much as to send unto China for Velvet to line a Coach for him in regard that he had been informed that the English King had much better Velvet nearer home for such or any other uses And immediately after the Mogol caused that Coach to be taken all to pieces and to have another made by it for as before they are a people that will make any new thing by a pattern and when his new Coach was made according to the pattern his work-men first putting the English Coach together did so with that they had new made then pulling out all the China Velvet which was in the English Coach there was in the room thereof put a very rich Stuff the ground Silver wrought all over in spaces with variety of flowers of silk excellently well suited for their colours and cut short like a Plush and in stead of the brass-nails that were first in it there were nails of silver put in their places And the Coach which his own Work-men made was lined and seated likewise with a richer stuff than the former the ground of it gold mingled like the other with silk flowers and the nails silver and double gilt and after having Horses and Harness fitted for both his Coaches He rode sometimes in them and contracted with the English-coach-man to serve him whom he made very fine by rich vests he gave him allowing him a very great Pension besides he never carried him in any of those Coaches but he gave him the reward of ten pounds at the least which had raised the Coach-man unto a very great Estate had not death prevented it and that immediately after he was setled in that great service The East India Company sent other Presents for that King as excellent Pictures which pleased the Mogol very much especially if there were fair and beautiful Women portrayed in them They sent likewise Swords Rapiers excellently well hatcht and pieces of rich Imbroidery to make sweet bags and rich Gloves and handsome Looking-glasses and other things to give away that they might have always some things in readiness to present both to the King and also to his Governours where our Factories were setled for all these were like those Rulers of Israel mentioned Hosea 4. 18. who would love to say with shame give ye They looked to be presented with something when our Factors had any especial occasion to repair unto them and if the particular thing they then presented did not like them well they would desire to have it exchanged for something else haply they having never heard of our good and modest proverb That a man must not look into the mouth of a given Horse And it is a very poor thing indeed which is freely given and is not worth the taking The Mogol sometimes by his Firmauns or Letters Patents will grant some particular things unto single or divers persons and presently after will contradict those Grants by other Letters excusing himself thus That he is a great and an absolute King and therefore must not be tied unto any thing which if he were he said that he was a slave and not a free-man Yet what he promised was usually enjoyed although he would not be tied to a certain performance of his promise Therefore there can be no dealing with this King upon very sure terms who will say and unsay promise and deny Yet we Englishmen did not at all suffer by that inconstancy of his but there found a free Trade a peaceable residence and a very good esteem with that King and People and much the better as I conceive by reason of the prudence of my Lord Embassadour who was there in some sense like Ioseph in the Court of Pharaoh for whose sake all his Nation there seemed to fare the better And we had a very easie way upon any grievance to repair to that King as will appear now in my next Section which speaks SECTION XXIV Of the Mogol shewing himself three times publickly unto his people every day and in what state and glory he doth oftentimes appear FIrst early in the morning at that very time the Sun begins to appear above the Horizon He appears unto his people in a place very like unto one of our Balconies made in his Houses or Pavilions for his morning appearance directly opposite to the East about seven or eight foot high from the ground against which time a very great number of his people especially of the greater sort who desire as often as they can to appear in his eye assemble there together to give him the Salam or good morning crying all out as soon as they see their King with a loud voice Padsha Salamet which signifies Live O great King or O great King Health and life At Noon he shews himself in another place like the former on the South-side and a little before Sun-set in a like place on the West-side of his House or Tent but as soon as the Sun forsakes the Hemisphear he leaves his people ushered in and out with Drums and Wind-instruments and the peoples acclamations At both which times likewise very great numbers of his people assemble together to present themselves before him And at any of these three times he that hath a suit to the King or desires Justice at his hands be he Poor or Rich if he hold up a Petition to be seen shall be heard and answered And between seven and nine of the Clock at night he sits within House or Tent more privately in a spacious place called his Goozalcan or bathing-house made bright like day by abundance of lights and here the King sits mounted upon a stately Throne where his Nobles and such as are favoured by him stand about him others find admittance to but by special leáve from his Guard who cause every one that enters that place to breathe upon them and if they imagine that any have drunk wine they keep him out At this time my Lord Embassadour made his usual addresses to him and I often waited on him thither and it was a good time to do business with that King who then was for the most part very pleasant and full of talk unto those which were round about him and so continued till he fell a sleep oft times by drinking and then all assembled immediately quitted the place except those which were his trusted servants who by turns watched his person The Mogol hath a most stately rich and spacious house at Agra his Metropolis or chief City which is called his Palace Royal wherein there are two Towers or Turrets about ten foot square covered with massie Gold as ours are usually with Lead this I had from Tom Coryat as from other English Merchants who keep in a Factory at that place And further they told me that he hath a most glorious Throne within that his Palace ascended by divers steps which are covered with plate of silver upon the top of which ascent stand four Lions upon pedestals of curiously
so they call a Religious Man to whom he bore great reverence But after he was come to ripe age his Father chang'd his Name as here they sometimes do into Scià h Selim which in the Arabian Dialect the learned Language to all Mahometans signifies Rè Pacific a Peaceable or Peace-making King conceiving this Name to agree to his Nature The Father dying Scià h Selim being advanc'd to the Kingdom chang'd his Name once again as 't is the custom of many Oriental Princes on such an occasion with more Magnificent Titles for their proper Names are nothing but Titles and Epithets and would be call'd Nur eddin Muhammèd Gihòn ghir which partly in Arabick partly in Persick signifies The Light of the Law Mahomet Take the World in regard of the profession which he makes in publick of the Mahometan Sect though really in secret by what they report he little cares for Mahomet and his Law or any other Religion accounting according to the vain opinion of some in these parts that a man may be sav'd in every Law Nevertheless the Name Scià h Selim tenaciously inhering in the memory of people remains still to him and in common discourse he is more frequently call'd by this then any other Name He had two Brothers One who took a part of the Province Dacan was call'd by his proper Name Pehari and by sirname Scià h Murà d The other who dy'd in the City Berhampòr was nam'd Daniel and sirnam'd Sombòl Scià h but both dyed without Heirs whereupon their Dominion returned back to Scià h Selim. I know not whether by one or more Women this King had four Sons the first is call'd Sultà n Chosrou the second Sultà n Peruiz the third Sultà n Chorrom now in rebellion to whom when he return'd from a war which he had prosperously manag'd in Dacà n his Father gave the title of Sciahi Gihòn which is interpreted King of the World and the fourth Sultà n Scehriar is yet a youth of small age 'T is possible others besides these have been born to him but being dead either in Child-hood or long ago there is no mention made of them at present He hath one Wife or Queen whom he esteems and favours above all other Women and his whole Empire is govern'd at this day by her counsel She was born in India but of Persian Race that is the Daughter of a Persian who coming as many do into India to the service of the Moghòl hapned in time to prove a very great man in this Court and if I mistake not Chan or Vice-roy of a Province She was formerly Wife in India to an other Persian Captain who serv'd the Moghòl too but after her Husbands death a fair opportunity being offer'd as it falls out many times to some handsome young Widows I know not how Scià h Selim had notice of her and became in love with her He would have carried her into his Harà m or Gynaeceo and kept her there like one of his other Concubines but the very cunning and ambitious Woman counterfeited great honesty to the King and refus'd to go into his Palace and as I believe also to comply with his desires saying that she had been the Wife of an Honourable Captain and Daughter of an Honourable Father and should never wrong her own Honour nor that of her Father and Husband and that to go to the King 's Haram and live like one of the other Female-slaves there was as unsuitable to her noble condition Wherefore if his Majesty had a fancy to her he might take her for his lawful Wife whereby his Honour would be not onely not injur'd but highly enlarg'd and on this condition she was at his service Scià h Selim so disdaign'd this haughty motion at first that he had almost resolv'd in despight to give her in Marriage to one of the Race which they call Halà lchor as much as to say Eater-at-large that is to whom it is lawful to eat every thing and for this cause they are accounted the most despicable people in India However the Woman persisting in her first resolution intending rather to dye then alter it and Love returning to make impetuous assaults on the King's Heart with the help too as some say of Sorceries practis'd by her upon him if there were any other charms as I believe there were not besides the conditions of the Woman which became lovely to the King by sympathy at length he determin'd to receive her for his lawful Wife and Queen above all the rest And as such she commands and governs at this day in the King 's Haram with supream authority having cunningly remov'd out of the Haram either by Marriage or other handsome wayes all the other Women who might give her any jealousie and having also in the Court made many alterations by deposing and displacing almost all the old Captains and Officers and by advancing to dignities other new ones of her own creatures and particularly those of her blood and alliance This Queen is call'd at this day Nurmahà l which signifies Light of the Palace A Name I believe conferr'd on her by the King when he made her Queen She hath a Brother who is still in great favour with the King and of great power and is the Asaf Chan whom I mention'd above and one of whose Daughters is one of the Wives of Sultan Chorròm now in rebellion whence some not without ground suspect that the present rebellion of Sultan Chorròm is with some participation of Asaf Chan and of Numrahà l her self perhaps upon design that the Kingdom may fall to him after the death of the Father Sultan Scehrià r hath also to Wife a Daughter of Nurmahà l by her first Husband for by the King she hath hitherto no Children Wherin appears the prudence of this Woman who hath so well establish'd her self with alliances in the Royal Family But to return to the King's Children Sultà n Chosrou the eldest who was a Prince of much expectation well belov'd and as they say a friend in particular of the Christians being at the government of I know not what Country rebell'd against his Father under pretext that the Kingdom by right belonged unto him because indeed King Ekbar his Grand-father at his death left it to him his Nephew being then born and not to Selim the Father who was his Son being displeas'd with his Son Selim for that one time in his life he attempted to rebel against him So easie are Insurrections amongst these Infidels and so little faith can Fathers have in Sons and they in their own Fathers With this pretence Sultà n Chosrou once rais'd a great Army against his Father but coming to a battel he was routed and forc'd to surrender himself freely to his Father Who chiding him with words rather gentle then otherwise ask'd him to what end he made these tumults knowing well that he held and kept the whole Kingdom for him Yet his deeds were sharper then his words for in the first place he caus'd all the chief Captains who had
modesty easily happen And I would to God that in our Countries in sundry cases as of marrying or not and the like matters we had not frequent examples which Women not seldom give of great resolutions not forc'd in appearance but indeed too much forc'd in reality for avoiding displeasure and other inconveniencies In the Territories of Christians where the Portugals are Masters Women are not suffer'd to be burnt nor is any other exercise of their Religion permitted them Moreover the Indian-Gentiles believe that there is a Devil in the world almost of the same conditions wherewith we conceive him but they think too that many wretched Souls unworthy ever to have pardon from God as the last of the great punishments which they deserve become Devils also than which they judge there cannot be a greater misery The greatest sin in the world they account shedding of blood especially that of men and then above all the eating of humane flesh as some barbarous Nations do who are therefore detested by them more then all others Hence the strictest amongst them as the Brachmans and particularly the Boti not onely kill not but eat not any living thing and even from herbs tinctur'd with any reddish colour representing blood they wholly abstain Others of a larger conscience eat onely fish Others the most ignoble and largest of all though they kill not nevertheless they eat all sort of Animals good for food except Cows to kill and eat which all in general abhor saying that the Cow is their Mother for the Milke she gives and the Oxen she breeds which plough the Earth and do a thousand other services especially in India where through the paucity of other Animals they make use of these more then any for all occasions So that they think they have reason to say That Cows are the prop of the world which perhaps would signifie by that Fable common also to the Mahometans and by me formerly mention'd That the world is supported upon the Horns of the Cow Moreover they have these creatures in great Veneration for Cows being kept well in India and living with little pains and much ease therefore they believe that the best Souls to whom God is pleased to give little pain in this world pass into them All the Indians use many washings and some never eat without first washing the whole body Others will not be seen to eat by any one and the place where they eat they first sweep wash and scoure with water and Cow-dung Which besides cleanliness is to them a Ceremonial Right which they think hath the virtue to purifie But having observ'd it too in the houses of Christians I find that indeed it cleanses exquisitly and makes the floores and pavements of houses handsome smooth and bright And if the Cows and Bulls whose dung they use eat grass it gives a prety green to the pavement if straw a yellowish But for the most part the floores are red as those of Venice are and I know not with what they give them that colour But these and other Ceremonies which I have not seen my self and know onely by Relation I willingly pass over I shall conclude therefore with saying that by the things hitherto mention'd it appears that in the substance of Religion and what is most important all the Races of the Indians agree together and differ onely perhaps through the necessity which is caus'd by the diversity of humane conditions in certain Rites and Ceremonies particularly of eating more or less indistinctly Wherein the Ragia puti Souldiers with the wonted military licentiousness take most liberty without thinking themselves prejudic'd as to the degree of Nobility Next to them the meanest and most laborious professions are more licentious in eating then others because they need more sustinenance some of which drink Wine too from which the others more strict abstain to avoid ebriety and so from all other beverage that inebriates But those of other Races whose employments admit more rest and a better life are also more sparing and rigorous in the use of meats especially the Brachmans as I said dedicated wholly to Learning and the Service of Temples and the most noble of all In testimony whereof they alone have the priviledge to wear a certain Ensign of Nobility in their Sect whereby they are distinguisht from others 't is a fillet of three braids which they put next the flesh like a Neck-chain passing from the left shoulder under the right arm and so round This fillet hath a mystery and is given to all persons of that Race and to a few of one other for a great favour with many superstitious Ceremonies of which I forbear to speak because I have not yet any good information thereof There was a long dispute in India between the Jesuits and other Fathers whether this fillet which the Portugals call Linha was a badge of Religion or onely an Ensign of piety and whether it was not to be permitted or not to Indian Converts who were very loth to lay it aside Much hath been said and with great contest by both parties and at length the cause is carried to Rome and I was inform'd of it two or three years ago in Persia. For I remember Sig Matteo Galvano Gudigno a Canon and Kinsman to the then Archbishop of Goa pass'd by Sphahà n and continu'd there many days being sent by the same Archbishop who favour'd the side contrary to the Jesuits purposely to Rome with many writings touching this affair which he out of courtesie communicated to me I know not whether the final determination of it be yet come from Rome some say it is and in favour of the Jesuits But at Goa we shall know these things better The truth is the Jesuits prove on one side that the honour of wearing this Ribban is frequently granted not onely to the Indians but also to strangers of different Nation and Sect as to Mahometans who by condescension of that King who among the Indians hath authority to do it as Head of their Sect in spirituals have in recompence of great and honourable services enjoy'd this priviledge without becoming Gentiles or changing their Religion but still persisting to live Mahometans which indeed is a strong Argument On the other side they prove that many Brachmans and others of the Race priviledg'd to wear it intending to lead a stricter life and abandon the world by living almost like Hermits amongst other things in humility lay aside this Ribban being a token of Nobility which 't is not likely they would do if it were a Cognizance of Religion yea they would wear it the more But this second Argument seems not to me so cogent because amongst us Christians if a Knight of the order of Calatrava or the like which are Ensignes of Nobility in order to a more holy life enter into some Religion either of Fryers Monks or other Regulars 't is clear that taking the Religious Habit he layes aside the body of his
which lies on the left side of the River as you go against the stream Having landed and going towards the Bazà r to get a Lodging in some House we beheld the Queen coming alone in the same way without any other Woman on foot accompany'd onely with four or six foot-Souldiers before her all which were quite naked after their manner saving that they had a cloth over their shame and another like a sheet worn cross the shoulders like a belt each of them had a Sword in his hand or at most a Sword and Buckler there were also as many behind her of the same sort one of which carry'd over her a very ordinary Umbrella made of Palm-leavs Her Complexion was as black as that of à natural Aethiopian she was corpulent and gross but not heavy for she seem'd to walk nimbly enough her Age may be about forty years although the Portugals had describ'd her to me much elder She was cloth'd or rather girded at the waste with a plain piece of thick white Cotton and bare-foot which is the custom of the Indian-Gentile Women both high and low in the house and abroad and of Men too the most and the most ordinary go unshod some of the more grave wear Sandals or Slippers very few use whole Shoos covering all the Foot From the waste upwards the Queen was naked saving that she had a cloth ty'd round about her Head and hanging a little down upon her Breast and Shoulders In brief her aspect and habit represented rather a dirty Kitchin-wench or Laundress then a delicate and noble Queen whereupon I said within my self Behold by whom are routed in India the Armies of the King of Spain which in Europe is so great a matter Yet the Queen shew'd her quality much more in speaking then by her presence for her voice was very graceful in respect of her Person and she spoke like a prudent and judicious Woman They had told me that she had no teeth and therefore was wont to go with half her Face cover'd yet I could not discover any such defect in her either by my Eye or by my Ear and I rather believe that this covering the Mouth or half the Face as she sometimes doth is agreeable to the modest custom which I know to be common to almost all Women in the East I will not omit that though she were so corpulent as I have mention'd yet she seems not deform'd but I imagine she was handsome in her Youth and indeed the report is that she hath been a brave Lady though rather of a rough then a delicate handsomeness As soon as we saw her coming we stood still lay'd down our baggage upon the ground and went on one side to leave her the way to pass Which she taking notice of and of my strange habit presently ask'd Whether there was any among us that could speak the Language Whereupon my Brachman Narsù step'd forth and answer'd Yes and I after I had saluted her according to our manner went near to speak to her she standing still in the way with all her people to give us Audience She ask'd who I was being already inform'd as one of her Souldiers told me by a Portugal who was come about his businesses before me from Mangalòr to Manel that I was come thither to see her I caus'd my Interpreter to tell her that I was Un Cavaliero Ponentino A Gentleman of the West who came from very farr Countries and because other Europaeans than Portugals were not usually seen in her Dominions I caus'd her to be told that I was not a Portugal but a Roman specifying too that I was not of the Turks of Constantinople who in all the East are styl'd and known by the Name of Rumi but a Christian of Rome where is the See of the Pope who is the Head of the Christians That it was almost ten years since my first coming from home and wandring about the world having seen divers Countries and Courts of great Princes and that being mov'd by the fame of her worth which had long ago arriv'd at my Ears I was come into this place purposely to see her and offer her my service She ask'd What Countries and Courts of Princes I had seen I gave her a brief account of all and she hearing the Great Turk the Persian the Moghol and Venk-tapà Naieka nam'd ask'd What then I came to see in these Woods of hers Intimating that her State was not worth seeing after so many other great things as I said I had seen I reply'd to her that it was enough for me to see her Person which I knew to be of great worth for which purpose alone I had taken the pains to come thither and accounted the same very well imploy'd After some courteous words of thanks she ask'd me If any sickness or other disaster had hapned to me in so remote and strange Countries How I could have done being alone without any to take care of me a tender Affection and incident to the compassionate nature of Women I answer'd that in every place I went into I had God with me and that I trusted in him She ask'd me Whether I left my Country upon any disgust the death of any kindred or beloved person and therefore wander'd so about the world for in India and all the East some are wont to do so upon discontents either of Love or for the death of some dear persons or for other unfortunate accidents and if Gentiles they become Gioghies if Mahometans Dervises and Abdales all which are a sort of vagabonds or despisers of the world going almost naked onely with a skin upon their Shoulders and a sttaff in their Hands through divers Countries like our Pilgrims living upon Alms little caring what befalls them and leading a Life suitable to the bad disposition of their hearts I conceal'd my first misadventures and told the Queen that I left not my Country upon any such cause but onely out of a desire to see divers Countries and customs and to learn many things which are learnt by travelling the World men who had seen and convers'd with many several Nations being much esteem'd in our parts That indeed for some time since upon the death of my Wife whom I lov'd much though I were not in habit yet in mind I was more then a Gioghi and little car'd what could betide me in the World She ask'd me What my design was now and whither I directed my way I answer'd that I thought of returning to my Country if it should please God to give me life to arrive there Many other questions she ask'd which I do not now remember talking with me standing a good while to all which I answer'd the best I could At length she bid me go and lodg in some house and afterwards she would talk with me again at more convenience Whereupon I took my leave and she proceeded on her way and as I was afterwards told she went about
Christian Servant to come in and carry it all away that he might eat it which he did in the napkin which I had used before for to fling it away in regard of the discourtesie it would be to me they judged not convenient At length when I rose up from my seat and took leave of the King they caused my said Servant to strew a little Cow-dung which they had got ready for the purpose upon the place where I had sat which according to their Religion was to be purified In the mean time as I was taking leave of the King he caused to be presented to me for they were ready prepared in the Chamber and delivered to my Servants to carry home four Lagne so they call in India especially the Portugals the Indian Nuts before they be ripe when instead of Pulp they contain a sweet refreshing water which is drunk for delight and if the Pulp for of this water it is made be begun to be congealed yet that little is very tender and is eaten with much delight and is accounted cooling whereas when it is hard and fully congealed the Nut remaining without water within and in the inner part somewhat empty that matter of the Nut which is used more for sauce then to eat alone is in my opinion hot and not of so good taste as before when it was more tender Of these Lagne he caus'd four to be given me besides I know not how many great bunches of Moùl or Indian Figs which though a small matter are nevertheless the delights of this Country wherefore as such I received them and thanking the King for them who also thank'd me much for my visit testifying several times that he had had very great contentment in seeing me at length taking my leave I departed about an hour or little more before night I intended to have visited the Queen also the same time but I understood she was gone abroad whilst I was with her Son to the above-mention'd place of her Works Wherefore being desirous to make but little stay in Manel both that I might dispatch as soon as possible and withall not shew any dis-esteem of the Queen by visiting her not onely after her Son but also on a different day I resolv'd to go and find her where she was although it were late being also perswaded so to do by that Brachman to whom I gave my Sword when I went to eat and who sometimes waited upon the Queen and the rather because they told me she was little at home but rising at break of day went forth-with to her Works and there stayed till dinner and as soon as dinner was done return'd thither again and remain'd there till night By which action I observ'd something in her of the spirit of Scià h Abbas King of Persia and concluded it no wonder that she hath alwayes shew'd her self like him that is active and vigorous in actions of war and weighty affairs Moreover they said that at night she was employ'd a good while in giving Audience and doing Justice to her Subjects so that it was better to go and speak to her there in the field while she was viewing her Work-men then in the house Accordingly I went and drawing near her saw her standing in the field with a few Servants about her clad as the other time and talking to the Labourers that were digging the Trenches When she saw us she sent to know wherefore I came whether it were about any business And the Messenger being answer'd that it was onely to visit her brought me word again that it was late and time to go home and therefore I should do so and when she came home she would send for me I did as she commanded and return'd to my house expecting to be call'd when she thought fit but she call'd not for me this night the cause whereof I attributed to her returning very late home as I understood she did The same day December the seventh Being return'd home before noon I took the Altitude of the Sun at Manèl with an Astrolabe I found him to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees he was this day in the fourteenth degree of Sagittary His Southern Declination was 22 degrees 30′ 34″ which substracted from 35 degrees the Altitude which I took leave 12 degrees 29′ 36″ which is the Declination of the Aequinoctial Southwards from the Zenith of Manèl and also the height of the Northern Pole in that place So that Manèl where the Queen of Olaza now resides lyes 12 degrees 29′ 36″ distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At night having waited all the day and not hearing of the Queens sending for me as she had promis'd I thought not good to importune her further but imagin'd she was not willing to be visited more by me Wherefore I gave Order for a Boat to carry me back to Mangalòr the next day Of the Queens not suffering her self to be visited more by me certain Men of the Country who convers'd with me gave sundry Reasons Some said the Queen imagin'd I would have given her some Present as indeed I should which would require a requital but perhaps she had nothing fit to requite me with in these wretched places or was loath to give So that to avoid the shame she thought best to decline the visit Others said there was no other decent place to give Audience in but that where her Son was and for her to come thither did not shew well as neither to send for me into some other unhandsome place nor yet to give me Audience in the Street when it was no unexpected meeting but design'd for which reason she avoided speaking with me The Brachman not my Interpreter but the other who held my Sword had a more extravagant and in my opinion impertinent conceit to wit that there was spread such a Fame of my good presence fairness and handsome manner of conversation that the Queen would not speak with me for fear she should become enamor'd of me and be guilty of some unbecomming action at which I heartily laugh'd 'T was more probable that she intended to avoid giving people occasion to talk of her for conversing privately with a stranger that was of such Reputation amongst them But let the Cause be what it will I perceiv'd she declin'd my visit and therefore caus'd a Boat to be provided which there being no other was not row'd with Oars but guided by two Men with Poles of Indian Cane or Bambu which serv'd well enough for that shallow River The next day December the eighth A little before Noon without having seen the Queen or any other I departed from Manèl In a place some-what lower on the left bank of the River where the Queen receives a Toll of the Wares that pass by which for the most part are onely Rice which is carried out and brought into her Country I stay'd a while to dine Then continuing my way I arriv'd very late at Mangalòr where
Cocin were fain to keep a Fort continually with a great Garrison and at much expence And because he shew'd not much inclination thereunto it was not without cause judg'd that his Treaties were Artifices to hold the Portugals in suspence wherefore the General sent him word That he had express Order from the Vice-Roy not to stay longer at Calecut then twenty four hours and so long he would stay If within that time the Samori took a Resolution sutable to the Vice-Roy's Propositions he would carry his Ambassador with a good will otherwise he intended to depart the next night all the intermediate day being allow'd his Highness to determine With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco honor'd with some small Presents and the other Men that came with him without sending any of his Portugals on purpose or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samori as he was by him invited the Vice-Roy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far because these Kings Samori had never been very faithful towards the Portugals Nevertheless the General forbad not any Souldiers to land that were so minded so that many of them went ashore some to walk up and down some to buy things and some to do other business as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats partly to sell things and partly out of curiosity to see the Portugals who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samori seldom us'd to be seen in Calecut The same day December the two and twentieth whilst we were aboard in the Port of Calecut I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary whence according to my Canon of Declination which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini he declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees and 28 minutes which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination if it be not really so the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours if not more that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calecut than in any other Meridian of Europe according to which my Canon of Declination shall be calculated so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun you substract the 23 dgrees 28′ which I presuppose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South the remainder is 11 degrees 22′ and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place and consequently the City of Calecut lyes 11 degrees 22′ distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. After dinner I landed also with the Captain of my Ship and some other Souldiers we went to see the Bazar which is near the shore the Houses or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's being very low the Streets also are very narrow but indifferently long the Market was full of all sorts of provision and other things necessary to the livelihood of that people conformable to their Custom for as for Clothing they need little both Men and Women going quite naked saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees and covering their shame the better sort are wont to wear it either all blew or white strip'd with Azure or Azure and some other colour a dark blew being most esteem'd amongst them Moreover both Men and Women wear their hair long and ty'd about the head the Women with a lock hanging on one side under the ear becommingly enough as almost all Indian-Women do the dressing of whose head is in my opinion the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head sometimes a little inclin'd on one side some of them use a small colour'd head-band but the Women use none at all Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets their ears of pendants and their necks of jewels the Men commonly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers or other Arms in their hands as I said of those of Balagate The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calecut and the In-land parts especially the better sort are all Gentiles of the Race Nairi for the most part by profession Souldiers sufficiently swashing and brave But the Sea-coasts are full of Malabari an adventitious people though of long standing for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since makes mention of them they live confusedly with the Pagans and speak the same Language but yet are Mahometans in Religion From them all that Country for a long tract together is call'd Malabar famous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thieves whence in the Bazar of Calecut besides the things above-mention'd we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities as Swords Arms Books Clothes of Goa and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels at Sea which things because stollen and in regard of the Excommunication which lyes upon us in that case are not bought by our Christians Having seen the Bazar and stay'd there till it was late we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City and the out-side of the King's Palace for to see the King at that hour we had no intention nor did we come prepar'd for it but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship Accordingly we walk'd a good way towards the Palace for the City is great and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees amongst the boughs whereof a great many of wild Monkies and within these close Groves stand the Houses for the most part at a distance from the common Wayes or Streets they appear but little few of their outsides being seen besides the low walls made of a black stone surrounding these plots and dividing them from the Streets which are much better than those of the Bazar but without any ornament of Windows so that he that walks through the City may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens than of an inhabited City Nevertheless it is well peopled and hath many Inhabitants whose being contented with narrow buildings is the cause that it appears but small As we walked in this manner we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Vice-Roy and because he saw us many together and imagin'd there was some person of quality amongst us or because he knew our General he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace and going before us as our guide conducted us thither He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming and told us we must by all means go to see him because his Highness was desirous to see us and talk with us Wherefore not to appear discourteous we were constrein'd to consent to his Request notwithstanding
held wholly desperate although to encourage others to the expedition he still kept up the report The same Ship brought news how Ruy Freira whilst he was at the Siege of Ormùz with his few Ships sent two to the streight of Mecha to see whether they could get any booty which might serve to support his forces another to Sindi to fetch provisions and advertise the Mogul's Ministers there not to send any Ships into Persia otherwise he should take them yet neither those of Mecha nor this of Sindi ever return'd to him neither did this Captain send him any thing from Maschà t so that he was constrain'd to remove his quarters Besides during his being before Ormùz he had sent some other Ships to fall upon the Country of those Arabians whom they call Nactrilù living upon the Coasts of Persia in the gulf above Mogostà n and that this enterprize succeeded well enough they having made great destruction and taken much spoil but afterwards the Captains of the same Ships being greedy of prey contrary to the order of Ruy Freira and against the judgment of one of them who was the head of all the rest little obedience is an ordinary thing among the Portugals and causes infinite disorders design'd to set upon another place whose Governour who was an Arabian Sceich at first attempted to make them forbear with good words saying that he was their Vassal c. but when he saw that courtesie prevail'd not against their rapacity he got his men together and made head against them so that assaulting them in a convenient place as they were out of order he defeated them killing many and amongst those divers Captains and Soldiers of valour which was no small loss It was further related that during the Siege of Ormùz the besieg'd being in great streights for all other things and which was most important of water also which within fail'd them and was corrupted yet Ruy Freira could not hinder them from ferching plenty of very good water as often as they pleas'd at a place of the Island without the Garrison which they call Trumbà k where not through want of Soldiers for he might have had Arabians enough and others of those Countries but for want of money to pay and support them he could never place a guard to prevent the enemies from fetching as much water as they pleas'd They said lastly that Ruy Freira was at Massà t soliciting for aid and preparing to return to Ormùz as soon as he should be provided of what was needful By the same Ship a Jew came from Sindi who had lately dwelt in Ormùz and came to Sindi by sea from Guadèl which is a Port of the Kingdom of Kic and Macran and was come to Guadal by land from Sphahà n He was a sagacious person and affirmed to me for certain that the Prince of Kic and Macran was a friend and obedient to the Persians and that there passed through his Country infinite Cafila's of Merchandize which came from India to Guadèl by Sea and from thence were transported into Persia upon Camels and that this way was not only frequented since the taking of Ormùz which was declined during that War but was also very secure and afforded much profit to the said Prince of Macran because at Guadèl he received divers Customs of the abovesaid Merchandizes and before this pass was open he had no profit at all Yet this Jew could not tell me whether this friendship and obedience of the Macranite to the Persian was because the Prince who raigned there was dead and succeeded by his younger Brother who many years ago had fled into Persia to this Scià h as I have elsewhere mentioned in this Diary or else because the two Brothers ne'r agreed together and that he who raigned still either for his own interest upon account of the said pass of the Cafila's or through fear since the taking of Ormùz or perhaps forced by War or other like Accidents had disposed himself to be friendly and obedient to the Persian Ianuary the twenty fifth The Jesuits of the Colledge of Saint Paul this day being the Feast of their Colledge began to make part of their Solemnities which were to be made for joy of the Canonization of their Saints Ignatio and Sciavier the Celebration of which was deferred till now that more time might be allotted for preparation They came forth with a Cavalcade of all their Collegians divided into three Squadrons under three Banners one of which represented the Asiaticks one the Africans and another the Europaeans those of each Squadron being clothed after the manner of their respective Countries Before the Cavalcade went a Chariot of Clouds with Fame on the top who sounding her Trumpet with the adjunction of Musick published the News of the said Canonization Two other Chariots accompany'd the Cavalcade the hindermost of which represented Faith or the Church the other in the middle was a Mount Parnassus with Apollo and the Muses representing the Sciences professed in the said Colledge both which Chariots were also full of very good Musick and many people Moreover they remov'd from place to place amongst the Cavalcade five great Pyramids upon wheels drawn by Men on foot well cloth'd after the Indian fashion Upon the first were painted all the Martyrs of the Order of Jesuits upon another all the Doctors and Writers of Books upon another figures of Men of all such Nations in their proper habits where the said Order hath foundations to represent the Languages in which the Fathers of it preach Another had abundance of Devises relating to all the Provinces of the said Religion and lastly another had all the Miracles both of Sant ' Ignatio and San Francesco Sciavier All of these Pyramids had Epitaphs Statues and other Ornaments both at the pedestal and at the top so that passing in this manner through the principal streets of the City they planted and left the said Pyramids in several places one before the See or Archiepiscopal Church one before the profess'd House of Giesù one before the Church of San Paolo where at first they kept the Colledge but by reason of the badness of the Air remov'd it from thence yet the Church remaining to them which was sometimes much frequented and magnificent but at this day is but meanly provided for so that they are still in contest with the City about it who unwillingly consent to this changing of the Colledge The last they left before the new Colledge the Church whereof they are wont to call San Rocco and by the other Name also but the Jesuts resolute to keep their Colledge by reason of the fairness of the place notwithstanding the opposition of the Augustine Fryers who by long and intricate suits use their utmost endeavor to hinder them from it onely to the end not to have them Neighbours under pretext that they deprive them of the fresh Air and the prospect of the Sea The Jesuits I say resolute to abide there prevailing
proceeding of the Arabians both towards me the rest and himself I rid in haste with the Notary of the Sceich and our cheating Camelier who was partly the cause of this bad usage although I dissembled my resentment thereof to him By the way I found many black Tents of his Arabians dispers'd in several places and an hour within night I came to the Tent of Sceich Abitaleb a little distant from that of his Father Sceich Nasir which Tents differ'd from the rest neither in colour nor stuff being all of coarse black Goats-hair but onely in bigness which shew'd them to be the principal We enter'd not into the Tent because we saw many of his chief Arabians sitting in a round on one side thereof upon certain colour'd and coarse woollen clothes spread on the ground and the Sceich was not there Yet he came presently after and we all rising up at his coming he went and sat down in the midst of the circle and so also did we in our places round about him Then a Candle-stick with a light being plac'd before him he perform'd his Orisons according to their manner after which sitting down again he began to read and subscribe certain Letters giving dispatch to several businesses and amongst others to the Capigi Mahhmud Aga who was there and waited for Licence to return These things being over I arose and presented him the Basha's Letter He ask'd whether I was the Frank or Christian of the Cafila Whereupon the Camelier answer'd that I was and declar'd to him the cause of my coming whereunto I added in Arabick what I thought fit He desir'd to see my Hat nearer Hand and caus'd it to be brought before him and being inform'd that I understood the Beduin-Language he told me that I must excuse what his Officers had done for he had great need of Arquebuzes for war that the Turbant and piece of Silk much pleas'd him but he would pay for them whereto I answer'd that I did not value his payment but would give him both the one and the other Then he call'd for the Turbant and having view'd and highly commended it though I told him it had been us'd as indeed I had worn it several times in Persia he enter'd into the Tent with it where his Women were and from whence was heard a great noise of Hand-mils where-with to make Meal for Bread it being the custom amongst the Arabians for even the noblest Women to do such services By and by he came out again with the Turbant upon his Head whereupon his people congratulated him for his new bravery saying to him Mubarek that is Blessed to the same purpose with our Ad multos Annos Then they set before him a brass dish full of Grapes and we being all call'd about him he began to eat and give us some of the said Grapes which were very sweet and good and the first that I had eaten this year This ended we retir'd to our places and after a short stay I took leave and departed with Mahhmad Aga to the Cafila one of his servants and the Camelier remaining behind by the Sceich's Order who said he would send a dispatch for his own and my business the next day by them Iuly the first The Camelier return'd with an Answer that the Sceich would not take the Sword and the Changier or Ponyard from me and for the Turbant and piece of Silk he sent me 29 Piastres whereof the Camelier said he had expended five to wit two to the Officer that pay'd him and three to I know not who else so that he brought me but 24 which were not a third part of what the things were worth However I took them because the barbarous dealing of the Sceich deserv'd not that I should correspond with him with better courtesie I have related this Adventure that thereby the dealings of these uncivil Barbarians may be known Iuly the second We departed from this Station early in the Morning continuing our journey but were detain'd near two hours by certain Arabian Officers of a Brother of Sceich Nasir who also would needs extort some payment upon each Camel We arriv'd late to bait near a water where we found many Arabian Tents from which and a neighbouring Village we had plenty both of sweet and sower Milk and also of Grapes Here we stay'd all day and upon a hasty quarrel between Batoni Mariam and Eugenia my Indian Maid at night the said Maid ran away from us in these desarts yet was so honest as to leave even all her own things and ornaments behind so that it was rather despair than infidelity that occasion'd her flight I had much adoe to recover her again and was in great danger of losing her in case she had fallen into the hands of any Arabian who undoubtedly would have hid her and perhaps carry'd her afar off and made her a slave for ever I mention this to the end Masters may learn not to drive their Servants into despair by too much rigor which may redound to the prejudice of themselves as well as of them Iuly the third Setting sorth early we baited before noon near a Lake of Water streaming there amongst certain Reeds and verdant Fields about which flew many Assuetae ripis Volucres some of which we took and eat F. Gregorio Orsino who was with me bathing himself here as he was wont often to do for the heat and being unskilful of swimming was in great danger of being drowned hapning unawares to go into a much deeper place of the Lake then he imagin'd We travell'd no further this day but onely at night went to joyn with the Capigi's who had pitch'd a Tent a little further from the Water to avoid the Gnats there which were very troublesome both to Men and Beasts The two next dayes we travell'd but little because of some difference between the Arabians and the chief Camelier who went back to the Sceich about it Iuly the sixth We travell'd this day over Landsfull of a white and shining Mineral which was either Talk or Salt-petre or some such thing I brought a good quantity of it away with me Iuly the seventh We travell'd from day-break till noon passing over a clayie and slippery ground where the Camels went with much difficulty We rested at a place full of prickly shrubs the leavs whereof are less then a Man's naile and of the shape of a heart the fruit was round and red like small coral-beads of taste sweet mixt with a little sharpness having little stones in them it was very pleasant to the taste and afforded no small refreshment to us in these Desarts The Mahometans celebrated their Bairam the Fast of Ramadhan being now ended Iuly the eighth We came to several places of stagnant waters and baited at one two or three hours before noon but the water was sulphureous and ill-tasted as most of the rest were also in regard of the many Minerals where-with the Earth of the Desart abounds
Rome July 11. 1626. LETTER XVIII From Rome August 1. 1626. ON Saint Iames's day the twenty fifth of Iuly last past Intending to bury the Body of Sitti Maani Gioerida my Wife which I had brought with me so many Voyages in our Chappel of S. Paul belonging to the Church of Ara Coeli in the Capitol a place which besides being the ancient Sepulchre of my Ancestors is undoubtedly the Noblest and one of the Holiest in the world before I inclos'd it in a Coffin of Lead which I had prepar'd I resolv'd to open the innermost wooden Coffin that I might see how it was after so many years Accordingly I open'd the same in the presence of Sig ra Laura Gaetana my Cousin Silvia my Daughter Sig ra Maria and all the women of the House I found that the flesh of the Head which I could perceive at a rent of the Linnen which cover'd it was wholly consum'd nothing remaining but the bone at which I wonder'd not because the brain not being taken out of the skull at first thence proceeded the cause of this consumption The rest of the Body seem'd better preserv'd but because the Face was no longer to be seen I would not unfold the Linnen to see further That dry Herb where-with I had first fill'd the vaculties of the Coffin was still intire and so also was the Amba or Manga-wood of the Coffin and the pieces of Linnen-Cloth glu'd upon the Commissures thereof Having nail'd up this innermost Coffin of Amba as it was at first instead of putting the same into the other outward wooden Coffin in which it came from Malta to Rome I inclos'd it in a leaden one which I caus'd to be well soder'd and upon a large Plate fastned near the feet I caus'd this Epitaph to be engraven at the foot of a great erected Cross MAANI GIOERIDAE HEROINAE PRAESTANTISSIMAE PETRI DE VALLE PERINI UXORIS MORTALES EXUVIAE Having thus prepar'd all things late in the Evening I caus'd it to be carry'd secretly to Ara Coeli having first obtain'd leave of Card. Melino the Pope's Vicar for that purpose and it was accompany'd thither by Sig Gasparo Albertino my Friend Horatio the Steward of my House and others of my familiar acquaintance whilst I with Sig ra Maria and my Daughter Silvia waited in the Church When it was come I lay'd it in the Vault on the left hand of the Altar as you enter into the Chappel where lye also my Father my Mother my Uncles and almost all my Relations I descended my self into the Tomb together with Sig ra Maria who was willing likewise to pay this last Office and with help of the Fryers and Sextons plac'd it there with my own hands After which causing the Vault to be clos'd up I took leave of the Fryers giving them some Alms of Money and Torches Besides the persons above-mention'd there were present at this action Madonna Guilia Vogli a Bolonnese servant to Sig Laura Eugenia the Indian Maid Michel an Indian man Ibrahim Abdisciva a Syrian Gio Robeh a Chaldean with others of my servants and familiars besides the F. Guardian This last Office of Piety which remain'd I have pay'd to the mortal reliques of my dear Consort Sitti Maani yet it is not the last that I perform to her better and immortal part which I accompany with suffrages neither have I abandon'd those in the Tomb but deposited them intending when it shall please God to leave my own ashes lay'd in the same place and to rise again with her Now from this meditation of death let us pass Sig Mario to a Remarkable which occurrs to me of a very long life Iuly the seven and twentieth Being the Feast of S. Pantaleo in the Church of the Fathers Della Scuole Pie I went to see F. Gaspare Dragonetti who hath liv'd in the said Schools ever since the year 1600 and although now a hundred and fifteen years old and more as appears by the Dimissory Letters at his Ordination and the writings of a Canonship which he hath had ever since the same was conferr'd upon him which was in the year 1530 or 1531 and were seen when he entred into the pious Schools nevertheless is sound and lusty and not onely sees without Spectacles and hath his Teeth good but labors daily in teaching Children the Grammar in those Schools which profession he told he he hath exercis'd publickly above sixty years and before the Jesuits began the same in Rome who he saith when they came first to Rome he remembers liv'd in a very mean and small House and sent their novices to learn Grammar in his School Before he read Grammar at Rome he had read it many years in Sicily in the City of Lenoni where he was born his Father being of Calabria and having retir'd thither I know not upon what occasion In Sicily he told me he remember'd Giovanni de Vega who was the first Vice-Roy under Charles V and he very well remember'd the first time that the Turks upon the sollicitation of Francis the French King came to infest those Coasts Moreover he remember'd when Tripoli was lost long before the loss of Goletta and Tunis with several other things sufficiently ancient for the age of one man The Grammar which he had alwayes read and still reads to his Scholars is that of Nebrissensis which he approves for the best of all and by his Discourse with me about Grammatical Points he seems to me exactly skill'd therein He told me he had many Writings and Grammatical Lectures of his own curious and I believe very profitable as proceeding from a Person so much experienc'd but hitherto he hath not printed any thing Emanuel Alvarez and many other Modern Grammarians acknowledg themselves his Scholars He is a Man of a good and reverend Aspect cheerful and of a good Complexion his Beard is white and large and his Stature is of the middle sort It being a rare thing in our dayes to see a Man of so long and healthy an Age I thought it not amiss to give you this Relation And so wishing you the years of this new Sicilian Nestor I heartily kiss your Hands From Rome August the first 1626. FINIS A Description of EAST INDIA Conteyning the Empire of the Great MOGOLL A VOYAGE TO East-India WITH A Description of the large Territories under the subjection of the Great MOGOL APologies do more question than strengthen Truth which Truth hath such power in prevailing that she doth not know and much less needs the use of Preface or words of Perswasion to get her credit for though she appear simple and naked unto open view yet dares she encunnter with armed falshood and is sure at last to overcome which Truth being the best ornament of this ensuing Discourse looks to be credited in what is here faithfully related So to make a re-entry upon a long-since finished Voyage The third of February 1615. our Fleet consisting of six good Ships three great viz.
say in the Arabian Tongue in which Language they further say they have many Books written by Avicenna that ancient Physitian who was born in Samarchandia one of the most fam'd places within the Tartarian Empire the Country as they believe where Tamberlain the Mogols great Ancestor drew his first breath Some parts or fragments they have of the old Testament of which more when I shall come to speak of their Religion Many amongst them profess themselvs to have great skill in judicial Astrology that great Cheat which hath been very anciently and often put upon as the Sacred Story witnesseth the people inhabiting the East and South parts of the World I call it a Cheat because there is and must needs be so much uncertainty in it all things here below being ordered and over-ruled by the secret and unerring providence of Almighty God which frustrateth the tokens of the Lyars and maketh Diviners mad that turneth wise men backward and maketh their knowledg foolish Esay 44. 25. First these Diviners are mad when things fall not out according to their bold predictions And secondly they have been and not without cause esteemed as mad-men in foretelling things which they could not know and much less bring to pass And therefore I have heard a great Master in and a publick Professor of Astronomy who could see as far into Constellations and observe as much from them as any other often say that he would go by the very self same rules that others did to predict things to come and would write that which was quite contrary to what they observed yet what he wrote should as often fall to be as true as what they foretold Yet notwithstanding the truth of these premises the great Mogol puts so much confidence in his Astrologers that he will not undertake a journey nor yet resolve to do any thing besides of the least consequence unless his Wizards tell him it is a good and a prosperous hour to begin and set upon such an undertaking and at the very instant he hath his directions from them he sets upon the thing he undertakes and not before SECTION XIII Of their Physitians Diseases Cures When they begin their year How they measure their time c. HEre are those which pretend unto much skill in Physick though for ought I could ever there observe the people make but little use of them they fearing more Medicum quam Morbum and therefore do believe the Physitian to be the more dangerous disease The common Diseases of that Countrey are Bloody-Fluxes with others that come not to blood Hot-Fevers Calentures which seize on and fire the head and brain more than other parts These many times put our men at Sea into very high distempers especially while they are under the Torrid Zone which makes the poor creatures visited with them sometimes to conceit the spacious Sea and Waves therein to be great Fields full of Haycocks and if they were not sometimes happily prevented would leap over-board to tumble in them For ordinary Agues such as are so common among us and for those two torments rather than diseases when they are felt in extremity the Gout and the Stone they have the happiness to be ignorant of them But sometimes they are visited with an inflammation or an extreme Burn̄ing such as is spoken of Deut. 28. 22. or rather with a most grievous Pestilence which on a sudden sweeps away many thousands when it comes into great populous Cities This Pestilence makes the bodies of Men there which are visited with it like an House which on a sudden is covered all over with fire at once The City Amadavar at our being there with the King was visited with this Pestilence in the moneth of May and our Family was not exempted from that most uncomfortable visitation for within the space of nine dayes seven persons that were English of our Family were taken away by it and none of those which dyed lay sick above twenty hours and the major part well and sick and dead in twelve hours As our Surgeon who was there all the Physician we had and he led the way falling sick at mid-day and the following mid-night dead And there were three more that followed him one immediately after the other who made as much haste to the Grave as he had done and the rest went after them within that space of time I named before And as before I observed all those that dyed in our Family of this Pestilence had their Bodies set all on fire by it so soon as they were first visited and when they were dying and dead broad spots of a black and blew colour appeared on their Breasts and their flesh was made so extreme hot by their most high distemper that we who survived could scarce endure to keep our hands upon it It was a most sad time a fiery Tryal indeed But such is the goodness of Almighty God that he makes the miseries of Men here Aut tolerabiles aut breves either sufferable or short so that if the thing imposed be extreme heavy to be born it continues not long as this most grievous visitation most violent for the time like a mighty storm and then blown away For here the mercy of God suddenly stept in betwixt the living and the dead so that not onely in our Family but also in that great City the Plague was stayed All our Family my Lord Ambassadour onely excepted were visited with this sickness and we all who through Gods help and goodness out-lived it had many great blisters fill'd with a thick yellow watery substance that arose upon many parts of our bodies which when they brakè did even burn and corrode our skins as it ran down upon them For my part I had a Calenture before at Mandoa which brought me even into the very Iaws of Death from whence it pleased God then to rescue and deliver me which amongst thousands and millions of mercies more received from him hath and shall for ever give me cause to speak good of his Name There are very few English which come thither but have some violent sickness which if they escape and live temperately they usually enjoy very much health afterward But Death made many breaches unto my Lord Ambassador's Family for of four and twenty Waiters besides his Secretary and my self there was not above the fourth Man returned home And he himself by violent Fluxes was twice brought even to the very brink of the Grave The Natives of East-India in all their violent hot diseases make very little use of Physicians unless it be to breathe a Vein sometimes after which they use much fasting as their most hopeful remedy The foul Disease is too common in those hot Climates where the people that have it are much more affected with the trouble it brings than with the sin or shame thereof The people in East-India live up to our greatest Ages but without all question they have more old people than we
they may look towards Medina neer Mecha in Arabia where their great Seducer Mahomet was buried who promised them after one thousand years to fetch them all to Heaven which term when it was out and the promise not fulfilled the Mahometans concluded that their Fore-fathers mis-took the time of the promise of his coming and therefore resolve to wait for the accomplishment of it one thousand years more In the mean time they do so reverence that place where the body of Mahomet was laid up that whosoever hath been there as there are divers which flock yearly thither in Pilgrimage are for ever after called and esteemed Hoggees which signifies Holy men And here the thing being rightly and seriously considered it is a very great shame that a Mahometan should pray five times every day that Pagans and Heathens should be very frequent in their devotions and Christians who only can hope for good answers in prayer so negligent in that great prevailing duty For a Mahometan to pray five times every day what diversions soever he hath to hinder him and for a Christian to let any thing interrupt his devotion for a Mahometan to pray five times a day and for one that is called a Christian not to pray some believing themselves above this and other Ordinances five times in a week a moneth a year But this will admit less cause of wonder if we consider how that many bearing the Names of Christians cannot pray at all those I mean which are prophane and filthy and who live as if there were no God to hear or to judg and no Hell to punish Such as these can but babble they cannot pray for they blaspheme the Name of God while they may think they adore it I shall add here a short story It happened that I once having some discourse with a Mahometan of good quality and speaking with him about his frequent praying I told him that if himself and others of his profession who did believe it as a duty to pray so often could conclude their Petitions in the Name of Jesus Christ they might find much comfort in those their frequent performances in that great duty He answered that I needed not to trouble my self with that for they found as great comfort as they could desire in what they did And presently he would needs infer this Relation There was said he a most devout Mussleman who had his habitation in a great City where Mahomet was zealously professed that man for many years together spent his whole day in the Mosquit or Church in the mean time he minding not the world at all became so poor that he had nothing left to buy bread for his family yet notwithstanding his poor condition he was resolved still to ply his devotions and in a morning when he perceived that there was nothing at all left for the further subsistence of himself and houshold took a solemn leave of his wife and children resolving for his part to go and pray and dye in the Mosquit leaving his family if no relief came to famish at home But that very day he put on this resolution there came to his house in his absence a very beautiful young man as he appeared to be who brought and gave unto his wife a very good quantity of Gold bound up in a white Napkin telling her that God had now remembred her husband and sent him his pay for his constant pains taken in his devotion withall charging her not to send for her husband for though he had taken such a solemn leave of her that morning yet he would come home to her again that night and so he departed from her The woman presently bought in some necessaries for her house for they had eaten up all before and further made some good provision for her husband against his coming home in the evening for so he did and finding all his family very cheerful and merry his wife presently told him that there had been such a one there as before described and left so much gold behind him with that fore-mentioned message delivered with it Her husband presently replied that it was the Angel Gabriel sent from God for the Mahometans speak much of that Angel and he further added that himself had nothing to bring home unto her but a little grett or sand which he took up in his way homeward and bound it in his girdle which he presently opening to shew her it was all turn'd into precious stones which amounted unto a very great value in money The seventh part of which as of his gold likewise he presently gave to the poor for said he a Mussleman is very charitable and then inferr'd that if we do not neglect God God will not forget us but when we stand most in need of help will supply us Unto which conclusion we may all subscribe leaving the premises which are laid down in that story unto those that dare believe them The Mahometans say that they have the Books of Moses but they have very much corrupted that story in ascribing that to Ishmael which is said of Isaac Gen. 22. as if Ishmael should have been sacrificed not Isaac of which more afterward They say that they have the Book of Davids Psalms and some Writings of Solomon with other parcels of the Old Testament which if so I believe are made much to vary from their Original They speak very much in the honour of Moses whom they call Moosa Calim-Alla Moses the publisher of the mind of God So of Abraham whom they call Ibrahim Carim-Alla Abraham the honoured or friend of God So of Ishmael whom they call Ismal The Sacrifice of God So of Iacob whom they call Acob The blessing of God So of Ioseph whom they call Eesoff The betrayed for God So of David whom they call Dahood The lover and praiser of God So of Solomon whom they call Selymon The wisdom of God all expressed as the former in short Arabian words which they sing in Ditties unto their particular remembrances And by the way many of the Mahometans there are called by the names of Moosa or Ibrahim or Ismal or Acob or Eesoff or Dahood or Selymon so others are called Mahmud or Chaan which signifies the Moon or Frista which signifies a Star c. And they call their women by the names of Flowers or Fruits of their Country or by the names of Spices or Odours or of Pearls or precious Stones or else by other names of pretty or pleasing signification As Iob named one of his daughters Iemimah which signifies Clear as the day the second Keziah which signifies pleasant as Cassia or sweet Spice And the name of the third Keren-happuch signifying The Horn or strength of beauty Iob 42. 14. But I 'll return again to that people that I may acquaint my Reader with one thing of special observation and 't is this That there is not one among the Mahometans of any understanding which at any time mentions the
extremity of misery and thus madly go out of the world through one fire into another through flames that will not last long into everlasting burnings and do it not out of necessity but choice led hereunto by their tempter and murderer and consequently become so injurious and merciless to themselves certainly they deserve much pity from others who know not how to pity themselves For nemo miserior misero non miserante seipsum There are none so cruel as those which are cruel and pitiless to themselves But though I say there are some which thus throw away their own lives yet if we consider those Hindoos in general we may further take notice SECTION XX. Of the tenderness of that people in preserving the lives of all other inferiour Creatures c. FOr they will not if they can help it by any means take but on the contrary do what they can to preserve the lives of all inferiour Creatures whence as before I told you they give large money to preserve the lives of their Kine a reason for this you shall have afterward and I have often observed that when our English boyes there have out of wantonness been killing of Flies there swarming in abundance they would be very much troubled at it and if they could not perswade them to suffer those poor Creatures to live they would give them money or something else to forbear that as they conceived Cruelty As for themselves I mean a great number of them they will not deprive the most useless and most offensive Creatures of Life not Snakes and other venomous things that may kill them saying that it is their nature to do hurt and they cannot help it but as for themselves they further say that God hath given them Reason to shun those Creatures but not liberty to destroy them And in order to this their conceit the Banians who are the most tender-hearted in this case of all that people have Spittles as they say on purpose to recover lame Birds and Beasts Some ground for this their tenderness haply proceeds from this consideration that they cannot give Life to the meanest of the sensible Creatures and therefore think that they may not take the Lives of any of them for the poorest worm which crawleth upon the face of the Earth tam Vita vivit quam Angelus as one of the Ancients speaks live for the present as much as the Angels and cannot be willing to part with that Life and therefore they imagine that it is most injurious by violence to take it But as I conceive the most principal cause why they thus forbear to take the lives of inferiour Creatures proceeds from their obedience unto a precept given them by one of their principal and most highly esteemed Prophets and Law-givers they call Bremaw others they have in very high esteem and the name of one of them is Ram of another Permissar I am ignorant of the names of others and I conceive that my Reader will not much care to know them But for him they call Bremaw they have received as they say many precepts which they are careful to observe and the first of them This Thou shalt not kill any living Creature whatsoever it be having Life in the same for thou art a Creature and so is it thou art indued with Life and so is it thou shalt not therefore spill the Life of any of thy fellow-Creatures that live Other Precepts they say were delivered unto them by their Law-giver about their devotions in their washings and worshippings where they are commanded To observe times for fasting and hours for watching that they may be the better fitted for them Other directions they have about their Festivals wherein they are required To take their Food moderately in not pampering their Bodies Concerning Charity they are further commanded To help the poor as far as they are possibly able Other Precepts they say were given them likewise in charge as Not to tell false Tales nor to utter any thing that is untrue Not to steal any thing from others be it never so little Not to defraud any by their cunning in bargains or contracts Not to oppress any when they have power to do it Now all those particulars are observed by them with much strictness and some of them are very good having the impresssion of God upon them but that scruple they make in forbearing the lives of the Creatures made for mens use shews how that they have their dwellings in the dark which makes them by reason of their blindness to deny unto themselves that liberty and Soveraignty which Almighty God hath given unto Man over the Beasts of the Field the Fowls of the Air and the Fishes of the Sea appointed for his Food given unto him for his service and sustenance to serve him and to feed him but not to make havock and spoil of them However the tenderness of that people over inferiour Creatures shall one day rise up in judgement against all those who make no scruple at all in taking the Lives not of sensible Creatures but Men not legally to satisfie good and known Laws but violently to please their cruell and barbarous Lusts. SECTION XXI Of other strange and groundless and very gross Opinions proceeding from the blackness and darkness of Ignorance in that people ALl Errour in the World proceeds either from Ignorance commonly joyned with Pride or else from Wilfulness This is most true as in natural and moral so in spiritual things For as Knowledge softens and sweetens Men's manners so it enricheth their Minds which Knowledge is certainly a most divine a very excellent thing otherwise our first Parents would never have been so ambitious of it This makes a Man here to live twice or to injoy here a double Life in respect of him that wants it But for this Knowledge it certainly must be esteemed better or worse by how much the object of this Knowledge is worse or better Now the best object of this Knowledge is a right Understanding and Knowledge of the true God which that people wants Now touching this people they are altogether ignorant of God as they ought to know him and they have no learning amongst them but as much as enables them to write and to read what they have written and they having no insight into the reasons and causes of things I mean the ruder sort both of the Mahometans and Gentiles when they observe things which are not very ordinary as when they see any Eclipses but especially of the Moon haply some of them sacrificing to her and calling her the Queen of Heaven as those Idolaters did Ier. 44. 18. they make a very great stir and noise bemoaning her much which helps as they conceive to free and bring her out of it Iuvenal observing that custom which appears to be very ancient among the Heathens reproves a very brawling clamorous Woman in his sixth Satyre thus Una laboranti poterit succurrere Lunae that she