius sayeth y ● he must of necessitye practise philosophy But yet neuerthelesse but in fewe thinges for vniuersally it likes him not And I truly O Brutus must nedes vse philosophy for wherein may I better employe my time of leasure But I can not limite it to a fewe thinges onlye as he doth For it is very harde that a man should be any thing skilfull in philosophy wythout the knoweledge of moste thinges or all For a man cā not chose a fewe thinges but out of a great nūber and it is not possible that he which hath gotten a litle knoweledge should not with earnest desire study to knowe the rest But neuerthelesse in a busye lyfe and as Neoptolemus then was much troubled with warre both a litle is profitable and turnes to muche vse But yet not suche as may be gathered of all Philosophye and yet suche neuerthelesse as we maye thereby be eased of desire care and feare As bi that disputacion which we kept last in oure manor of Tusculanum we seeme to haue wrought a great despyte of death whiche is of no litle force to ease oure mind of feare For who soeuer feareth that whyche by no meanes maye be auoyded he surely can not by any possibilitye enioye the fruyctes of a quyete life But who soeuer not onely because he must needes dye but also because there is nothing in death to be feared doth not passe on death he assuredlye hath gotten him selfe a strong staye for a quyet lyfe Although I am not ignoraunt that many will speake agaynste it whose vayne reproche I could by no meanes anoyde vnlesse I should write nothing at al. For if in myne oracions in the whiche I somewhat esteeme the fauour of the people for that rethoryke is an arte appliable to the cōmen voyce of the people the verye ende and perfection of eloquence is the prayse and commendacion of the hearers If then I saye there were some whiche would like nothinge in my oracions in the wittes they them selues were not likely to passet and would extend their commendacion in other mens workes no further then they thought their owne whyche mighte well attayne the same and for that cause when any other mā passed them in weyght of sentence and eloquence of wordes woulde saye that they lyked rather a thinne and base then so plentifull a stile of the whyche sorte also they were that were called Attici who boasted the profession of that whyche no man els knewe who nowe are almost laughed out of al courtes If then in the allowynge of mine orations the people were of seuerall mindes what maner of hearer thinke you shall I in this grauer matter haue of the same For philosophy sekes not the iudgement or prayse of manye but of purpose flyes the preace of the commē people of whom it is alwayes eyther feared or hated So that if eyther any man lyst to disprayse it wholye he may do it wyth the good will of the people or els if he will chiefely dyscommend that whych we nowe treate of he maye haue sufficiente ayde out of the bookes of other philosophers But we haue aunswered all the foes of philosophye in oure booke entituled Hortensius and whatsoeuer was to be spoken
hand Not Grecians prudent force nor Barbares crueltye Nor yet the cruell folke whyche dwell at thend of land Whych passyng I full ofte nere tried such miserye But nowe a womans hand my martiall corps shall slaye O sonne in this one thinge thy wretched father please Let not my cruell deathe thy mothers loue alaye But brynge me her whose bane would make me feele some ease ¶ Nowe shall I proue whom best thou louest of vs twayne Go to my sonne bewayle thy poysoned fathers case Rue on me whose vile death whole nations wil complayne O that I like a wench to teares should wrest my face ¶ Whom no man erste hathe seene to syghe at any sore So nowe my weakened force shall dye afore his date Come nere my sonne beholde thy fathers gryefe therfore Whose inwards fret●ing force of poison nowe doth grate ¶ Behold all men thou which heauē and earth didst make Cast downe on me thy boltes whyche other men do feare For nowe the whirlynge panges of gryefe my body shake And nowe the poison smartes O handes that conquerours were ¶ O heart O brest and eke you lothsome lasy handes Did erst your force constrayne a Lyon lose his life Or Lerna put to death yseared wyth fyre brands Dyd ye from Centaure once his wretched life berieue ¶ Did ye destroye the beast that Erimanthia spoyled Or els from hel dryue out the threfold hellyshe hound Were ye those handes that erste the waker dragon fayled That kept the golden fruyte there lyenge on the ground Did ye erst do these thinges or gyue so great assayes Or did your valyaunte deedes deserue a worthy prayse ¶ Can we despyse gryefe since Hercules was so impacient of it Nowe let vs heare Aeschilus not a Poete onlye but a Pythagorean also Howe doth he make Prometheus lamentynge the gryefe whych he suffereth for the theft committed in Lemnos For the fyer which we haue it is sayde that he stole from Iupiter And for that cause doth there endure tormente whiche he recountinge wyth him selfe tyed to the mounte Caucasus speaketh in thys wyse You rare of Titans stocke partakers of my bl●ud Descended once from heauens behold me here ybounde And ryed vnto the rockes ▪ as shippe in mayne sea floud The warye shipmen vse with ropes to tye on grounde ¶ The sonne of Saturne Iupiter dyd cause me here to lye When he did ioyne his hande to Uulcanes heauy wrath Who in these lasting gyues my bodye loe did tye And crusht my limmes in twoo so in this balefull bath Wyth yrons all to perced I miser here do lye And when the thyrd day comes the bitterst that may be An Egle then full ●ell with talentes hookt I see Which stoupes frō hie to plumme her greedy fyll on me ¶ But when she being filled hath tane away her flight In aers hye she lickes hir goared bluddye beake And when my liuer is renewed in eche nyght Then loe she comes agayne her fyll thereof to eate ¶ So I continuallye mine onelye woe mayntayne Whiche doth me styll tormente wyth wofull miserye For as you here see bound with Io●es moste mighty chayne I can not feare the foule awaye from me to flye ¶ So age hathe come on me whiles I this payne abide Desyrynge bitter death the same to fynyshe once But Iones most cruel dome hath death to me denyed And so this cruell plague shal stil sticke in my bones Til that ●he sonne my fleshe vpon this hill rost shall Whyche that most fylthye foule from hye doth oft let fall ¶ Assuredlye I thinke we can not but count a man in his case wretched and if he be wretched thē is griefe an euel Hea. As yet you haue pleaded my part But thereof we wil talke hereafter But in the meane time I maruayle much what you meane by vsynge verses so muche in your talke Mar. I will tell you the cause and it is well asked of you since you see that I am nowe at leasure I thinke when you were in Athenes you haue bene often ere nowe in the scooles of the philosophers Hea. Yea truly and that very gladly Mar●us Did you not then marke that they did much vse to bryng in verses in theyr talke Hea. In deede I remember that Dionisius the Stoyke brought in very many Mar. You say trouth But he did it withoute anye choyce or eloquence But Philo both kept the number of his verse and vsed choyse therin and placed them also conueniently Wherfore since the time that I fyrste fell in loue with this declamation of mine olde age I doe gladly brynge in my talke the verses of our poetes And if they chaunce to be imperfecte in any poynct I haue translated the same out of the Greeke because I woulde not that our tongue should want any kind of ornament that the Greekes had But do you see the discommoditie that Poetes cause Fyrst they bring in stout men lamenting which weakeneth the readers courage Then they be so pleasaunt that men do not onlye read thē but also learne them wythout booke So when to litle learninge and to a wanton and effeminate life poetes are once adioyned they vtterly slake all the prickes of vertue And for that cause they are worthelye banished of Plato out of that cicie whiche he framed as the most perfect forme of a well framed and gouerned common welth Yet neuerthelesse we beinge learned so to do of the Grecians do both reade theym euen from oure youthe vpwardes and also learne theym withoute booke thinkinge their learninge to be both good honest But what shoulde we blame Poetes since there haue ben philos●phers who ought to haue bene the maysters of all vertue which haue thoughte sorowe gryefe to haue bene the greatest euell and whereas you being but a yonge man and euen nowe of the selfe same opinion with thys onely demaund whether it were greater then shame did foorthwyth relente and forsake your vaine opinion Now● aske Epicurus the same question and he will say that small griefe is a greater euell then the greatest shame that maye be For he wyll saye that shame is no euell vnlesse gryefe do folowe I meruayle then that there dothe no gryefe folowe Epicurus when he sayeth that gryefe is the greatest euell whyche is the moste shamefull thinge that any Philosopher myght haue spoken Wherfore you did well aunswere when you sayde that shame seemed to you a greater euell then gryefe And if you will persiste in that opinion you shall lyghtly perceyue howe much we ought to auoyde griefe For we must not so muche searche whether gryefe it selfe be an euell yea or no as howe we oughte to strengthen oure myndes to beare the same The Stoykes occupye them selues in certayne light reasons to shewe the cause whye it oughte not to be called an euell As if the controuersie were of the worde and not of the matter Whye doest thou deceyue me Zeno For when thou denyest that gryefe and formente whyche seeme
that name doth most properly belonge to that onely which doth farre passe all the reste Nowe the name of vertue is deryued of the name of man whiche in latine is vir To whō the vertue that doth most properlie belong and appertayne is fortitude and stoute courage The two chiefest poyntes of the which are the contempte of death and despysyng of griefe These therfore we must vse if we wil be counted the obtayners of vertue or rather thoughte worthye of the name of men because of this worde vir whiche in latine sygnifyeth this worde man the name of vertue is taken But perchaunce thou wilt aske me howe shoulde I beare griefe And not without good cause For philosophye professeth also a medecine for the same But nowe comes Epicurus a man not very euel or rather good and giueth counsell according to his wyt Passe not for gryefe sayeth he Who sayeth so euen he which co●●eth griefe to be the chiefest euel Fayntly inough god wot Howe be it let vs gyue him the hearyng If it be the greatest griefe that may be quod he then muste it nedes be shorte Hea. I pray you rehearse the same agayne that I maye vnderstande what he meaneth by greatest and what by shortest Mar. The great●st is that then the whyche there is none greater And the shortest is that more short then the which none can be In deede I despyse the greatnes of such griefe ▪ from which the shortnes of the time shall deliuer me well nie afore it come But if it be such as the payne of Philocte●● was ▪ it seemes to me to be great ynoughe althoughe it be not the greatest For when no part of my body al●es but my foote yet mine eyes may so may my head sides lightes and other partes of my bodye And although this be not the greatest gryefe because I feele not gryefe in all those partes in the whyche I mighte is it therefore no payne But continual gryefe sayes he hath more mirth then sorowe Nowe trulye I can not well 〈◊〉 that so learned a man wantes wit But assuredlye I thinke he speakes it in derision of vs. I cal it the greatest griefe althoughe some other be ten moates more then it And thinke not because that some other is greater then it that for that cause it should be foorthwyth small light I can name manye good men which these manye yeares haue bene troubled wyth extreame paynes of the goute And shall we thinke theyr paynes small because they might haue some greater But he like a suttel man appoyntes neyther any measure of the quantitie or greatnes ne yet of y e lēgth of griefe So that I cā not know what he thinketh to be greatest in gryefe or what to be short in time Wherfore let vs ouerpasse him whose wordes are to none effecte and let vs playnelye confesse that we ought not to seke remedy of our payne at his handes which sayd that gryefe was the greatest of all euels althoughe he him selfe in his dysease of strāgurye seemes to shewe him selfe some what stoute We must then seeke helpe otherwhere but chiefely if we desyre to know what is most mete for vs to doe at their handes whyche thinke that whiche is honest to be the chiefest good and contrarywyse that whych is dishonest to be the principall euell In theyr presence trulye thou durste not syghe nor yet to bragge of such trifles For vertue it selfe by their voyce will commen with the in this sort Wilt thou seeing children in Lacedemon yonge men in the games of the mounte Olimpus and barbarous bondmen in the liftes abidinge moste bitter strokes yea and that wythout anye noyse of crye If any lyghte griefe chaunce to touch the schriche out forthwyth like a woman Wilt thou not abide it constantly quietely thou wilt saye it can not be suffered my nature wil not beare it I heare the. Children beare it some for prayse some to auoyd shame and some for feare and are we afrayd least that which so many men in so many diuers places haue suffered our nature wil not beare But it truly wil not only beare it but also requires it For there is nothinge that it dothe more esteeme neyther yet anye thynge that it doth more coueyt then honesty then prayse then dignitie then worship By these diuers names I meane but one thinge But I vse thē to shewe the thing more euidently by many names But my meaninge is this that that thing is farre aboue al other most conuenient for eche man whiche is to be desyred for it selfe as a thing eyther issuynge out of vertue or els beynge it selfe placed amonges some one of the vertues and of his owne nature praise worthy Which trulie I would rather terme the singuler and onelye then the chiefest or greatest good And as these thinges may be truly verified of hones●ye so may the contrary aswell be spoken of dishonesty then the which there is nothing more filthye nothing more to d● abhorred nothing more vnmeete or vnsemely for a man Whiche if you be alreadye persuaded for you sayde at the beginning that you thought there was more euell in shame and dishonestye then in any gryefe then you maye well ynough be your owne mayster Howbeit I do not well knowe howe a man maye vnderstande that phrase of speache of beinge your owne mayster as though one part should rule thother obeye Yet neuerthelesse it is not spoken vnaduisedly For our minde is diuided into two partes of the which the one is endued with reason and the other is wholy voyd of y e same Wherfore when we are cōmaunded to rule oure selues this is the effecte thereof y ● we ought by reason to rule rashenes There is in all mennes mindes some softnes wantonnes and faintnes and truly if there were nothinge els there were nothinge worse then man But euen with the sam● we haue reasō the mistresse quene of all thinges geuen vnto vs which by her owne endeuour ●arder encrease is made perfecte vertue That this may gouerne that part of the minde which ought to be subiect obedient vnto it that is the charge dutye of euerye good man Perchaunce thou wilt saye howe shall it rule the other euen as the mayster doth his seruaunt the captaine his souldioure or the father his sonne For if that frayle part of our mind behaue it selfe dishonestly if it geue it selfe effeminately to teares and mourninge let it be faste bounde and committed to the ward of his neighbour reason For often times we see some afrayd of shame whom otherwise reason could not moue Such therfore as seruaūtes ought to be kept within the bandes of feare But suche as are somewhat strōger yet not fully fortified those we ought by often admonicion to put in remembraunce of theyr owne good name See howe the wisest man in Greece being wounded lamenteth not vnreasonably but moderately rather sayeng Go softely sirs least otherwise you cause my
or els take any thing out of my body For to feele nothinge at all can not be without great dulnesse in the mind nor masinesse in the bodye But weyghe ye wel whether by this talke he agree to our infirmitie or fauour our softenes Wherefore let vs attempte to cut of not onely the braunches of these foolishe miseries but also to pull vp all the mores of the same by the roote Yet do we the best we may some thing will remayne Follye hath rooted so deepe in mens heartes But yet onelye so much shall remayne as is necessarye to be le●te Wherfore knowe you this for a certayntie that vnlesse our minde be cured whiche by no meanes can be done wythout philosophye we shal neuer haue an ende of miserye Wherefore knowe you this for a certayntye that vnlesse our minde be cured which by no meanes can be done without philosophye we shall neuer haue an ende of miserye Wherfore as we haue begonne so let vs wholy yelde our selues to it to be cured We shall be healed if we list And I wyll goe somewhat farder For I will treate not of the griefe of the minde onelye although thereof chiefelye But of all the perturbations or rather diseases of the same as the Greekes terme them And firste if you be so pleased let vs folowe the order of the Stoikes who are wont fyrste in a shorte compasse to frame the force of theyr argumentes And afterwardes we wil talke of the same more at large after our accustomed vse Who so euer is a stout man he must nedes be bold but whosoeuer is bold feareth not for boldenes and feare are thinges differente in nature But to whom so euer gryefe of minde maye chaunce to hym lykewyse feare maye come For what●soeuer thinges do grieue vs when they chaunce the same afore they come we feare Therfore gryefe of the mynde is contrary to stoutenes of stomake Furthermore it is likely that who soeuer may feele griefe he must also abide feare and faynte hartednesse the whyche twoo in whom so euer they be founde he maye be subiecte to affections and must nedes confesse him selfe ouercome wyth them But none of all these can happen to a stoute man Therfore neyther gryefe maye But none can be a wyse man vnlesse he be stoute Wherefore to no wyse man can any gryefe happen Furthermore it must needes be that he whyche is a stoute man shoulde haue a hau●y courage and who so euer hath suche courage is inuincible of all euell motions And he that is so inuyncyble will despyse all casualtyes that may happē to man as thynges worse then hym selfe But no man despiseth those thinges the misse of y ● which should grieue him but a stoute man Whereof it is concluded that all stoute men are voyd of gryefe But in a wise man stoutnes is requisite No wise man therfore can feele gryefe And like as a troubled eye is not in good estate to execute his fūction and so likewise the other partes of the bodye or the whole bodye when it is once moued from his quiete state faynt●th in doing his parte and dutye so lykewyse a troubled minde is not able to execu●ue his dutye But the dutie of the minde is to vse reason well And the mynde of a wyse man is alwayes so disposed that it can guyde it selfe according to the vse of reasō It is then neuer troubled But all gryefe is a trouble to the minde Wherefore euerye wyse man must needes be voyde of the same It is likely also that euery temperate man whome the Greekes call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the vertue it selfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whiche I am wonte to terme temperaunce or moderance and sometimes modestye But I can not well saye whether it may be called frugalitie whych the Greekes take verye strayghtlye who name frugall men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whiche signifyeth onelye profitable But it hath a larger sence For all abstinence al innocence which emonges the Greekes hathe no proper name but maye well be called 〈◊〉 For innocencie is suche an affection of the minde as hurteth no man and all the rest of the vertues may wel be comprysed vnder the name of frugalitye Whyche if it were not so largelye taken but so limited as some mē thinke L. Piso had neuer got so great a name for vsing of it But because neyther he who for feare doth forsake his garison which is a point of cowardise neither he whiche because of couetyse doth not restore a thing secretelye committed to his custodye whych is the poynt of iniurye and wronge neyther he whyche through rashenes hath lost the fyelde whyche is a poynt of follye are wonte to be called frugall For that selfe same cause this name frugalitye contayneth these .iii. vertues fortitude iustice and prudence And if this be common to all vertues that they be all coupled kni● together amonges theym selues then the last and fourth vertue frugalitye it selfe must needes be For it is the proper dutye hereof to rule and appease the motions of a ragynge minde and standyng alwayes stiffe agaynst luste and pleasure to keepe a moderate stedfastenes in all deedes The contrarye vice to the whyche is properlye called naughtines but frugality as I think was so called of fruy●e then the which the earth can yelde nothing better And naughtines hereof for althoughe it be somewhat harde to deryue it yet let vs assaye and if we chaunce not to deryue it well let men then deeme that we spake it merelye because the vse of it serues to nought in anye man Who soeuer therefore is frugall or rather moderate and temperate he must nedes also be constante But he that is constante must be quyete He that is quyete must be voyde of perturbation and by that meanes of gryefe also But all those thinges afore recited appertayne to a wyse man A wise man therefore shall want gryefe And therfore Dionisius an Heraclean doth not vnwittely reason against the complaynte of Achilles in Homere in this maner as I remember My hart wyth angry moode puft vp in wondrous wyse doth swell When I recorde from honoure hye and worshyppe howe I fell Is thy hand in good estate when it swelles or is there any of thy limmes whyche being swollen or p●ffed vp is not sore and yll at ease So lykewyse a swelling minde is alwayes sicke But the minde of a wise man is alwayes veyde of syckenesse It doth therefore neuer swell But an angry minde doth alwayes swell A wyse man therefore is neuer angry For if he be angrye he doth also desire for it doth properly belonge to an angrye man to desyre and wishe the greatest griefe that maye be to him of whome he thinkes he was hurte But whosoeuer wysheth anye thynge he must needes when he hathe attayned the same great●y reioyce so in this case he shuld reioice at an other mans misfortune which if it chaunce not to any wise ●ā no more
truly may anger But if this griefe of the minde wherof we talk might happē to a wise man then should anger also which inas it maye not no more trulye maye not gryefe For if a wise man myghte feele griefe then mighte he feele also pitie and enuyenge For pitye and enuie go together For who so euer is sorye for some mans aduersitye he may likewyse enuye some others prosperitie As Theophrastus lamentynge the death of Calisthenes his felowe is vexed and grieued with the prosperitye of Alexander And therfore he saieth that Calisthenes chaūced on a man of great power notable felicitie but nothyng skylfull howe to vse his prosperity So as pitye is a gryefe conceyued of other mens aduersitie so is enuie a sorowe for other mens prosperitye Who so euer therfore is subiecte to pitye he is also some●ines troubled wyth with enuye But to enuye is no point of a wise man wherfore neyther to pitye But yf a wise man shoulde take greuouslye any mans aduersitye he must needes be subiect to pitie All gryefe therefore is farre absent from a wise man These are the reasons of the Stoykes and theyr crooked conclusions which sometime hereafter we will expresse more largely also more playnely and theyr reasons we must nedes ●olowe because they ground theyr foundation vpon the stoutest and manlyest opinion For oure familiar frendes 〈◊〉 Perepatetikes then the whyche we philosophers can be eyther more eloquente more learned or more sage can not well perswade me that there is a mediocritie of the perturbations or diseases of the mind For euery euell thing though it be but meane yet neuerthelesse is to muche And we intende to shewe that there can be no such griefe in a wyse man For as the bodye if it be but meetely sicke yet neuerthelesse is farre from healthe so trulye if the mind be but meanely troubled it wanteth health Therfore oure countreymen as they haue well geuen manye proper and meete names to other thinges so haue they verye well termed gryefe care and anguishe of the minde for the likenes that it hathe to the diseases of the bodye sickenesse Wyth the like worde do the Grecians terme all perturbations For they cal al troublesome motions of the minde ●athos whyche is as much in effecte as diseases For the sickenes of the minde doth muche resemble the diseases of the bodye But lust is not like to a disease Nor immod●●●te ioye which is the merye moode of the minde Neyther is feare it selfe any thinge lyke a disease although it is verye nygh vnto griefe But that whyche is called a disease in the bodye is commonly called a griefe in the mind We must therfore shewe the originall beginning of this gryefe I meane the thing that worketh griefe in oure mindes as some other thynge doth disease in the bodye For as the phisicians when they haue once found out the cause of any disease thinke the cure thereof to be but lyght so we whē we haue once founde the cause of thys gryefe shall lyghtlye fynde some helpe for the same Al the cause therefore consisteth in our owne opinion I meane not only of gryefe of the minde but of all other perturbations also which are but foure generallye But there are more branches and partes of the same For inasmuch as euery motion of the minde is eyther voyde of reason or a despyser of reason or disobediēt to reason and that motiō is stirred with the opinion eyther of good or euell within these .ii. partes all the foure perturbations are equally contayned For .ii. proceede of the opinion of good of the whyche the one is called immoderate ioye whych ryseth of some marueilous goodnes beyng atchieued and gotten and the other is named desyre whyche is an immoderate lust after some thing of the whiche we haue once conceyued a great opinion of goodnes not obeyenge to reason And as these two are moued with the opinion of goodnes so are the other .ii. raysed of the opiniō of some euell For feare comes of y e opinion of some great euel which is at hād sorowe is the opinion of some euell already chaunced and that some suche euel y ● it seemes but right that a man should ve●e him selfe about it so y ● he whō it grieues thinketh y ● he ought of righte to be grieued with it These perturbatiōs which only folly sendeth emonges men as certayne furyes we must wythstand wyth all oure might and power yf we mind to passe this litle space of our life quietely and pleasauntlye But of the rest we wyll talke at other times But nowe let vs vanquyshe gryefe if we may For that is our purpose inasmuche as you sayde that you thought it myghte chaunce to a wyse man whyche I can by no meanes thynke For it is a beastlye wretched and detestable thynge and suche as we oughte to flye wyth myghte and maine as a man might say Howe like you then the neuewe of Tantalus the sonne of Pelops whych heretofore by force rauished Hippodamia frome his father in lawe Oenomaus Doeth he seeme nowe to be the kynseman of Iupiter lamentinge and vexinge him selfe like an abiect Take hede ye straungers al quod he that none to me drawe nie Least my disease maye you infecte or shadowe you annoye This hatefull plague is rooted in my fleshe so greuouslye Wylt thou O Thyestes condemne thy selfe to death for an other mannes faulte But nowe as for the sonne of Phebus do you not thynke hym worthye to behold his fathers lyghte who lamenteth in this wyse Myne eyes wythin my heade are shronke my bodye loe consumes The skyn is freated from mine eyes by my continuall teares My bed in driuelinges is ydrownd my mouth hath stinkyng fumes And so my breast lookes hoare lyke fowle y e whited plumes aye beares These euels thou thy selfe O foolishe Aeta wast the causer of for they were not amonges those thinges whyche chaunce cast vppon the. For all sorowe as I will hereafter shewe proceedeth of the opinion of some euell that is present But thou mournest trulye for the lacke of thy kyngdome and not of thy doughter For her thou didst hate and that perchaunce not wythoute a cause But it grieued the greatly to lacke thy kyngdome Trulye it is a shameles sorowe to mourne for that thou mayst not keepe free men in seruitude Dionisius the tiranne when he was banished from Siracusa taught children at Corinthe So great desire he had to beare rule But who could be more impudent then Tarquinius Who waged warre wyth them that would not suffer his pride He at the laste when neyther the armyes of the Ueientes neyther yet the Latines coulde restore him into his kyngdome wente to the citye of Cume in Italye and therewyth age and anguyshe pyned awaye And thinke you that the lyke maye chaunce to anye wyse man I meane to be wasted wyth thoughte which is no better than meere miserye For whereas euerye perturbation is a
of his lyfe and the weakenes of mankynd he doth not then mourne but rather then chiefelye doth the part of a wyse man For hereby he getteth two commodityes The one that in wayghynge the frayletye of man he doth execute the duty of a philosopher the other for that agaynst aduersity he hath gotten three confortes The first for that he thought longe afore that it might happen Which onely thought doth most of all other swage and wipe away all sorowe The second for that he thinketh that all chaunces whyche may happen to a man are paciently to be borne And last of all because he seeth that there is no euell but where is some faulte And it is no faulte of his inasmuche as that which a man could not withstande is chaunced For that reuoking of our mind frō the thought of grefe which Epicurus would haue is to no poynct at all For it is not in our power when we are prycked with miserye or mischaunce to dissemble or forget it For suche chaunces teare vexe pricke and enflame vs. And fynallye suffer vs not to take anye quyete rest And yet neuerthelesse thou Epicurus wyllest me to forget that whyche is agaynst nature But nowe to the helpe whyche thou shewest of an olde rooted gryefe Trulye althoughe it be somewhat s●owe yet great is the remedye that length of time and space of yeares doth bring But thou willest me to propose to my selfe the hope of good thynges and forget the euell Nowe trulye thy sayinge were somewhat yea and worthy a notable philosopher yf thou though●est those thinges to be good whyche in deede are most worthy a mans trauayle and paines If Pythagoras Socrates or Plato should saye thus vnto me Why lyest thou sadde Wherfore ●●●urnest thou or why doest thou thus faynt and yeld to the stroke of fortune Which as perhaps she maye pull and pricke the so she can not wholy daunte thy couragious force Uertues are of great power to resyst and wythstande the same Them if perhaps they slepe in the rayse quicken Then will the valyaunte fortitude forthwith be at hande whiche will cause the to be of so good courage that thou shalt despise and esteme as nothinge all chaunces whych may happen to a man Then shall stand by the temperaunce which is also moderance and by me termed somewhat afore frugalitye whych wil suffer the to do nothinge shamefullye or dishonestlye But what is worse or shamefuller thē an effeminate person Nowe trulye iustice will not suffer the so to do whych seemes to haue least to doe in this matter She wil saye that thou art two wayes iniurious Thone in that thou desyrest that whych is not thine who being borne mortall doest looke for the estate of the immortall gods thother for that it greeueth the to restore that whyche was lente thee onelye to vse for a space But to prudence what wylt thou aunswere whē she shall saye that vertue is sufficente of her selfe to make a good and happye life The excellency of the whych if it hange vpon outward chaunce and be not cont●nted wyth his owne force and power but lacketh the ornamente of forren goodes I see no cause whye it should be so muche eyther commended in wordes or coueted in deedes To these goodes O Epicurus yf thou cal me I obey the I folowe the I take the as my guyde I blot also as thou wyllest me out of my memory al euels and that also so muche the gladlyer because I count theym not worthye the name of euels But thou drawest my thoughtes to pleasures and delightes Of what sort I pray the Of the body I thinke or at the least wise suche as we do eyther remember that oure bodye hath enioyed or at the leaste wyse ●hope that it shal Is it any otherwyse Do I trulye interprete thy meanynge For they are wonte to saye that we do not vnderstand what Epicurus meaneth Euen this truly he meaneth And this the olde Zeno the Grecian at Athenes in my hearynge was wont very earnestlye to affyrme that happy was he whyche dyd eyther presentlye enioye pleasure or els did hope he should enioye it eyther throughout all his lyfe or at the least wyse throughe the greatest parte withoute anye entercourse of gryefe Or if there were any if it were extreame that it should be shorte Or if it were somewhat long that it should haue more pleasure then myserye He that did so thinke he sayd should be blessed especially if he were contented wyth the pleasure that he had before taken and also feared not god Thus here you see the happye life appoynted by Epicurus descrybed so playnelye wyth the wordes of Zeno that therein is nothing that he can denye Maye the proposyng and thought of suche a lyfe then ease eyther Thy●stes or Aeta of whom I spake before or Telamon a poore exyle banyshed from his natiue countrey Of whom this wonder was made Is this that Telamon whom late frayle glory raysde on hye On whom the Greekes of late dyd gase with many an enuious eye ¶ Trulye if anye man with his substaunce hath loste his courage also he must seeke his remedye of those graue and auncient philosophers and not of those slaues of pleasure For what companie of goodes is it that they meane Admit trulye that it were the chiefest good that mighte be to feele no griefe Howbeit that can not well be called pleasure But is that such a thinge as the syghte or minding thereof myghte ease our sorowe Admit that gryefe be the greatest euell that may be Shall he then that feeleth not it foorthwyth enioye the chiefest felicitye But why dalyest thou Epicurus And will not graunte that thou meanest that pleasure whyche thou thy selfe in other places doest expresse Be these whiche I will rehearse thy wordes or no In that booke whyche contayneth thy whole doctryne for I wyll nowe playe the parte of an interpreter leaste anye man thinke I lye thou spakest in this wyse Neyther trulye do I perceyue what good thing I may imagine voyde of those pleasures that consist in taste or voyde of those which consist in the hearynge of swete noyses or wantynge those pleasa●n●e syghtes whych the eyes do gather of fayre beautyes or lackinge the pleasures requysite to any of the foure senses in man Neyther maye we trulye saye that the delight of the minde is onelye in suche goodnes as wante all these For I knowe that the minde will so reioyce euen wyth the onely hope of those pleasures which I haue afore named that when it hath once attayned them it is voyde of all griefe These be the wordes of Epicurus By the which euerye man maye righte well perceyue what pleasure Epicurus ment For somewhat after Right oft I haue demaunded of theym that were counted wyse sayeth he what they would accompte good if they take away those pleasures by me afore named But I could get nothing of them but onelye bare wordes Who if they will name
afore immortality Whose ayde therefore should we rather vse then thyne Who both hast graunted vs the quietnes of lyfe and also hast taken from vs the feare and dread of death But so muche it lackes that philosophye is so much commended as it hath deserued of the life of man that it is of the most part neglected of many wholy dispraysed Who woulde thynke that any man durst to disprayse the parent of his life and so defyle him selfe with parri●ide and shewe him selfe so vnnaturallye vnkynde as to disprayse her whych he ought to feare yea though he could not vnderstande But I thynke this errour and miste is bredde in the heartes of the vnlearned because they are not able to discerne the truthe and for that cause thinke that they were not philosophers who did fyrste helpe to garnyshe the lyfe of man And truly though this studye of it selfe be moste auncient of all others yet the name is but newe For wysedome trulye who can denye to be ryght auncient as wel in deede as in worde whych obtayned this worthy name amonges the auncient sages for that it doth consiste of the knoweledge as well of heauenlye thinges as earthlye Of the beginninges causes and nature of euerye thinge And for that cause those seuen whych of the Greekes are called Sophi o●r forefathers both counted and also named wyse So called they Licurgus likewyse many yeares afore in whose time it is reported that Homere liued afore y ● building of our citye We haue heard also that when the halfe gods liued on the earth Ulixes and Nestor both were in deede and also were called wise Neyther truly had it bene reported that Atlas sustayneth the heauen or that Prometheus lyeth ●ounde to the hill Caucasus or that Cepheus is placed amonge the starres wyth his wife sonne in lawe and doughter vnlesse theyr knoweledge in heauenlye matters had fyrst caused such tales to be raised of their names Whom all the rest that since haue folowed and placed theyr studye in the contemplation of the nature of thinges were both counted and also named wyse Which name continued vntil the time of Pithagoras Who as Heraclides borne in Pontus a scoler of Plato a man verye well learned doth wryte came to Phliuns a citie in Greece And there reasoned bothe learnedlye and largelye wyth Leo the chyefe of the same towne Whose wyt and eloquence Leo wonderinge at asked of him in what arte he was mooste perfecte Whereunto he aunswered that he knewe no arte But that he was a louer of wysedome Leo wonderynge at the straungenes of the name asked of him who were those louers of wisedome And what difference was betwyxte them and other men Whereunto Pithagoras aunswered that the lyfe of man myght well be resembled to that fayre whych wyth al pompe of playes al Greece is wont to frequent and solēpnyse For like as there some by the exercise of theyr bodyes woulde assaye to winne some game crowne and some other came thither for the desyre to gayne by byeng and sellynge and also there was a thirde sorte farre passing al the rest who sought neither game nor gaynes but came thither onelye to beholde and see what was done and howe so likewyse we comminge into this life as it were into a great frequented fayre or market seke some for glory and some for money But very fewe there are which despisynge all other thinges woulde studye the contemplatiō of nature But those he sayde were they whome he called the louers of wisedome And like as there it is counted a greater worship to come for the syghte of thinges than to medle wyth byenge and sellynge euen so lykewyse in this lyfe the contemplacion and knowledge of thinges did farre excell all other worldlye troubles Neyther truly was Pythagoras onely the inuentour of this name but also an increaser of the studye it selfe Who when after this communication at Phliuns he came into Italy enstructed that countrey whych is nowe called great Greece bothe priuatelye and also openlye wyth moste notable orders and artes Of whose doctryne perhaps we shal haue some more commodious time to speake But that philosophye whych in auncient time was in vse till the time of Socrates who was the hearer of Archelaus the scoler of Socrates dyd onelye treate of numbers and motions and whereof al thinges were made and whereinto they did ende They did also curiouslye search out the quantity distaunce and courses of the starres and other heauēly bodyes But Socrates fyrste of all turned philosophy from the consideration of the heauenly motions and placed it in cityes and brought it euen into our housen makynge it to reason of our life and maners of al thinges that are good and euell Whose sundrye kinde of reasoninge wyth the varietie of the thinges them selues and the sondrye compasses of mens wits made diuers sectes of dissenting philosophers Of all the which I folowe that which I suppose Socrates dyd vse Namelye to conceale mine owne opinion and reproue other mens errours And in al reasoning to enquere what is most likely to be true Which custome inasmuche as Carneades did continue maruaylous wittelie and copiously I also enforced my selfe to do the same of late in my maner of Tusculanum And the talke of our firste foure dayes I haue already sent vnto you reported in as many bookes But the fyft daye whē we came to our accustomed place thus began our reasoninge Hea. I thinke that vertue is not sufficient of it selfe to make a happye and a blessed lyfe Mar. Trulye my frende Brutus thinkes the contrary Whose iudgement you must geue me leaue to saye my fancie I do alwayes preferre afore yours Hea. I do not doubte thereof neyther is it nowe in controuersy how much you loue him But I woulde heare your opinion what you thynke of that whych I haue proposed Mar. Do you denye that vertue of it selfe is sufficient to make a mans life blessed Hea. Yea truly Mar. What maye not a man with vertue onely liue wel honestly and laudablye Hea. Yes trulye Mar. Can you then saye that either he whiche liueth yll is not wretched or that he whyche liueth well liueth not also happelye Hea. What els for euen in tormentes a man maye lyue well honestly and commendably So you vnderstand howe I meane to liue wel Which is to liue constantly grauelye wyselye and stoutelye For these do sticke by a man euen when he is on the racke Yet there is no happye life Mar. Why so wil you shut a blessed life onely oute of the prison doare when constancye grauitye fortitude and wysedome may enter wythin the same and refuse no pryson punyshemente nor payne Hea. Trulye if you minde to moue me you must seke some other reasons then those not onely because they are commen but also because like as colde wines haue no taste in the water so these reasons delyghte me rather in the fyrst taste then when I haue dronke them vp As this
of birth solitarines the losse of fryendes greuous infyrmities of the bodye the losse of health weakenes blyndnes the captiuitie of our countrey banishemente and bondage In these and such lyke a man may be good and wyse For these thinges casualtie and chaunce bryng vpon vs whych may happen euen to a wyse man But if these thynges be euel who cā iustly affirme that a wise man is alwayes happye since euen in all these he may be at one instant Wherfore I wyll not gladly graunt neyther to bothe our maysters nor yet to those auncient philosophers Aristotle Speusippus Xenocrates and Polemon that inasmuch as they count al those thinges which I haue afore rehersed to be euel thei may wel affirme that a wyse man shoulde be alwayes blessed But if this fayre and glorious sayeng doth delyght thē being in deede most worthy of Pithagoras Socrates and Plato then let them finde in their heartes to despyse those thinges with the whych they are nowe so muche delighted namely strength health beautye ryches honour and substaunce And to set at noughte those thinges whych are contrary to that which they ●ayne they do desyre Then maye they playnly professe that they are nothing moued neyther wyth the force of fortune neyther with the opinion of the people neyther with gryefe nor pouertye But that all theyr ayde consisteth in theym selues and that there is nothing wythout theyr power that they esteeme to be good For it can not be by any meanes that any should speake these wordes whych belong to a stout and hie minded man and yet shoulde think those thinges to be good or euel which the common people so counteth With the whych glory Epicurus beinge moued firste rose vp who if god will thinkes that a wyse man may be alwayes blessed He is delyghted with the worthines of this sayeng But trulie he woulde neuer saye it if he did agree to his owne wordes For what is there lesse agreable then that he whych thinketh griefe to be the greatest euell or els that it onelye is euell that he I saye shoulde thinke that a wyse man euen in his tormētes should saye O howe pleasaunte is this We must not therfore iudge philosophers by euery perticuler saieng but by their continuall and constant asseueration in all their assertions Hea. You moue me somewhat to agree vnto you But beware lest you also may seme to lacke a poynt of constancie Mar. Why so Hea. Because I did of late read youre booke of the endes of good and euell In the whyche me thoughte that reasoninge agaynste Cato you assayed to proue this which liked me very well I meane that betwyxte Zeno and the Peripatetikes there is no more difference thē the straungenes of certaine termes Whiche if it be true what cause is there whye yf Zeno thinke that vertue is of it selfe sufficiente to leade an honest life the Peripatetikes also do not thinke the same For I thinke we oughte to haue regarde to theyr meaninge and not to theyr wordes Mar. You trulye worke strayghtly wtth me For you reporte whatsoeuer I haue sayd or wrytten But I reason wyth other men which wel nie of necessity maintaine the opiniō of any one sect after this sort We liue but a shorte time whatsoeuer seemeth probable vnto vs that we do affirme Wherfore we onely of al other are free But forasmuche as I spake somewhat afore of constanry and stedfastenes I minde not in this place to dispute whether it were true that Zeno liked best and his folower Aristo I meane that that onely is good whych is honeste but that if it be so then he should place blessed and happy lyfe in onely vertue wherfore let vs graunte to my frend Brutus that according to his opinion a wise man shoulde be alwayes happye For who is more worthy to haue the glorye of that sayenge then he But yet howe well it doth agree wyth his owne opinion let hym selfe consider But let vs holde that a wise man is alwayes most happye And although Zeno a straunger born in Citium a towne of Cypres an obscure caruer of wordes woulde gladly creepe into the name of an aunciente philosopher Yet the grauitie of this opinion ought fyrst to be deriued from the authority of Plato In whom this is verye often repeated that nothynge ought to be called good but onely vertue As in his booke which he entituled Gorgias when one demaunded of Socrates whether he did not thinke that Archelaus who thē was counted most fortunate of all other was happy blessed He answered y ● he knew not For he neuer talked with him in all his life What sayest thou so canst thou not knowe it otherwise No trulye Doest thou doubte then whether the myghtye kynge of the Persians be happye yea or no Whye should I not since I knowe not howe learned he is or whether he be a good man or no Whye thynkest thou that happy lyfe consysteth therein I truly thinke that all good men are happye and that all noughty men are wretched Is Archelaus then a wretche Yea trulye if he be a vicious lyuer Doth not this man thinke you place happy lyfe in vertue onely He also in his booke whiche is entituled Epitaphium hath these wordes For that man quod he who wythin him selfe hath all thinges necessarye for a happy life and wauereth not depending vpon the good or euel chaunce of anye other thinge he hath euen gotten the trade of a perfect life He is a modest stoute and a wyse man He although all other forrayne commodities eyther ryse or fall will alwayes obey the olde precept neyther reioyce neyther sorowe ouer much because all his hope is fixed onely in him selfe Out of this holy and sacred sprynge of Plato shall flowe all our talke that foloweth From whence therefore maye we better take our beginninge then from nature the common parent and authour of all thinges Who what so euer she made not onelye beinge a liuing creature but also either any such thing as springeth out of the ground made it euerye thinge perfecte in his owne kynde And for that cause both trees vines also the lowe floures whiche can not springe hie from the ground some of thē are alwaies grene And some of them being made bare in the winter yet reuiuing in the spring beginne to bud out agayne For there is none of theym that is not so nouryshed eyther wyth some inwarde motion or els some power enclosed in it that it dothe not at certayne times of the yeare yelde eyther floures fruites or beries And all thinges as much as partayneth to theyr nature are perfect wythin them selues vnlesse they be hurt by the iniury of some forrayne force But we may much more plainelye perceyue this power of nature in beastes Because there are by nature senses geuen to theym For some beastes nature would to be swimmynge and abiding in the waters whiche are called fishes To other some she gaue the open