the Civil and Temporal Heads of our Church XXIV He tells us that the Monks could not give away that which they had only for term of Life I know not how this comes to be delivered by our Author at a time when the surrender of so many Charters to the King hath been judged Legal though it was made by men who had no Title to these and who were so far from having a Right to them for Term of Life that they had only the Administration of them in an Annual Magistracy so that our Author had best consider how he advances such Positions lest he doth as much hurt one way as he thinks to do service another In a word our Author hath pleaded the Cause of the Monasteries and hath arraigned the Suppression of them severely tho as he said concerning the burning of Hereticks he would not be thought to plead for it in this place XXV He accuses King Henry for giving Dispensations in matters of Marriage against Ecclesiastical Canons and because he declared all Marriages to be lawful that were not against Gods Law Here if in any thing the perverseness of the Church of Rome appears or rather their design to oblige the World to have oft recourse to them to pay them well and to depend much on them they have prohibited Marriage in many degrees that were not forbid by the Law of God and to ballance this they have suffered Marriages to be contracted in the Degrees forbid by God for the Pope's Power of Dispensing is promoted both ways they have added a new Contrivance of Spiritual Kindred and as the Prohibitions that they have set up were unknown to the Ancient Church so the Degrees that they have declared dispensable were believed by the Ancient Church to be moral and indispensable And yet after all this corruption of Ecclesiastical Discipline they are in great wrath at the Reformers because they thought it was fit to return to the Degrees forbid by the Law of Moses and to cut off these superadded Prohibitions which were inventions to bring grist to that Mill where all things were to be had so men will come up to the Price There follow here a great many Instances in which King Henry exercised his Supremacy which our Author aggravates all he can But the Considerations that were proposed in the first Part seem fully to satisfie all the difficulties that can be thought to arise out of them XXVI He tells us that such of the Privy Council as complied not with the Changes made in King Edward's Days were turned out after some time and names Bishop Tonstal Wriothesly the Chancellor and the Earl of Arundel and he adds That the King had but one Parliament continued by Prorogation from Session to Session till at last it ended in the Death of the King. Here are Matters of no great Consequence I confess but these shew how careless our Author was in examining the Story of our Reformation and how easy he was to take up any Reports that might blast it It will not appear a very extraordinary thing to see Privy Counsellors turned out that do not concur with the Designs that prevail Some such things have possibly fallen out in our own Time and Men have no great cause to complain of a severe Administration when this is all the Rigour that is shewed to those who oppose themselves to the Tide But our Author was misinformed in all these Particulars Tonstal went along with all that was done and was contented to protest in Parliament against some Laws but as soon as they were made he gave a ready Obedience to them and continued to be still in the Council during the Duke of Somerset's Ministry Wriothesly was not turned out till after some time but immediately upon King Henry's Death he had past an illegal Patent upon which to prevent a severer Sentence he resign'd his Place but he continued still to be of the Privy Council And the Earl of Arundel continued to be of the Privy Council for many Years and long after fell to be in ill terms with the Duke of Northumberland and upon that an Enquiry was made into his Administration and he was fined 12000 Pounds But it is no wonder to find our Author mistaken in matters of this Nature when in so publick a thing as that King Edward had but one Parliament in his whole Reign he hath not been at the pains to turn over the Book of Statutes for there he would have found that King Edward's first Parliament was dissolved the 15th of April 1552 and a Second Parliament was called and opened the First of March following and was dissolved the last Day of that same Month. So that there were two Parliaments in this Reign and the Second was dissolved by an Act of the King 's and not by his Death I do confess these are not great Matters yet this may be drawn out of them that our Author who pretends to have examined the Transactions of that Time with so much exactness took things upon trust without giving himself the trouble to enquire into them so critically as was necessary for one that was resolved to pass a Judgment upon them XXVII He expostulates upon the Inhibition of preaching put upon the Bishops except in their own Cathedrals which agrees ill with the Censure that Fox passes upon them as Dumb Prelates And after this there was a general Inhibition on the whole Clergy hindring them to preach till a Uniform Order of Doctrine should be set out in which some Bishops and other Learned Men were then employed by the King's Order As for this Inhibition upon Bishops to preach except in their Cathedrals it is a Fiction of our Author's for which he can give no Voucher they were not so much as restrained from giving Licences to preach much less to preach themselves over their Diocess The second and general Restraint as it was but for a very short while so the Thing is very doubtful and stands only on Fuller's Credit who was too careless a Writer to be appealed to in any Matter of Consequence XXVIII Our Author cites here the Discourse of Communion in one kind which by all appearance is that lately writ by the Bishop of Meaux This shews that the Author and the Publisher is the same Person though others pretend that the Author is dead many Years ago But it seems the Publisher thought fit at least to add some new touches and since he did that he might have thought it worth the while to have examined at least the Records published by Dr. Burnet and his History it self might have been considered as well as Mr. Fullers and Dr. Heylins But since it seems our Author thought the Discourse of the Communion in one kind fit to be recommended by him I will take the liberty to recommend the Answer to it in French by Monsieur Larroque and that lately writ in English in which the disingenuity of the Discourse
a present Interest is the motive but it is a degree of impiety of which one would hope there are few men capable to lye so long and so solemnly both to God and man. But I come now to look a little more narrowly into the matter of this Treatise I will not at all engage my self to examine a great many Passages that are cited in it out of some of our Authors and in particular out of Dr. Heylin and Mr. Thorndike When we object to those of the Church of Rome some things out of Erasmus or Cassander or for Historical Matters when we cite P. Paul or Thuanus we know with how much neglect they put by these Authorities as if they were not concerned in them tho these Persons lived and dyed in the Visible Communion of their Church And I do not see why we may not take the same liberty with such Writers that tho they have been in Communion with our Church yet have it seems continued in it with some difficulty And it will not appear very strange if at the end of our civil Wars those Persons who saw the ill effects of some ill Principles very apparently were carried by the impressions which those Confusions made upon them to oppose those disorders by an over-bending of their notions to the other Extream For this is an excess to which the humane nature is so liable that it were a wonder if all Writers especially men of warm Tempers that had been sower'd by ill usage had been preserved from it so that I will wholly wave all that he cites from these or any others of our Authors and will come to the matters themselves CHAP. I. Of the Importance of those Matters Objected to the Reformation supposing them all true THE Disputes that we had with the Church of Rome were at first managed with more sincerity by our Adversaries than they have been of late They justified their Church in those Points for which we accused her and objected the strongest things they could to ours but when they felt their Cause too weak to be maintained by fair methods then they betook themselves to others that were indeed less sincere but yet were more apt to make impressions on weak minds In France and among us Three new Methods have appeared of late Years The First was to take off men from entring into the merits of the Cause and to prepossess them with such prejudices against the Reformation as might lead them to condemn it without examining To a discerning mind this method furnishes the strongest of all prejudices against those who use it this shews such a distrust of the Cause it self and it discovers it self so plainly to be a trick that it gives every man a just ground of indignation against those who fly to it Besides that it affords a good Plea to all men to continue in the Religion in which they were born and bred without hearkning to any new discoveries for if the Grounds upon which the Reformation was made were good it signifies little to an Enquirer into Truth whether this Work was set on foot and managed with all the exactness and regularity that might have been desired or not Truth is always Truth from what hand soever it comes and the right way to find it out is to free our minds from all prejudices that so we may examine matters with unprepossessed understandings A Second Method is to perswade the World that we have not yet understood one another that Popery hath only appeared odious because it was Misrepresented to the world in false colours but that it will be found to be quite another thing if it is truly represented The Bishop of Meaux had the honour to begin this piece of Legerdemain our men of the Mission here have too slender a stock of their own and therefore they give us the French Mode in Controversie as well as our Gallants do it in Cloaths so they have thought to do wondrous feats with this method of Representing but the want of sincerity of that Prelate in this as well as in other things hath been so evidently made out that if some men had not a secret that makes them proof against all discoveries he would be a little out of Countenance and our Representers here are so exposed that nothing is wanting for their conviction but a sense of that shame with which they have been covered it is indeed a strange piece of confidence in men to come and offer to convince the World That after Disputes of 150 years continuance neither side hath understood the state of the Controversie and tho the same Decrees of Councils and the same Forms of Worship are still received yet all these things must of a sudden so change their nature that in defiance of all that which upon other occasions they say in behalf of Tradition a new discovery should be made giving us new senses of all those things but whatsoever success that Book may have had where a plundering Army managed the Argument yet it is become now as ridiculous here as it is pretended to have been successful beyond Sea. A Third Method is the setting up the Credit of Oral Tradition not upon the Authority of some passages of Scripture but upon this general Topic that one Age must needs have delivered the same Faith to the succeeding Age that it had received from that which went before it and by consequence that we must have in the present Age the same Doctrine which the Apostles delivered at first 17 Ages ago It was found That the Authority of the Church could not well be founded on passages of Scripture for then we must be allowed first to believe the Scripture and its Authority and Genuineness and then to inquire into the meaning of those Passages and to examine to which of all the different Churches that are in the world they do belong Now it was apparent That if it were once allowed that we may carry our enquiries so far as to be able to settle our selves in these points then this Infallible Authority is not so necessary to us as they would make us believe since we are supposed to have found good Proofs for believing the Scriptures and for discovering the true meaning of the hardest passages in them without its help Now this would spoil all and throw out those Arguments that perswade us of the necessity of an infallible Judg both for our finding out and for our expounding the Scriptures they are now sensible of all this and see that it is a very false Method of arguing to prove the Scriptures by the Church when the Church must be first proved by the Scriptures and therefore they do betake themselves to the Infallibility of Oral Tradition founding it upon this General Topic That all the men of one Age must needs have instructed the following Age in the same Faith that they had received from the former Age and upon this a great many imaginary Impossibilities are
to have troubled him much The Explanation made by Q. Eliz. is so express that even our Author cannot find any advantage against the Words themselves but acknowledges that they are such general Terms that the Article it self may be subscribed by all sides Since then the declared Sense of those general and extended expressions that are in some Acts of Parliament is such that there lies no just Exception against it and since this Sense was not only given by Q Eliz. who allowed such as took the Oath to declare that they took it in that sense but it was afterwards enacted both in Convocation and in Parliament and put into the Body of our Confession of Faith. This Explanation must be considered as the true measure of the Kings Supremacy and the wide expressions in the former Laws must be understood to be restrained by this since posterior Laws derogate from those that were at first made So that according to all this the Kings Supremacy doth not give to our Princes the ministring either of Gods Word or of the Sacraments But that only Prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in Holy Scriptures by God himself that is That they should rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their Charge by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and the evil-doers This is all that Supremacy which we are bound in conscience to own and if the Letter of the Law or the stretches of that in the Administration of it have carried this further we are not at all concerned in it But in case any such thing were made out it could amount to no more than this That the Civil Power had made some Encroachments on Ecclesiastical Authority but the submitting to an Oppression and the bearing it till some better times may deliver us from it is no Argument against our Church on the contrary it is a proof of our Temper and Patience and of that Respect we pay to that Civil Authority which God hath set over us even when we think that it passeth its bounds But all that we are bound to acknowledg in the Kings Supremacy is so well limited that our Author hath nothing to object to it Our men of the Mission have always made a great noise of the Kings Supremacy as if it were the most absurd thing that can be imagined without considering that as the Supremacy is explained by the Article of our Church it is practiced by almost all the States and Princes of Europe It hath been clearly made out by many of our Writers that the Kings of England before the Reformation were in possession of his Supremacy and that they really exercised it even before they pretended so formally to it I will not enter into this Enquiry which is so well laid open by Sir Roger Twisden that a man must have a great stock of Confidence to deny it after he hath read him In France all Ecclesiastical Causes are carried before the Courts of Parliament by Appeals from the Ecclesiastical Courts and are finally judged there Now the Supremacy is always where the last Appeal lies and we may see both in Godeau and many other modern Writers how much they complain of this as a servitude under which their Church is brought and as an infraction of all the Ancient Canons The Court of Parliament at Paris examines all the Bulls that come from Rome and condemns and tears them as oft as they see cause So that tho all the Bishops of France are bound by Oath to obey all the Popes Decrees and Ordinances yet this can take no effect till the Parliament hath confirmed them How easie were it to carry this matter far and to shew that by this the Popes Power either as he is St. Peter's Successor and thereby vested with a Universal Authority over the Flock of Christ or as he is the Patriarch of the West and the Center of the Catholick Unity is subjected to the Judgment of a Secular Court who will not suffer the Sheep to hear his voice till they have first examined it And what is the whole Concordat but a bargain made between the Popes and the Crown of France to divide the spoils of that Church and its Liberties between them for whereas the Pragmatick Sanction had established the Clergy in the Possession of its Ancient Rites Lewis the 11th and after him Francis the 1st saw well how much this lessened that unbounded degree to which they intended to carry their Authority and therefore they consented to give the Popes their share so they would warrant their enslaving that Church It is known what Complaints and what opposition the French Clergy have made upon this matter yet at last they bear it and submit to it so that here the last Appeal the Check upon the Papal Authority and the nomination of all the Bishops and Abbots of France are wholly in the Civil Courts and in the King. If it is said that in some particulars the Supremacy of our Kings goes further tho that were acknowledged to be true yet since the more or the less does not alter the nature of things it must be confessed that according to our Author's Principles the whole Gallican Church is in an Uncanonical State as well as we are But tho they do not stick to confess that they are in a state of oppression by reason of the Concordat and of the unbounded Authority of their Parliaments yet they do not think that this makes them irregular or uncanonical as to the Constitution of their Church I might upon this likewise shew how not only the Republick of Venice but even the Crown of Spain notwithstanding all its Bigotry exercises still so great a Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Matters that there is only some difference of degrees between that which belongs to the Crown of England by Law and that which is practiced elsewhere The Court of the Monarchy in Cicily is well known in which by virtue of a forged Bull which is made out to be a Forgery beyond all contradiction that declares the Kings of Cicily the Popes Vicars there is a Lay-man that is the Kings Vicar-General who is the Judg of that Court and to whom all Spiritual Causes are brought and who judges them all as a spiritual Person and that hath the Titles and outward Respect that is given to the Pope likewise paid to him This is the carrying an Imposture very far yet since it is done in the Virtue of a pretended Bull which the Crown of Spain will still maintain to be a true one none hath ever opposed this to such a degree as to pretend that the whole Clergy of Sicily are become irregular because they submit to this Court and appear before it So that upon the whole matter If the great and unmeasured Extent of the Papal Authority made our Princes judg it necessary to secure themselves from those Invasions by
is made of the Corruption of the Foreign Universities 1. It is true all the World believed that the first Marriage was consummated as appears by what Cajetan saies upon it But 2. since our Author cites Lord Herbert's History of King Henry 8th he must needs have seen in him as clear Proofs of a Consummation as a thing of that nature is capable of 3. Prince Arthur's early Death was generally imputed to his too early Marriage and the care that was had of the Princess after his Death the delay of giving the Title of Prince of Wales to the younger Brother and the mention made of the Consummation of that Marriage dubiously indeed in the Bull for the second Marriage but more positively in the suspected Brief are all as strong Presumptions as could be brought for proving a thing of that nature 4. Tonstal concurred with the King in the Divorce and in all that followed upon it so that our Author had need find better Proofs of this than Sander's Word otherwise he 'l hardly gain Credit 5. The Learned Men he mentions come within a very small compass For as Cajetan was the first Author of that Opinion so he had very few followers in that Age tho the consequences of this Dispute hath drawn the current of the Authors of the Roman Communion since that time to follow his Opinion 6. An Act of Parliament made by Gardner and others in the beginning of Queen Maries Reign who were the chief managers of the Suit against her Mother and who by this Act intended to make their Peace and their Court with her is indeed a very venerable Authority and may very fitly come into the same Paragraph with Sanders V. He pretends that Cranmer and Cromwell were the Authors of the Advice of the King 's obliging the Clergy in their Submission to own him for the Supreme Head of the Church It is true he cites Antiqui Britt for this and for another thing that whereas the Clergy desired to have qualified that Title with these Words In so far as it is lawful by the Law of Christ the King refused this and the Clergy granted it without that Restriction Here an Author is pretended but if the Writer of this Treatise had examined these matters exactly he would have found by a Letter of King Henry's to the Convocation of York that the King had accepted of this Limitation and indeed the nature of things puts it in whether it had been set down in so many express Words or not and as for what is said here of Cranmer it is without ground for he was then beyond Sea imployed in disputing concerning the Divorce VI. He says Warham Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was a favourer of Queen Katherines Cause This agrees ill with his owning that he saw the Lord Herbert's History in which he might have found Warham's Deposition upon Oath in which he acknowledges that he thought the Marriage was neither honourable nor well-pleasing to God that therefore he had opposed it much And Warham did set forward the Divorce with so much zeal that he procured a Writing to be signed by all the Bishops of his Province declaring that they thought that the Kings Marriage was Vnlawful and in this he was so earnest that when Fisher refused to Sign it he pressed him vehemently unto it but the other said still that it was against his Conscience so he made another Person subscribe in Fisher's name and set to his Seal to the Paper and pretended that he had Fisher's leave to do it which he affirmed before the Legates when the matter came to be examined So false is it that Warham favoured the Marriage VII He pretends that the next step of the Reformation was the Submission of the Clergy by which they bound themselves not to Assemble without the Kings Writ nor to make or execute any Canons unless the King should by his Royal Grant Command them to make or to execute them But the Proof he cites for this discovers his Prevarication evidently It seems he thought a careless Reader seeing an Assertion and a Citation following after it would without reading the long Citation take it for granted that it agreed with the Assertion and without being at the pains to read it would run on to new matter The Clergy did not bind themselves never to meet without the Kings Writ They only said That the Convocation had ever been and ought always to be assembled by the Kings Writ which only shews what is the regular Method of their Assembling themselves But tho this obliges them to meet always when they are required to do it by the Kings Writ yet it doth not bind them up from meeting in ease the necessities of the Church do require it and that the King refuses his Writ for then they are reduced to these prudential Considerations in the managing of their matters in a case of Persecution Nor did they bind themselves up from executing the old Canons but only from the enacting of new ones which is very different from the view that our Author gives of it as was made out in the first Part of these Reflections VIII He fastens a very strange Inference on some Words of an Act of Parliament as if they had amounted to this That no Laws of the Land nor the Prerogative assumed by the King had any thing of Heresy in them If by this is only meant that the Laws then in being were not Heretical there is nothing extraordinary in such a Pretention For a Body in which the Legislative power resides will very naturally after its own Orthodoxy and the bare asserting it will hardly be thought a Criminal Attempt But if our Author meant as probably he did that by this a Declaration was made for all time coming that the Laws of the Land should be for ever the Standard of Heresy or sound Doctrine then this Conclusion will hardly be found in the Authority that he gives us for it which is an Act declaring That the speaking against those Laws made by the Authority of the See of Rome by the Policy of Man which were repugnant to the Laws of the Realm or the King's Prerogative should not be judged Heresy This is an Inference worthy of the Sincerity of its Author In the Body of the Canon-Law there are many Laws made that destroy all Civil-Government whatsoever and that subject Princes wholly to the Pope There are also many Laws made relating to Civil matters in Ordine ad Spiritualia but all to be sure for advancing the Interests of that Court from which they came Now the Civil Courts in England were already in Possession of giving a check to the Spiritual Courts and of granting Prohibitions upon their Judgments even in Cases of Heresy when the Spiritual Courts had judged men Hereticks for Articles that were not Heresy as Appeals lie for the like cases in France so that the Parliament made only a Regulation in this
been extremely arrogant and obstinate and zealous beyond knowledg and tho they had suffered for a good Cause yet suffering for it on good or reasonable grounds as neither themselves being any way learned nor pretending the Authority of any Church nor relying on any present Teachers but on the certainty of their own private Judgment interpreting Scripture as you may see And here some Instances are given but if this Period will close it self it may for our Author who seldom takes care of such small matters leaves it in this unfinished condition I will not examine the truth of this Maxim but will only take notice that since all Protestants agree in this that the Ground of our Faith is that which appears to us to be the Sense of the Scripture our Author hath by this Limitation of his former gentleness towards us delivered us all over to the Secular Arm and so God have Mercy on our Souls for it is plain he will have none upon our Bodies XI He quarrels with the Privy-Council for imprisoning of Bonner because he said he would observe the Injunctions that were sent him if they were not contrary and repugnant to Gods Law and to the Statute and Ordinance of the Church the fault imputed here to him I suppose being that he refused to obey any Injunctions of the King when repugnant to the Statute and Ordinance of the Church But since he had a mind to blacken that time he might have as well said that they found fault with him because he promised to obey the Injunctions if they were not contrary to Gods Law and that thereby it appeared that they preferred their Injunctions to the Laws of God as well as to the Laws of the Church and by our Author 's taking no notice of the first Branch of Bonner's Exception it may be inferred That all his Concern is about the Laws of the Church and so they be secured he troubles himself little what becomes of the Law of God But if he had weighed this matter as he ought to do he would have found that this Exception is very ill grounded When a Form of a Subscription is demanded there is no Government in the World that will accept of one that indeed signifies nothing at all for it is visible that a Subscription made with those Reserves signifies nothing therefore if Bonner had acted as became his Character he should have directly refused the Subscription of such Injunctions as he found to be contrary to the Laws of God or to such Laws of the Church as he thought bound his Conscience But the Protestation he made gave a very just ground to the Government to proceed against him according to Law. XII Our Author intending to aggravate the Proceedings against Gardiner shews his great Judgment in setting down the Article relating to the Kings Supremacy at full length whereas he had only named the others for he could have invented nothing that must needs render all his Exceptions to the King's Supremacy more visibly unjust than this doth which is in these Words That his Majesty as Supreme Head of the Church of England hath full Power and Authority to make and set forth Laws Injunctions and Ordinances concerning Religion and Orders in the said Church for repressing all Errors and Heresies and other Enormities and Abuses so that the same Alteration be not contrary or repugnant to the Scriptures or Law of God. This was no other than what Gardiner had over and over again both by his Oaths and his Writings advanced and the restriction set on it was so just that one would think there lay no possible Exception to it Here there is no claim to the declaring what were Errors and Heresies but only to the repressing them and this is done by the Secular Arm even where men are burnt for Heresie Besides the Power that according to our Author belongs to the Pastors of the Church is either founded on the Scriptures or it is not if it is not founded on the Scriptures there is no great regard to be had to it but if it is founded on it then it it clearly excepted by the words of this Article so it is hard to see of what use this is to our Author unless it be to shew him his Injustice XIII He tells us That all that which had been done under King Henry and King Edward was Annulled by an equal Authority under Queen Mary But tho I acknowledg he was both the Soveraign and the Parliament yet there was neither Justice nor Moderation in the Charge now made equal to what had been done before A great deal might be said concerning the Election of the Members of Parliament and the Practices upon them and of the turning out a Multitude of the Clergy before the Laws were changed The Disorders and Irregularities in the Disputes had nothing of that fair Dealing in them that had appeared in King Edward's time and whereas all the Severity of King Edward's days was the Imprisoning of three or four Bishops and the turning out some of the other Clergy he knows well how matters went under Queen Mary So that we cannot be denied this Glory that a Spirit of Justice and Moderation appear'd at every time that the Reformation prevail'd Whereas things went much otherwise in this sad Revolution in which our Author Glories so much So that if the good or ill Behaviours of the several Parties as they had their turns in the Administration of Affairs furnishes a just Prejudice even in favour of the Cause it self we have this on our side as fully as we can wish for XIV He tells us That the Bishoprick of Durham was first kept void in King Edward's days and last of all it was by Act of Parliament dissolved to increase the Kings Revenue If our Author had examined the Records of Parliament he would have found that the Act that related to the Bishoprick of Durham did not at all propose the Increase of the Kings Revenue but the dividing of one Bishoprick into two and the raising and endowing of a new Cathedral Church all which must have risen to about Four thousand Marks of old Rents which considering how long Lands were let near the Borders did certainly very near exhaust the whole Revenue of that See. This is indeed of no great Importance to the main Cause For if sacrilegious Men went into the Reformation hoping to enrich themselves by it this is nothing but what falls out in all great Revolutions And it is plain our Author took up general Reports very easily that so he might make a Clamour with them against our Church But if some that gave an outward compliance to the Doctrine of our Church were really a Reproach to it he of all Men for a certain Reason ought not to insist on it Since we are no more accountable for the Duke of Northumberland's Actions than we are for his own XV. He tells us That the Bishops turned out