tamen sequitur ex hoc quòd fuit idololatra and yet it followeth not hereupon that he was an idolater for howsoever Aaron thought in his heart the verie making of an idoll to be worshipped erecting of an altar and offering sacrifice unto it all which Aaron did doe proclaime him guiltie of externall idolatrie QUEST LXII Why idolatrie is called a great sinne THis great sinne 1. Idolatrie is counted a great sinne even in the highest degree because it is a sinne committed directly against God not as other sinnes of the second table which are done against our neighbour which are also against God because they are against his Law but not directly against Gods honor as the sins against the first table are 2. And among all the sins of the first table there is none which so directly impugneth the honour of God as idolatrie for he which taketh Gods name in vaine or prophaneth the Sabbath is an enemie to Gods honour but yet such an one denieth not the Lord to bee God as idolaters doe Tostat. qu. 33. 3. Like as then in a Common-wealth all offences are against the King because they are against his Lawes but those which are against his person are most directly against him and among them treason specially which is intended against his life of the same nature is idolatrie which is high treason against God 4. Thomas saith Tantum est aliquod peccatum gravius quanto longius per ipsum homo à Deo separatur A sinne is so much the more grievous the further wee are thereby removed from God but by infidelitie and idolatrie one is furthest separated from God 5. Idolatrie also is a great and grievous sinne in regard of the judgement and punishment which it bringeth with it for here Aaron as much as in him lay aâ—â—er fit ultimam cladem had brought upon them utter destruction Calvin if Moses had not turned the Lords wrath they had all beene at once destroyed QUEST LXIII Why Moses onely rebuketh Aaron and forbeareth further punishment NOw that Moses spared Aaron from further punishment and onely rebuked him 1. Some make this to be the cause for that the Lord had revealed unto Moses Aarons sinne in the mount before he came downe at what time Moses prayed also for him seeing the Lord bent to kill him Tostat. qu. â—5 But that intreatie for Aaron was afterward at Moses second going up to God when hee fasted fortie dayes and fortie nights as before at that time he saith he prayed for Aaron Deut. 9.20 And seeing at this time the Lord purposed to destroy all the nation and so Aaron could not escape Moses now onely prayed in generall for all Israel that God would not destroy the whole nation 2. Others thinke that Moses did after a milde manner reprove Aaron quiae sic arguendi praelati because Prelates and Ecclesiasticall Governours are so to be reproved Ferus he thinketh he was now the high Priest So also Oleaster calleth him Pontificem summum the chiefe Priest But as yet Aaron was not consecrated as Lippoman inferreth upon these reasons Quia non illi improperatur conspâ—râ—atum sacerdotium He is not upbraided with defiling of his Priesthood by this meanes neither doe we read of his reconciliation afterward which should not have beene omitted in such a case of irregularitie 3. Procopius thinketh that Aaron was both spared at this time and afterward likewise when he repined against Moses cum propter alias causas tum propter sanctos ex ejus lumbis prodituros Both for other causes as also for those holy mens sakes which should come out of his loynes But if this had beene the reason all the tribes should have beene spared likewise because out of all of them came holy and worthy men Judges Prophets or Kings 4. But the causes rather were these 1. Aaron confessed his sinne and therefore Moses inclined to favour him 2. Moses afterward intreated the Lord for him and the Lord at his instance forgiving his sinne the punishment also was remitted Simler 3. Adde hereunto that Aaron was now appointed to be high Priest order was taken for his priestly apparell and his office what it should be and how he and his sonnes should bee consecrated all which had beene in vaine if Aaron now had perished 4. Beside Moses had direction from God to put divers of the people to the sword for this offence but for Aaron hee had no such commandement 5. But Augustine yeeldeth the best reason Novit ille cui parcat c. God onely knoweth whom to spare for amendment and whom not to spare at all or for a time for his wayes and judgements are past finding out qu. 148. 5. Now whereas Tostatus further reasoneth that Moses by all likelihood had prayed for Aaron in the mount because then the Lord did specially reveale unto him his sinne for otherwise Moses had knowne nothing of Aarons doings as he did as it appeareth by this reprehension it may be answered that it is not necessarie for this cause to presuppose any such notice to have beene given unto Moses in the mount for either Moses might by examination and inquirie after hee came downe learne out the truth or which is rather like Moses Aaronem vicarium constituerat had left Aaron his deputie governour when he went up into the mount Simler and therefore he was sure that such a thing could not bee attempted in the host without Aarons permission at the least and sufferance QUEST LXIV What things are to be commended in Aarons confession what not Vers. 22. THen Aaron answered c. 1. Some things are to be commended here in Aarons confession 1. His modestie that being Moses elder brother yet hee calleth him Lord and submitteth himselfe unto him whereof these two reasons may be yeelded both because Moses was greater in office than Aaron both as a Prophet and Governour of Israel Tostat. qu. 32. and his owne conscience accused him agnoscebat sejure argui he knew he was worthily reproved 2. Aaron confesseth and acknowledgeth his fault in saying Let not the wrath of my Lord waâ— fâ—erce Agnoscit crimen hee therein yeeldeth himselfe to be in fault Borrh. 3. He maketh a full and large declaration of the manner rem gestam liberè confiâ—etur he freely openeth all the matter how it was done Pelarg. both what the people required and upon what reason and ground what he did and what came thereof rem ut gesta est simpliciter narraâ— he simply declareth the matter as it was done 2. But Aaron in some things sheweth his infirmitie 1. Peccatum culpam in alios trajicere studet Hee seeketh to turne over the sinne and offence upon others laying the fault upon the people Ferus 2. Aaron bewrayeth some hypocrisie that seeketh to extenuate his fault as much as he can being afraid nâ— aliquid de existimatione sua decodat lest he should lose any thing of his credit Simler 3. He sheweth his ignorance thinking
hee were rude in speech yet he was not so in knowledge 2. Cor. 11.6 the power of S. Pauls speech consisted not in eloquence of words but in the wisdome of the spirit so Moses though defective in the manner of elocution yet might speake with gravity and wisdome and so bee powerfull in words 9. Wherefore notwithstanding this or what else is objected the most probable opinion is that Moses had some naturall impediment of speech as appeareth both by his owne excuse by the Lords answer by the coadjutorship of Aaron his brother an eloquent man vers 14. and because Moses after this saith he was a man of uncircumcised lips and whereas he saith here nor since thou hast spoken to thy servant his meaning is that if at this time when God spake unto him who was able to take away all impediment of speech yet his infirmity remained much more was it like afterward to continue Iunius QUEST VIII How God is said to make the deafe and dumbe Vers. 11. WHo hath made the dumb or the deafe 1. Wee refuse here the fables of the Hebrewes that when Pharaoh had appointed one to kill Moses he was striken blind that he could not see Moses and Pharaoh became both deafe and dumbe that though he espied Moses escape yet hee could not speake to have him stayed but it is evident by the story that Moses fled before hee was apprehended The Lord here speaketh in generall not of any one dumbe or deafe but that as hee sendeth these infirmities upon man so also hee is able to heale them 2. And although these infirmities are evill in respect of nature yet God is the author of them because they are good also in respect of the end which is to humble man and bring him to repentance and to set forth the glory of God as our Saviour saith of the blind man that his blindnesse came that the workes of God might be shewed upon him Simler QUEST IX How and wherefore the Lord was present with Moses mouth Vers. 12. I Will be with thy mouth 1. Although Moses was no eloquent man in outward speech as humane eloquence is accounted yet there was in him a grave and divine eloquence such as the Apostles were endued with the Lord promiseth the assistance of his spirit and to bee present with his mouth 2. But the impediment of his tongue the Lord doth not altogether take away both that Gods glory and power might appeare and that Moses should see how needfull the helpe and society of his brother was neither did Moses pray unto God to heale that infirmity but only useth it as an argument to decline his calling Simler QUEST X. Whom Moses meaneth that he would have sent Vers. 13. SEnd by the hand of him whom thou shouldest send 1. Lyranus thinketh that Moses meaneth his brother Aaron who was elder than he and fitter for his eloquent speech but no mention was made yet of Aaron whom Moses knew not to be alive as may be gathered vers 18. till the Lord first spake of him and promised hee should assist him 2. Rabbi Selomo taketh that hee meaneth Iosuah whom God revealed unto him should be the man that was to lead Israel into the promised land But beside that Iosuah is not yet spoken of this request of Moses would have shewed some emulation or envy toward Iosuah 3. Many of the ancient writers as Iustenus Martyr Tertullian Cyprian with others thinke that Moses here speaketh of the Messias that should be sent into the world so also Perer. But this seemeth not to be so fit both for that Moses not being ignorant of the prophesie of Iacob concerning the comming of Shiloh and how the Lord promised that he would raise up a Prophet like unto him Deus 18.18 which is understood of Christ could not yet expect the comming of the Messiah and this request for the comming of the Messiah proceeding of faith would not have provoked the Lords wrath Therefore Eugubinus opinion though Pererius checkt him for it is not herein to be misliked that neither would have those places of Scripture which are understood of the Messiah to bee referred to others for that savoureth of Judaisme nor yet that which is spoken of others to be applied to Christ which also would bewray curiosity and superstition 4. Therefore the plaine meaning of Moses is that wheâ—â—as God might find out many more fit than himselfe he would send by their hand that is ministery so he aimeth not at any one in particular to be sent but any other whosoever QUEST XI Whether Moses sinned in his so often refusall seeing God was angry with him Vers. 14. THen Iehovahs wrath was kindled 1. Neither doe we consent to some Hebrewes that doe aggravate Moses sinne as distrusting Gods word and therefore some say hee was punished in being deprived of the Priesthood which was given to Aaron some in that he was not suffered to enter into the land of Canaan Contr. But neither was the first a punishment for Moses still was the chiefe and gave Aaron direction and it was a comfort to Moses to have such a coadjutor and beside Aaron was the elder to whom the priesthood appertained Neither was Moses offence here the cause why he entred not into the land of Canaan but his disobedience at the waters of strife Simler 2. Neither on the other side is their opinion found that doe justifie Moses herein and commend his humility in refusing so weighty a calling as Gregorie who by Pauls example would have us ready to suffer adversities and by Moses to refuse prosperity And Hierome commendeth Esaâ—es readinesse after his lippes were purified and Moses unwillingnesse being guilty to himselfe of his owne infirmity Contra. 1. In that God was angrie with Moses it is evident he offended 2. And as S. Paul was willing to suffer adversity because it was Gods will the spirit so testified every where of him that bands and persecution did abide him so Moses should not have refused this charge seeing God so often had signified his will unto him 3. And if Esay did well after the Lord had purged his lippes being before unwilling to shew his readinesse then Moses did not well who after the Lord had promised to be with his mouth yet still persisted in his refusall 3. Thostatus granteth that Moses sinned yet it was a veniall and small sinne because wee reade of 〈◊〉 punishment that followed Cajetanus is of the same opinion and his reason is taken from the phrase here used The wrath of God was kindled as when a man is moved suddenly of choller than of set purpose Contra. In some sense we confesse that both this and all other of Moses sinnes and of all the elect are veniall in respect of Gods mercie in Christ that pardoneth them but otherwise in it owne nature neither this nor any other sinne is pardonable for the wages of sinne is death Rom. 6.23 in the justice of God 2.
much away Simler 4. Now further it is to be observed that this 15. day of the second moneth when Manna was given was the same day which was prescribed for them to keepe the Passeover in that were uncleane Numb 9. signifying thus much that the true Manna was not given to the Jewes which observed the first legall pasch but to the Gentiles which were uncleane through their filthy Idolatry Christ the true Passeover was offered and this was the second pasch under the Gospell which succeeded the first pasch under the Law Ferus ex Gloss. ordinar QUEST III. Whether all the children of Israel murmured Vers. 2. ANd the whole congregation of the children of Israel murmured 1. The word Lun here used signifieth to persist as also to murmure but the latter is more proper they persisted obstinate and opposed themselves by their murmuring against Moses and Aaron 2. It is like that there were some godly persons among them that murmured not as Caleb and Ioshua but because they were but few in respect of the rest all are said to have murmured Lyran. and even the Saints also are not without some infirmities Ferus 3. The whole congregation therefore is said to murmure both because it was generall throughout the campe and in regard of the manner they assembled tumultuously against Moses and Aaron and shewed their discontent Simler 4. It is added in the desert to shew the cause of their murmuring the place where they were was barren and dry and yeelded no hope of any succour or comfort Iun. And beside their wretched nature appeareth that being in such misery and distresse which should have stirred them to prayer they fell to murmuring Simler 5. This famine then which they endured was the more grievous in these three regards because all their provision which they had brought out of Egypt was spent and there was small hope of any new supply in that vast and barren desert and beside the multitude was so great that a little provision would not suffice Borrh. 6. So for this cause all the congregation is said to murmure both to include the Levites who also murmured with the rest and there were beside other strange people mingled with the Israelites who set them on worke to murmure as we reade Numb 11.4 Tostat. quaest 1. QUEST IV. How they are said to have murmured against Moses and Aaron here and afterward against the Lord. AGainst Aaron and Moses Yet afterward verse 8. they are said to have murmured not against them but against the Lord the reason is this 1. Because they were the servants and Ministers of God and he which murmureth against Gods Ministers contemneth God himselfe Genevens And Moses so saith Vt adversus illum se scirent murmurasse qui illos miserat That they should know that they had murmured against him who had sent them August quâ—st 59. in Exod. 2. They are said then to murmure against Moses and Aaron because their speech was directly against them and to them but in effect it was against the Lord because not Moses and Aaron but the Lord had brought them out of Egypt which the Israelites repented them of and were discontented with Lyran. and beside that which they murmured for the want of flesh and of bread Moses could not give them but God Thostat quaest 1. QUEST V. Of the grievous murmuring of the Israelites Vers. 3. O That we had died by the hand of the Lord c. These murmuring and obstinate Israelites doe diversly offend 1. In their ingratitude in extenuating the benefits which they had received upon every occasion they looke onely unto their present state and place where they were and thinke not of the place of bondage whence they were brought Pellic. 2. They preferre carnall things before spirituall the flesh-pots of Egypt before the glorious presence of God who now shewed himselfe visibly among them Ferus 3. They preferre their miserable bondage in Egypt with their grosse flesh-pots before their glorious liberty being in some want whereas men will even with the losse of their lives redeeme their liberty Marbach 4. Yea they untruly accuse Moses and Aaron as though they had brought them out for their destruction whereas they did therein nothing of their owne head but as the Lord directed them Ferus Pellican 5. Yea they call their glorious vocation from bondage to liberty a death and destruction Borrh. QUEST VI. How the Israelites are said to have fit by the flesh-pots of Egypt WHen we sate by the flesh pots 1. The word sir signifieth both a pot and a thorne because they used to hang their pots upon hookes of iron or wood like unto thornes and so the meaning is that they sate by the pot hangers whereon they used to hang their pots Oleaster 2. Some thinke this is spoken because they had flocks of cattell in Egypt whereof they might have fed if they would but they did rather use to eat of fish and fowle which they had there in abundance Gloss. ordinar 3. But though the Egyptians abstained from the flesh of bullocks and sheepe it is like the Israelites had their fill and their fitting by the flesh pots both noteth their security Lyran. and their carnall voracity and greedinesse Sedebant affectuoâ—e They sate gaping over the pots Tostat. They had cattell in the desert but if they should have eaten of them they might soone have killed them all up 4. But it is very like that they speake somewhat lavishly in the commendation of Egypt as Dathan and Abiram did call it a land that flowed with milke and hony Numb 16.13 of purpose to disgrace and diminish the true praise of the land of Canaan which indeed was the land that flowed with milke and hony 5. Some thinke further that they had no such store of cattell in the wildernesse because of the want of pasture oâ— that they spared that kinde of flesh lest they should want for sacrifice but it is not like that this people had any such religious thought at this time therefore it is more probable that they longed not for such kinde of flesh which was at hand but for the flesh of fowles such as they used to eat in Egypt and they wanted now for the nature of discontented people is to loath such things as they have and to covet and desire that which they have not and in that the Lord giveth them quailes it seemeth hee satisfied their owne desire but to their further hurt in sending that kinde of flesh which they lusted after Sic fore Gloss. Ordinar QUEST VII In what sense the Lord saith he will raine bread from heaven Vers. 4. I Will cause bread to raine from heaven 1. Some thinke that by bread is understood generally any kinde of nourishment after the manner of the Hebrew phrase Gloss. ordinar Lyran. Oleaster But Augustines reason overthroweth this interpretation Nam isto nomine carnes complectuntur ipsa enim alimenta sunt for so also the flesh
Arke and Tabernacle were apart so that it seemeth in that confused and unsetled estate that the Law in that behalfe concerning the place of sacrifice was not so strictly observed QUEST XXII Whether it was lawfull to sacrifice before the Arke and at the Tabernacle while they were asunder NOw the place where the Lord did put the memoriall of his name was in the Tabernacle and Arke while they were placed together and when they were in two divers places it was lawfull to sacrifice before either of them 1. That it was lawfull to sacrifice where the Arke was is evident by the practise of the men of Bethshemesh that offered sacrifice at the returne of the Arke from the land of the Philistims 1 Sam. 6. So David sacrificed before the Arke when he brought it from the house of Ebed Edom 2 Sam. 6. and the reason is because the name of God was invocated or called upon where the Arke was 2 Sam. 6.2 And from the mercie seat which was upon the Arke of the Testimony did the Lord use to speake and give answers Numb 7.89 2. Likewise that it was lawfull to sacrifice where the Tabernacle was while the Arke was away is apparent 1. Because there was the brasen Altar whereon they offered their burnt offerings before the dore of the Tabernacle Levit. 17.6 which Altar followed alwayes the Tabernacle and not the Arke as Salomon found the Arke at Jerusalem but the Tabernacle with the furniture thereof he fetched from Gibeon 2 Chron. 1.3 4 5. 2. Where the Ministers of the Altar the Priests and Levits were there was it lawfull to offer sacrifice for they gave their attendance to that end but most of the Priests and Levits remained with the Tabernacle as Ahimelech with 85. more were at Nob where Saul put them to death while the Arke abode in the house of Abinadab who consecrated his sonne Eleazar to keepe it 1 Sam. 7.1 who alone sufficed not for all sacrifices and oblations of Israel it seemeth therefore that most of their sacrifices were brought then to the Tabernacle though the Arke at that time were in another place 3. Beside after the captivity of Babylon when the Arke was no more to be seene as some thinke hid by Ieremy 2 Macchab. 2 but as is most like lost in the captivity or burnt with the Temple they used to offer sacrifices for after the captivity they restored and renewed such necessary parts and implements as before were in Salomons Temple and were burnt together with the Temple they made like unto them afterward as mention is made of Luk. 1. how Zacharie burned incense before the Lord which was upon the golden Altar likewise Matth. 27. the vaile was rent which divided the most holy place from the Sanctuary when Christ gave up the ghost and seeing they offered sacrifices for which cause some sold doves in the Temple whom Christ cast out Matth. 12. they had also the brasen Altar only the Arke they had not for seeing the Tables of stone the pot of Manna and Aarons rod were all missing for the keeping whereof the Arke was principally made they had no cause to make a new Arke there being no farther use or service for it Tostat. quaest 43. QUEST XXIII How long the Arke was severed from the Tabernacle NOw because mention is made before of the parting and separation of the Arke and Tabernacle it shall not be amisse to shew how long the Arke was absent from the Tabernacle which time will be found to be not much under 100. yeeres as may bee gathered thus after the Arke returned from the country of the Philistims it remained in the house of Abinadab 20. yeeres 1 Sam. 6. and all the time of Samuels government and Sauls reigne who made 40. yeeres betweene them Act. 13.21 whereof those 20. yeeres were part then it was removed by David about the 8. yeere of his reigne to the house of Obed Edom where it continued three moneths and from thence to the house of David in Jerusalem where it stayed 32. yeeres and 11. yeeres more under Salomons reigne for when hee had finished the Temple in the 11. yeere of his reigne 1 King 6.38 he brought the Arke from Davids tent which hee had pitched for it into the Temple 2 Chron. 1.4 So all these yeeres being put together 40. yeeres of Samuel and Sauls government 40. yeeres under David and 11. yeeres of the reigne of Salomon will make 91. yeeres whereunto adde those seven moneths during which time the Arke so journed among the Philistims 1 Sam. 6.1 In which compasse and continuance of yeeres the Arke had these sundry removes first it being carried from Shiloh was seven moneths in the countrey of the Philistims from thence it was carried to Bethshemesh where 50. thousand and 70. persons were slaine for looking into the Arke 1 Sam. 6. then it removed to Kiriathiearim 1 Sam. 7. from thence to the house of Obed Edom and so to the house of David 2 Sam. 6. where it stayed till Salomons Temple was built these were the setling places and mansions of the Arke after it was severed from the Tabernacle till they were joyned together againe saving that sometime the Arke upon some speciall occasion was removed for a while as when they went out to battell as 1 Sam. 14.18 and so was brought to the place againe Sic fere Tostat. qu. 42. QUEST XXIV Of the removing of the Tabernacle AS the Arke was thus removed up and downe so also was Moses Tabernacle for first it was carried from place to place as long as the Israelites pitched their tents in the wildernesse and after they were come into the land of Canaan the Tabernacle remained a long time in Gilgal for thither came the Gibeonites to Ioshuah in Gilgal Iosh. 10. after that it was set up in Shiloh Iosh. 18.1 where it continued all the time of the Judges untill Samuel who understanding by the Spirit of prophecie that the Lord had rejected Shiloh removed the Tabernacle to Nob where Saul put 85. Priests to the sword from thence it seemeth the Tabernacle was translated to Gibeon where it continued untill Salomons Temple was finished from thence Salomon brought it into the Temple 2. Chron. 1.3 Tostatus qu. 42. QUEST XXV Of the places where it was lawfull or unlawfull to sacrifice NOw concerning the places wherein it was lawfull to sacrifice this distinction is to bee observed 1. That the ordinary place was in the Tabernacle when the Arke and it were together and both at the Tabernacle and before the Arke when they were divided as is before shewed 2. Extraordinarily it was lawfull for the Prophets to sacrifice elsewhere as did Samuel David Elias as is before declared quest 20. being thereunto directed by the Spirit of God 3. But in the high places it was unlawfull to sacrifice and therefore those Kings are commended which tooke away the high places and those reproved being otherwise good Kings that suffred them to remaine 4.
A reason was given of those things which were inquired So also Ribera because it was fat idicum it prophesied of things to come Procopius because rationalis animi pars c. the reasonable part of the minde is placed in the heart which the breast-plate covered Vatablâ—s giveth this reason Quia exactaratione consideranda erant c. Because the things therein as the Vrim and Thuâ—miâ—â— were exactly and with deepe reason to be considered of the high Priest But this descanting upon the word is here superfluous seeing the Hebrew word coshen signifieth a pectorall or breast-plate and not as the Septuag and Latine translate 2. It is then called the breast-plate of judgement not as the Hebrewes because the high Priest found therein what the judgement of God was in that matter which was inquired upon for it shall afterward be shewed that the Vrim and Thummius were not given to that end nor yet because the high Priest in all weighty matters of judgement did put on the Ephod with the breast-plate Marbach for by that reason it might as well be called the Ephod of judgement neither because Aaron should in judgement have the people in remembrance when he went into the holy place Oleaster But it was therefore so called for that the high Priest did put it on when he consulted with the Lord about the causes of the people to give right judgement as Numb 27.21 He shall aske counsell for him by the judgement of Vrim before the Lord Iun. QUEST XX. Of the fashion of the breast-plate Vers. 16. FOure-square shall it be The breast-plate is thus described 1. For the manner of workmanship it must be of broidered worke like the Ephod 2. For the matter five things are required to the making thereof as before in the Ephod gold blew silke purple skarlet fine twined linen 3. For the forme and fashion it must be foure square every side of even length as appeareth by the foure orders of the stones and double it must be that it might be of more strength to hold and receive the stones ut firmius substaret auro that it might be the stiffer for the gold and precious stones Pellican 4. For the quantity it was an handbreadth which was halfe a cubit that is twelve fingers for if it had beene but the small handbreadth that is foure fingers it had not beene sufficient to cover the breast before Montan. Ribera Pelargus 5. The ornaments also of the pectorall are set forth which were twelve precious stones set in foure rankes or rowes QUEST XXI Of the twelve precious stones their names colours qualities and congruitie with the twelve Tribes Vers. 27. A Rubie Topaze and a Carbuncle in the first row In the severall application of these stones these foure things shall be observed 1. The name 2. The colour 3. The vertues and qualities 4. The congruity with the tribes of Israel A Rubie The first stone is called odeus of adam which signifieth to wax red Iosephus calleth it the Sardonix the Septuagint the Sardie it is most like to be the Rubie Montan. Genevens 2. The colour of it was red Oleaster as the signification of the word is rather than yellow of the colour of fire as Iunius taketh it for Pyrâ—pus the Carbuncle a precious stone like fire 3. They say it repelleth feare and cheareth and maketh bold Tostat. sharpeneth the wit and stancheth bloud at the nose Magirus 4. This stone they say stood for Ruben Montanus maketh an allusion betweene Ruben and the Rubie but Ribera giveth this reason that as the Sardie is red and somewhat of a fiery colour so he went into his fathers concubine igne libidinis incensus fuit and so was set on fire with concupiscence A Topaze 1. The Hebrew word is pitdah in which there are three radicall or principall letters p t d which being transposed t. p d make topad or topaz not much differing in sound Montan. It is so called of the place where it was found Topasos in Aethiopia Marbach Or the Isle Topazon gave the name to it as Plinie lib. 37. cap. 8. so called of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to seeke because it was much sought for Gloss. interlin would have it called Topazium as if we should say topadium that is of all colour but there is no reason of that etymology 2. Some take it to be of greene colour Montan. And so some of the Hebrewes thinke it to be the Smaragd Ribera out of Plinie lib. 37. cap. 8. alleageth that in greenenesse of colour it exceedeth all other precious stones But it is rather of yellowish colour mixt betweene gold and skie colour Isider Etymol 16. Tostat. Gloss. interlin There are two sorts of it one of the colour of gold which is more precious the other like unto saffron which is of the second sort Marbach And it seemeth to be of yellow colour because Iob 28.19 the Topaze of Aethiopia and the fine gold are named together 3. It is availeable against phrensie and lunacie and melancholy as Diascorides 4. Simeon is resembled to this stone not so much ob animum prasentem for his present and resolute minde which Ribera would have signified by the greene colour as because he was inflamed with ire and rage when he slue the Sichemites A Carbuncle 1. Iosephus with the Septuagint call it the Smaragd so also Iunius Vatabius the Chalde also and Latine Interpreter but that stone is of greene colour it seemeth rather to be the Chrysolitâ— Montan. or the Carbuncle Genevens The word is bareketh derived of barak which signifieth to lighten 2. It was then a precious stone that sparkled and glistred as the lightening which could not be of greene colour though the Smaragd be commended for the exceeding glistering brightnesse in so much that a Romane Emperour is said to have seene in his Smaragd the sword players as they did fight But because barak signifieth lightening as Ezech. 1.13 Out of the fire went barak lightning this stone being named thereof may better be taken for the Carbuncle or Chrysolite 3. The Carbuncle is of such exceeding brightnesse that it giveth light and shineth in the darke 4. Hereunto some resemble Levi Montan Tostat. But it is more like that Levi was omitted because the high Priest of Levi who was to weare this glorious breast-plate might stand for the whole Tribe then Iudah was rather named in the third place Ribera Pelarg. whose royall power streaming glory and princely dignity is more lively set forth in the shining Carbuncle or glistering Chrysolite Pelarg. than in the greene smaragd as Marbach And whereas the Carbuncle is so called of the similitude of fire licèt ignes non sentiant although these stones feele no fire themselves Plin. 37.7 by this property Messiah the Prince of Juda is shadowed forth who in that respect may be called apyrotus not to be vanquished or overcome with the fire of affliction Of his government as the Prophet saith
it for a recompence for taking Sarah away as the Septuagint read and Chrysostome expoundeth 2. Or to buy Sarah and her maid vailes to hide their beauty that others be not intangled ex Perer. 3. Or that it was a gift of honour to shew that Sarah was both chaste and innocent Latine translat and the great Bible so also Rasi 2. It is not understood of this excuse or dissimulation which Sarah used as though the sense should be this that she might use this vaile or colour of the truth among her ownr for they could not bee deceived but among strangers she should plainly confesse her selfe to be Abrahams wife Lyranus Tâ—status for what needed Sarah to use any such excuse where she was knowne 3. Some doe referre it as well to Abraham as to the gift and to all that now hapned that they were signes of Sarahs chastity Mercer But the better interpretation is to apply it to Abraham that he should be the veile of her eyes 1. That no man knowing her to be Abrahams wife should looke upon her to desire her Aben Ezra Cajeâ—â—n 2. It also putteth Sara in minde of her subjection to Abraham whereof the veile is a signe 1 Cor. 11. â—0 3. Oleaster also further stretcheth it that Abraham was her veile that is her just excuse that she did this for his cause being by him perswaded but the former exposition is the better QUEST XIII How Sarah was reproved SHe was thus reproved 1. The 70. reade speake the truth that is that I am innocent and touched theâ— noâ— but this reading dissenteth from the originall 2. So doth the Latine remember thou art deprehended Lyppoman saith it should be read reprehensam reprehended not deprehensam deprehended 3. Iunius readeth all this is done that thou maist be learned 4. But the better reading is all this was that sheâ— might be reproved or in all this she reproved her selfe so that they seeme to be the words rather of the writer concerning Sarah than of Abimelech to Sarah QUEST XIV Whether Abimelech were smitten with any disease Vers. 17. GOd healed Abimelech c. for the Lord had shut up every wombe 1. Aben Ezra is not right that thinketh that Abimelech himselfe was stricken with no disease but that he is said so to be because his wife and maidens were punished for the text it selfe saith that God healed Abimelech and it is most like that God sent upon him some infirmity in his secrets whereby he was kept from comming neare to Sarah QUEST XV. What the shutting up of the wombe signifieth 2. THe shutting up of the wombe is not to bee understood as Pererius doth of the difficulty of bringing forth for then the children being ready for birth and staying longer than their time should have beene suffocated and the text saith the Lord had shut up every wombe but all were not great with childe at one instant Neither need we with Calvin because in so short a time Sarah being conceived with childe of Isaack and not yet delivered there could be no experience or triall of their sterility and barrennesse to say the history is transposed and was done before for Abraham till now had no occasion to sojourne in Gerar therefore the meaning is that the women were hindred from conception so signifieth the shutting up of the wombe as the opening of the wombe betokeneth aptnes to conceive as we reade Gen. 29.31 The Hebrewes affirme that not onely in the women but the men also all their pores and passages were stopped as well of the mouth to take meat as of other places that expell them and that the hens could not lay their egges but the text beareth it not 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Adultery a sinne punishable with death Vers. 3. THou art but dead c. God threatneth death to Abimelech conditionally if he did not restore Abrahams wife Iun. whereby we see that in the justice of God adulterie is a sinne to be punished by death as Iudas adjudged Thamar to the fire for whoredome Gen. 38.24 Where the law then is more gentle than to inflict the punishment of death upon adulterers they may thanke the lenity of the Magistrate which useth not that rigour which may well stand with justice 2. Doct. Ignorance excuseth not sinne Vers. 6. I Kept thee that thou shouldest not sinne against mee c. Abimelech then if hee had touched Sarai though he did not know her to be anothers wife had sinned ignorance then excuseth not sinne though it doe some what extenuate and qualifie it Muscul. as it is in the Gospell He that knew not his masters will and yet did commit many things worthy of stripes shall be beaten with few stripes Luk. 12.48 he that sinneth willingly shall receive more stripes and he that falleth of ignorance shall have some also 3. Doct. The whole family blessed because of the Master Vers. 7. THou shalt die the death and all thou hast as the sin of the Master of the house bringeth a judgement upon the whole familie so the Lord also sheweth mercy to the whole house for the masters sake Luk. 19.9 This day is salvation come into this house because he is become the sonne of Abraham 5. Places of confutation 1. Confut. No perfect righteousnesse in this life Vers. 5. WIth an upright minde and innocent hands c. This place is no ground for their opinion that thinke a man in this life may attaine to perfect justice for Abimelech doth not absolutely cleare himselfe from all sinne but onely in this particular in this degree of sinne that he had not committed willingly any act of uncleannesse with Sarah Calvin as the Prophet David useth to plead for himselfe Psal. 7.3 If I have done this thing if there be any wickednesse in my hands c. he onely purgeth himselfe from the suspition of a particular fact 2. Confut. The Scripture sendeth us not to pray to the dead but to be holpen by the prayers of the living Vâ—â—s 7. HE is a Prophet and shall pray for thee c. Neither doth this place make for the invocation of Saints that are departed for God sendeth not Abimelech to Noah or any other departed to pray for him but to Abraham then living Calvin The living then may pray for the living which duty may be mutually performed in charity while one knoweth anothers necessities But for the living to pray to or for the dead which know not their wants and they are already certainly disposed of in an unchangeable state as the living are not it hath no warrant upon any precept or example of Scripture or any sound reason drawne from thence 3. Confut. Against the heresie of the Tritheists Vers. 13. WHen God caused me to wander out of my fathers house c. The word is â—lohim Gods in the plurall number which maketh some to understand the Angels Vatablus Calvin but God and not the Angels first called Abraham from his Country fathers house
seed and beleeved they should possesse it in time 2. Abraham had great store of cattell treasure and houshold and of other goods which he gave unto Isaack Gen. 25.5 bestowing onely gifts upon his other sonnes 3. She desired that Isaack might be heire of Abrahams name and bloud as the Lord faith afterward that his seed should be called in Isaack QUEST VII Whether Hagar carried Ismael upon her shoulder Vers. 14. PVtting it upon her shoulder and the childe also 1. It is not like that Ismael being now a youth of twenty yeares old was laid upon his mothers shoulders to beare as the Septuagint read or that Abraham was constrained to binde Ismael with cords and lay him upon his mother for v. 18. she is bid to take him by the hand not to lay him upon her shoulder and whereas shee is said to cast him from her this was done not out of her armes but animo in her mind and affection Augustine Iunius Or taking him into her lap being sicke she after despairing of his health put him from her Mercer whereas also hee is called jeled a childe this word is used not onely of infants but of young men Genes 4.23 and Hierome well noteth that all children are so called in respect of their parents 2. Neither is it here a metaphoricall speech as Cajetane saith that to lay Ismael upon his mothers shoulders was to commit him to her care 3. But the sentence is thus distinguished as the Latine readeth well that whereas there are two words he gave and imposed or layed on this is to be referred to the bottle of water and bread the other to the child 4. As for that conceit of the Hebrewes that Ismael was sicke and through griefe fell into a dropsie or some inflammation which was the cause the bottle of water was so soone spent it hath small ground QUEST VIII What the reason is that Abraham gave Agar and Ismael no better provision HE tooke bread and a bottle of water c. How commeth it to passe that Abraham being so rich a man and loving Ismael so well should send him out with no better provision seeing that they were not to send away their servants empty but to give them a liberall reward of sheepe come and wine Deut. 15.13 1. Cajetane thinketh that by bread and water all other victuals are expressed and that Abraham gave them both servants and cattell being both his father and very rich and so both willing and able neither would he deale worse with Ismael his first borne than with the rest of his sonnes to whom he gave gifâ—s Genes 25.5 sic Cajetan But the Scripture it selfe gain-sayeth Cajetan herein which omitteth not to make mention of the very bottle which Abraham gave to carry the water in then by all likelihood the other gifts or greater value should have beene spoken of 2. Neither need we with Rupertus to seeke out an allegory that by Hagars carrying of water and not wine is shadowed forth the old Synagogue labouring under the literall sense of Scripture 3. Wherefore Tostatus thinketh better that Abraham gave Hagar no more than these necessary helpes in her journey 1. Either because Sarah the dame of the house would have it so whom God commanded Abraham to heare in this case 2. Or for that the Lord had promised to provide and take care for Ismael 3. Or Abraham might afterward remember Ismael with a portion among the rest of his brethren sic Tostatus 4. Or Abraham did thinke to send them a supply afterwards they sojourning not faire off 5. Or Abraham being in griefe and heavinesse for their departure might forget to doe that which otherwise he would have done for it seemeth he did it in haste Calvin Among which reasons I take the first and the last to be most probable QUEST IX How Hagars eyes were opened Vers. 19. GOd opened her eyes c. 1. Not that her eyes were shut before 2. Neither as though this fountaine which the Angel shewed did suddenly breake out of the ground as some think ex Vatablâ— 3. But caused her to see the well which either by reason of her griefe she before regarded not Calvin or she saw it not by reason of the farre distance or for that it was in some hidden place Perer. Thus the two Disciples are said not to have knowne and discerned Christ till their eyes were opened Luke 24. 4. Rupâ—rtus gathereth from hence a further mystery that as Hagar wandring in the wildernesse was brought to see a fountaine of water so the Jewes in the end of the world shall be called and brought to the knowledge of the truth QUEST X. Abimelech rather of feare than love maketh a league with Abraham Vers. 22. ABimelech spake unto Abraham c. 1. Some thinke that Abimelech not of any suspition or jealousie toward Abraham but for love of his vertue and seeing him to be a man prosperous and beloved of God both by reason of the victory given him against foure Kings when he recovered Lot and the honourable congratulation of Melchisedech that met him and now the rate birth of his sonne Isaack for these causes he desired his friendship Pererius 2. But it is more like that Abimelech feared Abrahams greatnesse and therefore of feare rather than love desired to make a league with him Muscul. Calvin for it is no other like but that Abimelech was affected to Abraham as afterward to his sonne that sojourned in the same place and how Abimelechs affection stood toward Isaack the Scripture sheweth Wherefore came yee to me seeing you hate me c. Gen. 26.27 yet Abimelech desireth also to make a covenant of friendship with Isaack QVEST. XI Of the gifts given to Abimelech and the seven lambs Vers. 27. ABraham tooke sheepe and beeves c. Pererius thinketh that no other ceremony was used in making this covenant but only an oath betweene them but this giving of sheep to Abimelech sheweth that some other rite and solemnity was performed Muscul. 2. And hereby Abraham doth acknowledge his homage to the King of the place for though all this land was promised to Abraham yet the time of his actuall possessing it was not yet come 3. The seven lambs were not money stamped with that marke but so many in the kind which Abraham giveth as a price or redemption of his well that he might enjoy it quietly afterward Calvin 4. And these seven lambs did not belong unto the covenant as a rite and ceremony thereof for then Abimelech would not have asked what they did meane v. 29. But they were as an earnest given for the redeeming of the well Perer. 5. Augustine thinketh that Abraham bought with them that parcell of ground where he planted a groave and it is not unlike for before this time Abraham is not sound to have planted any QVEST. XII Of the name and City of Beersheba Vers. 31. WHerefore the place is called Beersheba 1. The word
countrey in respect of Canaan which was on this side the river and so Aram Naharaim or Mesopotamia is taken largely as it comprehendeth Chaldea also which indeed was Abrahams native countrey and so S. Stephen understandeth it Act. 7.2 QUEST IX How Isaack is said not to goe againe into Chaldea where he was never before Vers. 6. BEware that thou bring not my sonne thither againe 1. Not that Isaack was wholly at the disposing of the servant but that he should not promise or undertake to bring Isaack thither againe 2. Though Isaack was never there before in his owne person yet hee is said to returne thither in respect of his father Abraham in whose loines he was who was called from thence as Gen. 15.16 in the fourth generation it is said the Israelites shall returne thither againe though their fathers onely and not themselves had beene there before Mercer And in the same sense we may say to such as are borne under the Gospell Take heed that ye never returne to poperie againe Muscul. 3. Two reasons especially moved Abraham not to suffer Isaack to returne into his countrey because God called him from his fathers house never to returne thither and so God promised to him and his seed the land of Canaan which promise might have beene hindred by Isaacks departure Perer. Mercer 4. Iacob went thither to fetch a wife and to returne againe but if Isaacks wife refusing to come he had gone himselfe there was feare of his abiding there still Mercer QUEST X. Angels ministers and helpers of mariage Vers. 7. HE shall send his Angel c. 1. This Abraham uttereth not by way of wishing as Aben Ezra but he doth confidently assure himselfe of the assistance of Gods Angel Mercer 2. Wee see the gentle nature of the Angels that are willing to yeeld their ministerie and service to us miserable men Luther 3. The dignity of marriage is set forth which is guided and directed by Angels Mercer QUEST XI How Abrahams servant is said to have all his masters goods in his hand Vers. 10. HE tooke ten camels and he had all his masters goods in his hand c. 1. Wee do not with Rupertus allegorize these words by the ten Camels understanding the ten commandements and by all manner of goods the spirituall gifts which the Apostles carried to the Gentiles 2. But this is a reason why he tooke ten camels because all his masters goods were in his hand as Iun. and the Genev. read as it is said before that he had rule over all that Abraham had v. 2. see the like phrase c. 16.6 3. Others doe read that he carried of all his masters goods with him either some of every sort Perer. or all is understood for many Mercer but the other reading is better 4. That conceit of Rasi is but a toy that he is said to carry of all his goods because he had a deed of gift as it were of all his masters goods to Isaack for it is not like that Abraham had yet disposed of all his goods seeing his children by Ketura were yet unborne to whom hee gave their portions Mercer QUEST XII Of the abundance and necessary use of Camels TEn camels 1. In Hebrew it is written with G not C a Camel howsoever use hath otherwise obtained in other tongues Calvin 2. In those countreys there was great abundance of camels as wee read that the Hebrewes overcomming the Agarens in battell tooke from them fifty thousand camels 1 Chron. 5.20 there was also great use of them for their swiftnesse they would goe an hundred mile a day for their strength they would beare seven hundred or a thousand weight for their hardnesse they would forbeare drinke sometime eight yea fifteene daies ex Iul. Scalig. advers Cardan exercitat 209. num 2. 3. It appeareth then that this was a most solemne message or embassage rather 1. by the companie that went for other servants accompanied him vers 32. to guide those camels by the rich gifts that were carried by the length of the journey which they undertooke by the worthinesse of the messenger the chiefe in Abrahams house Perer. QUEST XIII Of the city of Nahor TO the citie of Nahor 1. Not where Nahor was borne but where Nahor though now dead had a long time dwelled as it is like not long after that Abraham with his father Thare came thither 2. The Hebrewes here faigne a miracle without cause that Abrahams servant came from home to Charras in a daies journey whereas they themselves write that from Hebron thither it was seventeene daies journey Ptolomie counteth from Beerseba from whence Hebron was not farre distant to Charras eight degrees which make 120. Germane miles Mercer QUEST XIV Whether Abrahams servant did well in asking a signe Vers. 14. GRant that the maid to whom I say c. This asking of a signe was no tempting of God and it is farre differing from the superstitious conjectures and vaine observations of the Augures and wise men among the heathen 1. One difference is as Augustine noteth it Aliud est mirum aliquid petere quod ipso miraculo signum sit aliud hac observare quae ita fiant ut mira non fint c. It is one thing to aske some strange thing which by the strangenesse thereof may be a signe another thing to observe those things which are not miraculous or strange super Genes qu. 53. such was the flying of birds the searching of beasts inwards which were superstitiously observed by the heathen being things ordinarie and usuall and of no speciall note But that which this servant asketh to be a signe was a rare and strange thing and not usually to be expected 2. Again Lyranus giveth another note he did not aske a signe by way of divination sed praemissa oratione petivit signum à domino but making his praier before he craveth a signe 3. Further it is to be considered that he fetcheth not his signe a farre off sed ex re prasenti from the present businesse Calvin and he seeketh no other conjecture but from her hospitalitie and courtesie that shee might be in manners answerable to his master Chrysost. He therefore desireth no vaine light or impertinent signe to be given him but a grave profitable and fit demonstration from the manners and behaviour of the woman 4. He asketh not a signe as doubting of Gods power or of the veritie of his promises but he asketh in faith relying upon Gods providence not prescribing unto God but praying that what God had determined concerning Isaacks wife might be made knowne unto him for thus he saith Let that be shee whom thou hast ordained for thy servant Isaack and hereunto he was much incouraged by that saying of Abraham vers 7. he shall send his angell before thee Muscul. Perer. 5. He was also hereunto directed whether by dreame as Aben Ezra thinketh is uncertaine but certainly by the instinct of Gods spirit Calvin
c. 1. We reade of divers kinds of kisses 1. one an unchaste kisse such as harlots use Prov. 7.13 2. a modest kisse used among kindred as Isaack kissed Iacob Gen. 27. Iacob here kisseth Rachel 3. a kisse of courtesie as they used to salute strangers and to entertaine them into their house Luk. 7.45 Our Saviour saith to the Pharisee thou gavest me no kisse This kinde of kissing was much used among the Romanes who used one to kisse another in the way insomuch that Tyberius Caesar as Suetonius writeth did forbid it by a publike edict 4. They used also among the Romanes a kisse of triall the kinsfolks used to kisse the women to see if they had drunke any wine which was not lawfull amongst them as Plinie maketh mention of Egnatius Mecennius that killed his wife for drinking of wine out of a tun and yet he was by Romulus acquitted of the murder lib. 14. cap. 14. 5. There was a fraudulent kisse such as Iudas gave that betrayed Christ. 6. There was an holy kisse which the Christians did use one to give to another in their holy assemblies in token of love before they received the sacrament whereof Saint Paul speaketh Greet one another with an holy kisse 2. Corinth 13 12. ex Perer. 2. Iosephus misreporteth this story that Rachel wept and fell upon Iacobs necke whereas it was Iacob lib. 1. antiquit 3. Lest it might be thought a light part in Iacob to kisse a woman unknowne I agree unto Aben Ezra that here we must admit â—n hysteron proteron for first Iacob told Rachel who he was as it followeth in the next verse before he kissed her Mercer 4. Augustine allegorizeth this fact of Iacob that as he first watered Rachels flocke before he kissed her sic nisi per aquam baptismi c. so unlesse by baptisme the people of God obtaine remission of sins osculum accipere a Christo 1. pacem ejus habere non meretur they cannot obtaine a kisse from Christ that is injoy his peace Aug. serm 80. de temp QUEST V. Why Iacob wept Vers. 11. LIft up his voyce and wept c. Iacob weepeth for joy that he had so happily continued so long and painfull a journey not as Esau wept for griefe Genes 27.2 The Hebrewes thinke that he wept because he had no giftes to bestow upon Rachel as Eliezer did upon Rebecca Gen. 24. they further imagine that Iacob came forth accompanied with servants camels and gifts but that he was robbed of all be Eliphaz Esaus eldest sonne by the way who yet spared his life but these are tales It is like that Rebecca sent Iacob away privily because of Esau lest he should have lyen in waite for him 3. So likewise they imagine that Laban came forth hastily to meet Iacob thinking that he had come as richly furnished as Eleezer whom Abraham sent and seeing no companie at the last he kissed him to trie if he had any pearles in his mouth and finding nothing that thereupon he saith thou art my bone and my flesh that he had no other cause now to give him entertainement but that he was his kinsman QUEST VI. Whether Leah were bleare-eyed Vers. 17. LEah was tender eyed 1. Not faire eyed as Oukelâ—s translateth as though Leah had nothing comely but her eye but Rachel was all comely 2. Not yet was she lippis oculis bleare-eyed as the Latine translateth and Tostatus expoundeth fluebat crassus humor quotidie ex oculis ut esset lippâ— 1. similis lachrimanti that there issued out of her eyes continually a thick humor so that she was bleare-eyed as if she continually wept the word is raccoth tender her eyes seemed to have beene dull and heavy which made her pore-blinde or to looke a squint which is a great deformity in a woman 3. This her infirmity came not by continuall weeping as the Hebrewes imagine lest she should have beene given to Esau to wife for it is like that they had not yet heard so much as of the name of Esau but this weakenesse of her sight might proceed from her weake constitution whose name may seeme to have beene derived of laah which is to wax faint or feeble Mercer QUEST VII Why Iacob served seven yeares for Rachel Vers. 18. I will serve thee seven yeares for Rachel thy younger daughter c. 1. It was the use in these countries as afterward among the Grecians and Romanes for the husband to endowe his wife and to give unto her or her parents and friendes some gifts Among the Germans the espousals were not good if the husband gave not the wife her dowrie Tacit. de morib German the Indians did use for a paire of oxen to buy their wives Strab. lib. 15. the Massilians were not to give by way of dowry above 100 peeces of gold the Cretensians halfe their goods the ancient French gave as much as they received the Saxons gave unto their wives parents 300. shillings Perer. 2. The like custome was in Israel David espoused his wife for 100. foreskins of the Philistims 2. Sam. 3.14 the Prophet Osee bought his wife for 15. peeces of silver and an homer of barley c. c. 3.2 Iacob because he had nothing to give offered his service 3. He himselfe setteth downe the time of 7. yeares not as the Hebrewes think because Rachel was now but 5. yeare old and therefore he would stay till she were marriageable it is not like that a maiden of 5. yeare old could keep her fathers sheep but Iacob knowing Labans covetous mind doth covenant for a reasonable time of service Mercer 4. Laban dealeth subtilly with Iacob not simply promising Rachel but saying it is better c. for he had even now that crafty fetch to marry Leah first 5. The 7. yeares seemed but a few daies to Iacob not during the time of his service because he comforted himselfe with the hope of his love sic Calvin they seemed not long in his judgement but in his affection Perer. but after the time was over Mercer 6. Rupertus hath here a fit allegorie making Iacob a type of Christ who came in the forme of a servant and indured much travaile and labour in the daies of his flesh to marry himselfe to Rachel of the Gentiles yet first offering himselfe to Leah the Synagogue of the Iewes ex Perer. QUEST VIII Whether Iacobs love toward Rachel were inordinate Vers. 18 IAcob loved Rachel 1. He loved her because shee was beautifull and comely for of the three corporall blessings strength health beauty this hath the preheminence Plato called it the principality of nature Socrates a tyranny not long Aristotle a greater commendation than all Epistles 2. Iacob though he might herein shew some infirmity he simply offended not for to desire beauty to be a provocation of lust is unlawfull but to affect it to this end for more loving society and procreation of children and where it is accompanied with vertue all which here concurred
in Rachel is excusable for as meat pleaseth better in a cleane dish so vertue in comely persons is more amiable Hugo and some actions there are that without some delight cannot be so well affected as eating of meats learning of arts such is the matrimoniall society Augustine yea holy men may faile in some circumstances of vertuous actions as in the zeale of justice in the workes of charity in the love of their spouses which defects are excused by the lawfulnesse of the actions and the exercise of other vertues Perer. ex Thom. Anglic. QUEST IX How Iacobs terme was ended Vers. 21. GIve me my wife c. for my terme is ended 1. Not which Rebeckah his mother did set him neither speaketh he of the terme of his owne yeares that by reason of his age he could stay no longer to have any children Iun. but he meaneth his seven yeares of service were expired 2. It is therefore unlike that in the beginning of the seven yeares this was done as R. Levi or before the seven yeares compleat as Ramban for Laban being an hard man would remit nothing of the time agreed upon QUEST X. Of marriage feasts and why Laban made a feast Vers. 22. LAban gathered together all the men of the place c. 1. Not all but many of the neighbours were called together for thus in Scripture often generall speeches are restrained Genes 41.57 all countries came to Egypt to buy corne that is very many 2. This company was called together not to advise with Laban how to deceive Iacob as some Hebrewes thinke for Laban was crafty enough of himselfe Mercer but that Iacob before so many witnesses should not goe back from that marriage wherein he should be deceived Calvin 3. This solemnitie of marriage though it be not of the substance thereof yet for more honesty and decency and for the ratifying of marriage and to avoyd secret contracts it is very fit to be used Tostatus 4. It was the laudable manner of those times to make marriage feasts as appeareth both in the old and new testament Iud 14.10 Sampson made a feast at his marriage our Saviour vouchsafed to be present at the marriage feast Iohn 2. and this custome may very well be retained so it be used with moderation that the concourse of unruly company be prevented and excesse avoyded therefore Plato prescribeth at marriage feasts not above five friends of each side and as many kinsfolkes to be called together but to be drunken with wine he counteth it maxime alienum in nuptiis to be least of all beseeming marriage Perer. QUEST XI Of Labans fraud in suborning Leah Vers. 33. WHen the even was come he tooke Leah c. 1. Their manner was to bring the spouse home at night and covered with a veile for modesty and shamefastnesse which was the cause that Iacob knew not Leah at his first going in unto her and it is like that she was silent all night lest she should have beene discerned and her silence he imputed to her modesty some thinke that Iacob came not neare her but continued all night in prayer but it is unlike seeing that Iacob had longed seven years for this marriage 2. Leah cannot be here excused who was in fault yet drawn into it by her fathers counsell and desirous also herselfe to be married to such a worthy man Perer. and she might thinke that Iacob and her father were agreed 3. But Laban was in the greatest fault and therefore Iacob doth expostulate with him 1. He is unjust of his promise in not giving Rachel betroathed to Iacob 2. Hee dissembleth excusing himselfe by the custome 3. He offereth wrong to his daughter to cause her to commit adultery 4. And to Iacob in thrusting upon him a woman whom hee desired not 5. Though there were such a custome he should have stood upon it in time when Rachel was espoused now the custome could not serve to violate the law of nature to cause Iacob to commit adultery being betroathed already to another Perer. QUEST XII Whether Iacob fulfilled seven daies or yeares before Rachel was given him Vers. 27. FVlfill seven for her 1. Some understand this of seven yeares for the word Shebang is sometime taken for seven daies sometime for seven yeares Mercer Vatab. Genevous but this is not like for Rachel was given to Iacob first and then he served seven yeares for Rachel but if it should be taken for seven yeares then Iacob should not have had his wife till these seven were fulfilled vers 28. 2. But it is better understood of daies as Hierome expoundeth it ut sepâ—em dies pro nuptiis prioris sororis expleat that he fulfilled seven daies for the marriage of the elder sister Hieron tradition in Genes for it was the manner to keepe the marriage feast 7. dayes Iud. 14.15.17 Augustine yeeldeth this reason valde iniquâ—m fuisset Iacob fallaciter deceptum differre alios septem annos it had beene most unjust to deferre Iacob so craftily deceived seven yeares longer qu. 89. in Genes QUEST XIII Iacobs multiplicity of marriage no argument of his intemperance Vers. 29. LAban also gave Rachel his daughter Bilhah c. Laban gave unto both his daughters handmaids both to attend and wait upon them as also to be a solace and comfort unto them in a strange country whither they were to goe Perer. 2. These afterward were joyned unto Iacob for procreation beside either Laban or Iacobs intention and in that Iacob had two wives and two concubines it argueth not his intemperancie 1. Because he intended onely to marry Rachel praeter animi voluntatem Leam accidisse and that Lea was given unto him beside his minde 2. Iacob also in this multiplicitie of marriage chiefly propounded to himselfe the procreation and multiplying of his seed 3. He took his maids not of his owne minde sed ut conjugem placaret but to please his wives that they might have children by them 4. And againe it must be considered tunc temporis non datam fuisse legem qua multiplices nuptias prohiberet that there was at that time no law which did forbid multiplicity of marriage sic Theodoret. qu. 84. in Gen. ex citat Perer. QUEST XIV At what time Leahs foure eldest children were borne Vers. 34. HIs name was called Levi 35. shee called his name Iehudah 1. The Hebrewes fable that Michael called from heaven to Levi and gave him that name and endued him with gifts fit for the Priesthood and further Leah now having borne three children saith her husband should be joyned unto her because she had borne her part of the twelve sons which she as a prophetesse did foresee should be borne unto Iacob of his two wives and two handmaids but these are fabulous and vaine conjectures they also in the name Iehudah doe include Iehovah the letter Daleth being added in the fourth place because he was the fourth son but these light collections are
but Iacob used thus to doe that Laban might have some increase of his colour although by this meanes the stronger fell out to be Iacobs QUEST XV. Whether Iacobs device were by miracle or by the workes of nature THis device of Iacob by the sight of particoloured rods to cause the eawes and goats to be conceived with young of the like colour 1. Is neither to bee held altogether miraculous as Chrysostome thinketh non erat juxta naturae ordinem quod fiebat c. it was not according to the course of nature that was done but miraculous and beyond natures worke hom 57. in Genes much lesse doe we receive the fabulous conceit of one Hosaias an Hebrew that the eawes â—onceived alone without the males by the sight only of the rods in the water ex Mercer 2. Neither do we ascribe this altogether to the work of nature although the cogitation and conceit of the minde be very much in the forming of shapes and therefore as Plinie noteth plures in homine quam in caeteriâ— animalibus differentiae there are more diversities of shapes among men than bruit beasts because of the variety of their conceits lib. 7. c. 12. Galen writeth of a woman that by beholding of a faire picture by a deformed husband had a faire childe libr. de theriaca Quintilian writeth of a Queene that upon the like conceit brought forth an Aethiopian Hypocrates maketh mention of a woman that being delivered of a beautifull childe much unlike both the parents should have beene condemned of adultery but was freed by a learned Physitian that imputed it to a picture which she had in her sight ex Perer. The Hebrews report of an Aethiopian that had a faire child and a Rabin being asked the reason thereof shewed the cause to be a white table that was in her sight at the time of conceiving The like report is that a woman brought forth a mouse because a mouse chanced to run before her when she was with childe Mercer The like operation hath the object of the sight in bruit beasts for this cause the fashion is in Spaine to set before the mares when they are horsed the most goodly beasts of that kinde Muscul. The like practice is used by the Dove-masters that they may have a brood of faire pigeons Isydor libr. 12. Etimolog Although then that nature had her worke yet we cannot say that nature wholly did it 3. Wherefore God wrought here together with nature and that after an extraordinary manner first because this devise was revealed vnto Iacob by the Angell of God in a dreame Genes 31.11 Secondly God gave a rare effect to this devise that it failed not whereas if it had beene according to the ordinary worke of nature there might have beene some change and alteration and it is well noted by Valetius that both the male and female concurred in the same imagination and fantasie of the parti-coloured which was the cause that they alwaies brought forth of the same colour lib. desacr philos c. 11. QUEST XVI Of the naturall reason why the imagination should be so strong to worke upon the body NOw further that we may see the naturall reason why that Iacobs sheepe brought forth party-coloured 1. That sheepe by drinking of certaine waters doe change the colour of their wooll Aristotle maketh mention as there is a River in Assyria called Psychrus of that coldnesse which causeth the sheepe that drinke thereof to yeane blacke lambs in Artandria there are two rivers the one maketh the sheepe white the other blacke the river Scamander doth dye them yellow Aristot. lib. 3. de histor animal c. 12. But this alteration is caused by the matter and quality of the water being received and drunke whereas Iacobs sheepe conceived by the very sight 2. The phantasie and affection is very strong to worke upon it owne body sometime upon another children have beene bewitched by the malitious sight of those that have intended them hurt some by immoderate joy have presently dyed as Philippides the Comicall Poet for his unexpected victory of his fellow Poets and a woman for the returne of her sonne whom shee supposed to have beene slaine in the warres in the extremity of joy ended her life as the Romane histories testifie hence it is that the very sight of that which goeth against the stomacke procureth vomit some by the seeing of others bloud have sounded others for feare looking downe from a steepe place have tumbled downe they which are strucken with sudden feare doe was pale in their face their hands tremble their voyce is taken away and all the body is distempered such is the operation of the conceit of parents in the conception of their children which causeth such variety of shapes of colour gesture ex Marâ—il ficin lib. 13. de Platon Theolog. cap. 1. 3. As we see by experience that the imagination of the minde doth bring forth such effects in the body so the reasons thereof may be yeelded to be these 1. The power and dominion which the soule hath over the body the one is the moover and stirrer the other the thing mooved the soule is to the body as the workeman to his worke which he frameth and fashioneth according to the idea and conceit of the mind and so it is in the conception and generation of children Tosta q. 10. in c. 30. 2. Another reason may be taken from the nature and property of imagination Imaginari non est neque animi neque corporis sed conjunctim to imagine is not proper to the soule or body apart but to them both together as the rest of the affections of love and hatred and the like are the mind then is like to that which it imagineth and the body with the mind begetteth that which is like to it selfe so it commeth to passe that the likenesse which the phantasie imagineth the body begetteth Valles 3. A third reason is from the nature and power of the seed which as it floweth from all the parts of the body and therefore worketh materially the similitude of the same parts so also is it procured by the minde and phantasie and therefore expresseth also that quality in the birth which was in the minde from whom it was sent Perer. ex Valles 4. Places of Doctrine Doct. 1. Abrahams seed begotten by the power of God Ves. 21. GOd opened her womb c. In that God made Leah and Rachel fruitfull of whom came the promised seed it sheweth that it was not the worke of nature but the gift of God Muscul. And as Abrahams carnall seed was propagated by God so much more the Spirituall which are borne not of bloud nor of the will of the flesh nor of the will of man but of God Iohn 1.13 Doct. 2. The children of the barren wombe most excellent Vers. 24. SHe called his name Ioseph as the children of the barren are noted in Scripture to have beene most excellent as Isaack of Sarah
sensible and visible for they appeared in the habit of heavenly souldiers as the like apparition was shewed to the Prophets servant 1 King 6. Mercer 3. The Hebrewes note that Iacob knew these to be the same Angels which he saw in vision to ascend and descend upon the ladder 4. And whereas Iacob is not said to meet them but they to meet Iacob therein appeareth the dignity and preeminence of the Saints whom the Angels are ready to attend upon Mercer QUEST II. Whether two armies only of Angels appeared to Iacob Vers. 2. HE called the place Mahanaim which word is of the duall number and signifieth two armies 1. Not as though God made one army and the Angels another 2. Or as though Iacob had at the first taken one company to be against him the other with him as some Hebrewes for hee knew them at the first to be Gods Angels 3. Neither were these two companies of Angels the one that brought him out of Mesopotamia the other that now received him into the land of Canaan as Rasi for these companies of Angels did all meet Iacob and offered their protection 4. Nor yet hath Iacob relation in this name to his hoast and company that made one and the Angels hoast which was the other as Iunius for Iacob had no reason to name the place by his hoast 5. But the duall number is here taken for the plurall as the same word Mahanaim is used Cantic 6.12 so that Iacob saw not precisely two armies of Angels one before another behind but he was compassed round with them beside the forme of the dual number is often applied to proper names though no reason can be yeelded of it as Ephraim Misraim so may it bee here Mercer QUEST III. Of the message which Iacob sent to Esau. Vers. 3. IAcob sent messengers to Esau his brother 1. R. Carus thinketh that Iacob sent Angels of his message to Esau for the word malachim signifieth the Angels vers 1. and generally messengers but this is too curious for if Iacob had sent Angels hee would not have given them Commandement and instructions what to say as he doth 2. Esau was now removed from his father before Iacob came Gen. 36.6 and it may be he had thereof intelligence from his mother Calvin He being now growne rich and seeing his wives were an offence to his parents but most of all desiring his owne liberty might remove into the land of Seir Calvin The countrey being neere adjoyning to Beerseba where Isaack dwelt Mercer 3. He sendeth to Esau 1. Because hee must needs passe by his countrey 2. And nameth himselfe his servant not thereby renouncing his blessing but yeelding temporall subjection for a time as David did to Saul though he were even then the annointed King 3. He maketh mention of his sojourning with Laban not so much to excuse the matter that he had not all this while sought to be reconciled to his brother as R. Carus as to report unto his brother what the state and condition of his life had been who as yet might be ignorant of it Mercer 4. He also speaketh of his cattell and riches that Esau should not thinke that he sought unto him for any need but only to have his favour QUEST IV. Whether Esau came with 400. men as an enemy or a friend Vers. 6. THe messengers came againe to Iacob 1. Some thinke the messengers spake not at all to Esau because they were afraid meeting him with foure hundred men but it is not like that Esau had notice of Iacobs comming but first from him by his Messengers 2. Neither did Esau come thus accompanied to make ostentation only of his power Musculus 3. Or to give his brother more honourable entertainment Calvin Mercer For he needed not then to have brought so many with him and he would have sent him some kind message before 4. Wherefore it is more like that Esau prepared himselfe to be revenged of Iacob as may appeare by Iacobs great feare which was not without cause and hereby also the power of God is more set forth that could in the very way change the purpose and counsell of Esau. QUEST V. Of the divers takings of this word in Scripture Vers. 10. WIth my staffe came I over the phrase is in my staffe this preposition in is diversly taken in Scripture 1. In is taken for with as Luk. 1.75 to serve him in holinesse that is with holinesse and so it is taken here 2. In for by Psal. 63.11 all that sweare in that is by him shall rejoyce 3. In for through noting power and helpe Act. 7.28 in him that is by him we live and move and have our being 4. In for to Psal. 136.8 hee made the sunne in potestatem for or to rule the day 5. In for because Hos. 5.5 they shall fall in their iniquity that is because of their iniquity 6. In for against Psal. 44.5 by thy name have we troden downe those that rose in nos against us 7. In for in stead Psal. 31.2 be unto mee in domum refugâ—i for or in stead of an house of defence 8. In for among Iohn 1.16 the word was made flesh and dwelt in nobis among us 9. In for with 1 Peter 5.2 feed the flocke qui in vobis which is in you that is with you committed to your care 10. In for of Habbac 2.14 woe to him that buildeth a towne in that is of bloud 11. In for before or at in the name of Iesus shall every knee bow that is at or before the name of Jesus Philip 2.12 in for under Psal. 91.1 he that dwelleth in the secret c. that is under ex Perer. QUEST VI. The cause of Iacobs feare Vers. 11. I Feâ—re him lest he will come and smite me c. Seeing that Iacob had the Lords promise for his safety Genes 31.3 Returne into the land of thy fathers and I will be with thee how commeth it to passe that Iacob is so greatly afraid for answer whereunto I neither thinke with Augustine qu. 102. in Genes that Iacob feared not his owne deliverance but that it should not bee without great slaughter for even Iacob feareth concerning himselfe lest hee will come and smite me 2. Neither as Lyranus was Iacob thus afraid because hee was to goe thorow his brothers countrey where hee and his might bee easily surprised Pererius thinketh that Edom was not in Iacobs way being entred into the land of Canaan already but to goe unto Beerseba or Hebron where Isaack dwelt which was in the south part of Canaan the way was by Idumea which lay south to Canaan Mercer But this was not onely Iacobs feare for Esau comming with 400. men even out of his owne territory had beene able to have spoyled Iacob and his company 3. Nor yet did Iacob doubt of Gods promise lest by reason of some sinnes which he might have committed in idolatrous Labans house it should be suspended as Lyranus
that they should exercise and traine up their families in the service of God and season all their worldly affaires with a relish of religion as the Apostle saith I will that men pray every where lifting up pure hands c. CHAP. XXXIV 1. The Method and Contents FIrst in this Chapter is set forth the ravishing of Dinah by Sechem with the occasion thereof vers 1. the sequele he desireth her to be his wife vers 3 4. Secondly the punishment is described which was brought upon the whole City for this sinne this punishment is devised then executed In the device 1. We have the motive the griefe of Iacob and wrath of his sonnes 2. The occasion the offer of mariage by Hemor and Sechem vers 8 13. 3. The device is propounded vers 13. to 18. assented unto by Hemor vers 18 19. perswaded to his Citizens to vers 25. Then it is cruelly executed by Simeon and Levi vers 25 to 30. Thirdly there followeth the expostulation of Iacob with his sonnes and their excuse vers 30 31. 2. The divers readings v. 1. which she bare to Iacob this clause is wanting in the Latine translation v. 2. forced or ravished her H. C. S. defiled her G. humbled her S. P. afflicted her T. gnâ—vah to afflict v. 3. he pleased his minde in Dinah C. his heart clave unto Dinah caet dabach to cleave v. 5. which when Iacob heard H. Iacob heard that he had defiled Dinah his daughter caet v. 7. they were very angry H. they were pricked and grieved S. they were much moved and very angry Ch. they grieved at it and were angry caet v. 7. it shall not be so S. P. he had committed an unlawfull thing H. which thing ought not to be done caet v. 8. the soule of my sonne Sechem cleaveth to your daughter H. my sonne Sychem hath chosen from his heart your daughter S. your daughter pleaseth the soule of my sonne C. P. the soule of my sonne longeth for your daughter B.G. T. casach to love to cleave to please v. 14. then spake unto them Simeon and Levi the brethren of Dinah S. v. 15. in this will wee bee confederate with him H. we will bee like unto you S. agree or consent with you caet jaath to consent v. 21. the land being so spacious and wide wanteth tyllers H. the land is large enough before them caet the land is broad in her hands or wings Heb. v. 22. there is one thing whereby this great good is differred H. in this will they be like unto us to dwell with us S. herein they will consent to dwell with us caet v. 24. and they all assented H. and unto Hemor and his sonne hearkened all that went out at the gate of the citie caeter v. 25. The third day when the wounds are most grievous H. when they were in griefe caet v. 29. their little ones and their wives they led captive H. all their bodies and houshold-stuffe and their wives they carried captive and spoiled whatsoever was in the Citie and house S. and all their goods they carried away their children and wives and whatsoever was in the houses caeter v. 30 you have made me odious H. made me evill before the inhabitants S. put enmity betweene mee and the Cananites c. Ch. caused me to stinke or to be abhorred caet baash to stinke 3. The explication of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Of the age of Dinah when she was defloured of Sechem Vers. 1. THen Dinah 1. Neither is the opinion of Alexander Polyhistor in Eusebius probable that Dinah at the time of her rauishing was but ten yeeres old for she was at this time mariageable and therefore above these yeeres and whereas the same Author saith that Iacob remained in Sechem ten yeeres after hee came out of Mesopotamia as Euseb. reporteth his opinion lib. 9. de praepar Evangel it would follow that Dinah was borne in the land of Canaan in Succoth where Iacob dwelt before he came to Sechem and not in Mesopotamia contrary to the Scripture 2. Neither is Cajetanus conjecture sound that Dinah was but three or foure yeeres old when Iacob came out of Mesopotamia for all Iacobs children were borne in the second seven yeeres of his service for his wives before the last six yeeres of service for his sheepe as may appeare Gen. 30.25 3. Neither yet need wee with the Hebrewes to affirme that Iacobs children were borne every one at seven moneths for admitting the ordinary time of nine moneths of childe-bearing Leah beginning to beare in the eighth yeere the first of the second seven might have her first foure children in three yeeres then allow a yeere of intermission her other two sonnes and one daughter she might have in somewhat more than two yeeres 4. Wherefore the truer opinion is that Dinah was six or seven yeeres old at Iacobs departure from Mesopotamia and that she was now fourteene or fifteene yeeres old for Ioseph borne at the same time of Rachel presently after this exploit are said to be seventeene yeares old Gen. 37.2 Simeon and Levi are supposed to have beene the one 21. the other 22. yeares of age or thereabout so that the time of Iacobs abode in Succoth and Sechem might be seven or eight yeares Perer. Mercer QUEST II. Why Dinah is sad to be the daughter of Leah THe daughter of Leah 1. The Hebrewes note shee was her mothers right daughter for as shee went forth to meet her husband to have him turne in unto her Genes 30.16 so Dinah goeth forth to see and to be seene and therefore it is added the daughter of Leah but this is too hard a censure for Dinah this addition is annexed as answerable to the story before Gen. 30.21 2. Many other uncertaine collections the Hebrewes make here some say that this Dinah was Iobs wife some say she remained a widow in her brethrens house some that Simeon buried her in the land of Canaan some that she went downe into Egypt which is true and that her bones were transported into Canaan Mercer 3. Iosephus thinketh that the women of Sichem at this time kept a solemne feast which was the cause that Dinah was so desirous to goe and see them Mercer QUEST III. Whether it were lawfull for the Hebrewes to give their daughters to the uncircumcised Vers. 14. WE cannot doe this thing to give our sister to an uncircumcised man c. 1. Though Abraham had not any direct precept as Cajetane thinketh not to joyne in mariage with the uncircumcised for both Isaack tooke Rebeccah Iacob Leah and Rachel to wife which came of uncircumcised parents 2. Yet it seemeth that they would not give their daughters to the uncircumcised though they did take of the daughters of the uncircumcised to themselves 3. And it is further to be considered that they speake not in this place simply of marying with the uncircumcised but joyning to be
Iacob Vers. 12. I Will give the land c. 1. Iacob possessed this promised land in faith his posteritie afterward actually entred into it 2. The Hebrewes here understand an oath that God sware unto Iacob as Moses saith Exod. 32.13 Remember Abraham Isaack and Iacob thy servants to whom thou swarest c. but here no oath is expressed the Lords word and promise includeth a secret oath and that oath which the Lord expressely made to Abraham concerned also his seed Mercer 3. The land is here promised to all Iacobs seed but it was to Abraham restrained in Isaack Ismael being excluded to Isaack limited in Iacob Esau excluded QUEST XI How the Lord is said to have ascended from Iacob Vers. 13. GOd ascended from him or over him in the place c. 1. God in respect of us is said to ascend and descend who otherwise filleth every place with his maiestie and presence when he sheweth any visible signe of his glorie as here to Iacob Mercer 2. The word is magnal over or upon him whereupon the Hebrews note that the righteous are as the Lords chariot wherein he is as it were carried Mercer 3. This ascending of God was truly fulfilled in Christ who ascending in person to his father draweth vs by faith after him and with his divine presence still comforteth his Church Calvin 4. Where it is added in the place where he talked with him c. it sheweth the dignitie and prerogatiue of Bethel which Iacob for the same cause so much honoured as also how familiar unto Iacob these heauenly visions were that Iacob without astonishment could perceive the Lord ascending from him Mercer QUEST XII What place Bethel was which Iacob the second time so calleth Vers. 14. IAcob set up a pillar c. vers 15. he called the name of the place Bethel c. Tostatus is deceived that thinketh this Bethel to be Jerusalem another from that Bethel which Iacob so called before when he went into Mesopotamia because saith he hee went from Bethel to Bethlem which is distant but foure miles from Jerusalem but the other Bethel is remote from Jerusalem twentie miles for it cannot be shewed that ever Jerusalem was called by the name of Bethel and though Bethel were so farre off from Bethlem that is no argument for this opinion for the text sheweth not in what time Iacob came from Bethel to Bethlem but onely that Iacob departed from Bethel vers 16. 2. Neither is this a rehersall of that which Iacob had done before in Bethel as Calvin but he erecteth a pillar againe as a monument of this second apparition the other pillar which hee seâ— before being either prophaned or in the space of thirtie yeares defaced Iun. 3. Iacob both buildeth an altaâ— in this place to offer sacrifice unto God vers 7. and erected a pillar as a memoriall of this heavenly vision unto men Mercer 4. He confirmeth the same name Bethel which he had given it before like as Isaack reneweth the name of Beersheba Gen. 26. which his father had imposed upon that place 5. He both calleth the place where the altar was Bethel vers 7. as also the whole circuit of ground about it where he reared the pillar vers 15. sic Mercer Cajetan QUEST XIII How farre Iacob was from Bethlem when Rachel traveled Vers. 16. WHen he was a fields breadth from Ephrata c. 1. Neither is the Hebrew word Cibrath here vsed a proper name of a place as the Septuag reade for they translate it otherwise themselves Gen. 48.7 hippodromum an horse race 2. Neither can it be derived of cabir which signifieth much as R. Menaham and Oleaster as though a great part of their iourney were behinde and as Geneven translate halfe a dayes journey for Ramban that had seene those places saith Rachels monument is not one mile from Bethlem Borcardus not above the flight of an arrow 3. Neither is it like to bee derived from the word cebarah which signifieth a sive as Beres Rab. to betoken the spring time when the ground is plowed and as it were sifted or as Hierome deriveth it from barah to chose and maketh caph not a radical but a servile letter because it was now the spring the choyce time of the yeare for the word kibrath must needs be taken for a space of ground 2. King 5.15 where Gehezi followeth after Naaman 4. But this word betokeneth a small space of ground Pegninâ— readeth a mile the Chalde stadium a race the Septuagint hip podromum a horserunne or race Oukelos as much ground as may be plowed in a day and so it may either be derived from kebarah as Rabbi Leui to signifie the plowed tilled or sifted fields which are not farre from the citie or making the letter caph to be none of the radicals it may be derived from Barah which is to eate as Kimhi and may be taken for so much ground as one may well goe before his first eating that is his break-fast a morning walke QUEST XIIII Why Iacob calleth his sonne Benjamin Vers. 18. SHee called his name Benoni but his father Benjamin Iacob changeth the name of his sonne whom Rachel named the sonne of her sorrow lest it might have brought still to his remembrance the losse of his deare wife he calleth him Benjamin the sonne of his right hand 1. Not for that he onely was borne in Canaan in the south part which is at the right hand if one turne his face to the Sunne rising as Rasi Mercer 2. Nor yet because he was borne in Bethlem within the tribe of Iudah as Ramban 3. Nor because he bare this heavie crosse strongly as Lyranus 4. Or to shew that he had strength to beget a child in his old age as Oleaster 5. But rather to signifie how deare he should be unto him for his mothers sake to be alwaies at his right hand Muscul. Iun. as also Iacob alludeth to the name that Rachel had given declining as little as might be both from the sound and sense for Benoni signifieth the son of labour or strength so consequently doth Benjamin the son of the right hand where the strength lieth Mercer QUEST XV. The causes of Rachels hard travel which procured her death Vers. 19. THus died Rachel c. Rachel died in trauaile 1. it is impertinent here and vnnecessarie to shew the cause of perilous difficult trauaile which may be caused 1. Either by some defect in the wombe 2. Or by the greatnes of the infant or the indisposition thereof in the wombe or some other want in that behalfe 3. Or when the mother laboureth of some other disease 4. Or the woman beeing long in trauaile 5. Or be given to rest and so not breathed for Aristotle saith that exercitatio facit ut spiritum reâ—inere possint in qua re facilitas partus conciliatur exercise causeth that they hold their breath which maketh the birth easie Perer. ex Aristot. wherupon Plinie writeth oscitationâ—m
Benjamin was younger than Ioseph but then not above foure or five yeares old and therefore not so capable of his fathers love as Ioseph who began now to shew his vertue and good disposition the rest also of Iacobs sonnes were borne in his old age all within the compasse of seven yeares and he was 84. yeare old when he began to have children â— yet Ioseph was the youngest of them and the first borne of his beloved Rachel much desired and longed for on both sides before he was borne and therefore best beloved when he came 4. Now the reasonâ— why children borne in old age are best beloved of their parents are these 1. Because they are the last borne and the aged parents looke for none after-sembling his mother Rachel Iosephus his heroicall and princely mind which appeared in his dreames a ward Phil. 2. And are most likely to be the longest livers and so to continue their fathers name Cajetan 3. Or for that the aged parents are delighted with the pratling and sport of young children Oleaster 4. Or they are alwayes at hand and in their fathers eye Ramban 5. Or the parents doe it in wisdome to make most of the youngest because they are least able to shift for themselves Other causes there might bee of Iacobs affection to Ioseph as the comelinesse of his body resembling his mother Rachel Iosephus his heroicall and princely minde which appeared in his dreames a prophecie of his honourable estate afterward Philo. His vertuous and godly disposition but these causes are concealed lest they might have increased the envy of his brethren Chrysost. QUEST VII Of Iosephs particoloured coat Vers. 3. HE made him a coat of divers colours the word is passim peeces 1. Some doe read a side gowne or coat as Aquila and Gregory doth thereby understand his constancy and perseverance 2. Some reade tunicam manicatam a sleeved coat Symmach but the word will beare neither of these interpretations 3. Neither yet was it made of divers kinds of threads for that was forbidden by the law Levit. 19.19 whereas in Davids time Thamar did weare such a garment of the same name passim 4. Neither yet was it a white silke garment representing the Priesthood as some thinke 5. Nor yet of divers peeces put together for that had beene no such precious garment 6. But it was a coat of divers colours as the Septuag translate poikâ—lon which seemed as though it had beene of divers parts and peeces Mercer Iun. QUEST VIII The difference betweene envy and hatred Vers. 4. THey hated him 1. There is great difference betweene hatred and envy 1. Men are hated for evill they are envied for some good thing as prosperity riches wisdome 2. Hatred is of some particular matter envy hath a generall object for any thing that happeneth well to a man 3. Hatred may sometime be just as to hate the wicked envy is never just 4. Hatred may be conceived against bruit beasts as a man hateth a serpent or a tode but envy is only against men 5. Envy ceaseth when men from a prosperous state fall into misery but even men in misery may bee hated 6. Hatred is where wee have received hurt but they are often envied of some whom they never hurt 7. Whom men hate they will harme if they can but sometime a mans gifts are envied against whom no hurt is intended 2. Beside these differences betweene envy and hatred envy hath these peculiar properties 1. Envy rejoyceth in another mans fall 2. He that is envied many times fareth the better as Ioseph did 3. An envious man huâ—teth himselfe most and him nothing that is envied 4. An envious man dissembleth in his outward behaviour making outwardly a shew of friendship bearing malice in his heart such was Ioaâ— toward Abner while he embraced him with the one hand he killed him with the other 5. An envious man as Gregory noteth sheweth himselfe to be of a base mind for in that he envieth another he bewrayeth his owne wants not having that which hee envieth in another 3. The remedy against this devouring sinne of envy Basil prescribeth Si nihil rerâ—m humanâ—rum magnum aut vehementer expetâ—â—dum putemus to thinke no humane thing to be of any great reckoning or much to be desired and then shall wee neither envy the rich for his riches nor the honourable person for his honour nor any other for any worldly gift Againe the wise man saith Ne comedas cum homine invido eat not with an envious man or a man that hath an evill eye Prov. 23.6 lest that by conversing with such we learne of their qualities Perer. QUEST IX Of Iosephs dreame why doubled Vers. 6. HEare the dreame which I have dreamed c. 1. Ioseph hath two dreames shewed him both tending to the same end to declare the certainty of his exaltation above his brethren as Ioseph afterward saith to Pharao that had two dreames likewise foreshewing the same thing Gen. 41.32 The dreame was doubled the second time to Pharao because the thing is established with God 2. Iosephus is deceived that â—aith Iosephs brethren found no fault at the telling of the first dreame whereas the text is otherwise they said nothing at the rehearsing of the second referring it to the judgement of their father to whom Ioseph told it againe whom his father rebuked in the presence of their brethren and therefore they spared their reprehension or Moses thought good to omit it Mercer 3. Some doe apply those parables to Christ making him the sheafe of corne to whom all the Patriarks and Prophets do stoope Rupert some also further make Ioseph a type of Christ 1. In that hee uttered dreames as the other parables 2. Christ spake of his exaltation as Ioseph of his 3. Christ was hated for his parables â—s Ioseph for his dreames Perer. QUEST X. Of the divers kinds of dreames FUrther it is to be considered that dreames are divers waies caused 1. Some dreames arise of the fulnesse of the bellie and excesse of drinke such are the dreames of Epicures and drunken persons 2. Some come of emptinesse and want as when an hungrie or thirstie man dreameth of meat or drinke Isay 29.8 3. Some are wrought by the illusion of Sathan 4. Some partly by the illusion of Sathan partly by mans owne imagination Eccles. 5.3 A dreame commeth by the multitude of businesse 5. Some dreames are sent by divine revelation such were those of Ioseph 6. Some proceed partly of our owne serious cogitation partly of divine revelation such were Nebuchadnezars dreames as Daniel saith to him O king when thâ—â— wast in thy bed thoughts came upon thee c. Dan. 2.29 Perer. ex Gregor QUEST XI Ioseph not worthy of rebuke Vers. 10. HIs father rebuked him c. 1. Ioseph did herein nothing worthy of reprehension the neither told these dreames of any vanitie of minde nor of childish simplicitie but as the dreames were revealed
counsell for the delivering of Ioseph Vers. 21. BVt Ruben when he heard it c. 1. Ruben is said to have delivered Ioseph because by his counsell he hindered the purpose of his brethren that would have killed him Iun. 2. Iosephus setteth downe divers reasons which Ruben should use to disswade his brethren from this bloudy enterprise 1. In respect of God from whom nothing could be hid 2. In regard of their father whose great griefe and soâ—row by this meanes should be procured 3. And concerning Ioseph that they should consider he was but a child and therefore to be pittied he was their brother and therefore to be spared 4. And for themselves to remember what a great sin they should commit in shedding innocent bloud and that only envy toward their brother was the beginning of this mischiefe intended ex Perer. 3. It is like that Ruben might use other perswasions but Moses only expresseth that principall reason that they should not shed bloud whereof the Lord gave an expresse law to Noah after the floud Mercer 4. Herein appeareth the hypocrisie of the rest that thought they were free from bloud if they did not shed it with their owne hand though they otherwise caused Iosephs death as by starving or pining him in a pit which was far worse than if they had presently killed him and hereupon Ramban untruly noteth that he sinneth not so grievously which procureth anothers death as hee which with his owne hands sheddeth his bloud 5. Ruben in giving this advice to let downe Ioseph into a pit had no purpose that there he should die but as the text is to deliver him to his father by this meanes he might thinke to be reconciled to his father whom he had before offended by his incest Calvin The Hebrewes thinke that for this compassion of Ruben he deserved afterward to have a Prophet of his tribe namely Hosea and to have one of the cities of refuge in his lot and division Mercer QUEST XIX Of Iosephs party-coloured coat which his brethren spoyled him of Vers. 23. THey stript Ioseph out of his coat c. 1. They neither left him naked as Aben Ezra thinketh 2. Neither did they take away from him two coats as Lyranus 3. Neither is it certaine whether our Saviour Christs coat were like unto Iosephs 4. They tooke from him this party-coloured coat which was his upper garment not so much for desire they had to the garment but because it was a token of his fathers love Mercer As also with an intent to shew it to their father thereby to colour and conceale their fact vers 32. Iun. QUEST XX. Of Iosephs letting downe into the pit Vers. 24. THey cast him into a pit c. 1. It seemeth it was an old broken pit for there was no water in it such as Ieremie speaketh of alluding to the fashion of that country they have digged them pits broken pits that can hold no water Ier. 2.13 2. It is not like as R. Salomon conjectureth that this pit was full of serpents and scorpions for then as Ramban noteth they must needs haue acknowledged a miracle in the preservation of Ioseph among serpents as of Daniel among the lions 3. It may be though no water were in the pit yet it was full of mire such as Ieremie was let downe into Ierem. 38. Perer. QUEST XXI Of the spices and balme which the Ismaelites carried Vers. 25. LAden with spicery balme and mirrhe 1. The word necheth is the same which the Arabians call Nuketa that is spices sweet druggs yet elsewhere it is taken generally for precious things as 2 King 20.13 Hezekiah shewed to the king of Babilons servants his house Nechothe of precious things Oleaster Iun. though Mercerus interpret it Domum aromatum House of spices 2. The word tseri is not wax or rosin as Oleaster although the Latine word cera and rasina and the Greek word rheténe the letters somewhat transposed come somewhat neare the sound of the Hebrew word but it is better interpreted balme as Iun. whereof there is great store in Gilead Ierem. 8.22 rosin was neither so rich a merchandise to be transported so farre nor so precious for curing of diseases as the Prophet there noteth 3. The last kinde of merchandise is called Lot which cannot signifie the Chessenut as derived from the root Lut which signifieth to wrap in or cover as Oleaster for this had beene no such precious merchandise to carry so farre and Exod. 30. it is reckoned among the sweet spices whereof the perfume there prescribed was made but it is better translated ladanum Iun. which commeth somewhat neare the Hebrew word the Chalde and Septuagint reade stacte which is the same that ladanum the gumme of the myrrhe or Cypres tree QUEST XXII Why the Ismaelites are also called Midianites Vers. 28. SOld Ioseph to the Ismaelites Which are also called Midianites vers 28. and Medanites vers 36. which were three divers people the first of Ismael Abrahams sonne by Agar the second of Midian by Keturah the third of Medan Abrahams sonne by Keturah also these three are indifferently taken for the same people in this place 1. Not for that they were distinct Nations but grew to be one people as Augustine 2. Or because they all came of Abraham and had the same father Thom. Anglic. 3. Or because Agar and Keturah are supposed to be the same Histor. Scholast which is an untrue surmise 4. Neither are we to imagine with some that Ioseph was thrice sold first to the Ismaelites then to the Midianites and lastly to Potiphar as Rasi for vers 28. at the same instant Ioseph was sold both to the Ismaelites and Madianites 5. Wherefore these merchants are named as well Midianites as Ismaelites both because they did traffike together and the company consisted of both sorts Mercer as also because the Ismaelites and Midianites dwelt in one Countrey of Arabia together and therefore Oukelos readeth vers 25. for Ismaelites Arabians and for this cause the Kings of Midian are called Ismaelites Iud. 8.24 26. because of their cohabitation together Iun. QUEST XXIII Of the price which Ioseph was sold for FOr twenty peeces of silver c. These were twenty sicles of silver which are in value 23. s. 4. d. starling for every common sicle weigheth two drachmaes that is â— 4. d. starling the fourth part of an ounce so that foure sicles make a doller Iun. 1. Wherefore it was neither so small a summe as Bahai ghesseth who would have these to be twenty denarii which make but five sicles 2. Nor so much as Iosephus reckoneth who would have Ioseph sold for 20. minâ—â— pounds every mina or pound weighing 100. drachmaes that is 58. s. 4. d. starling 3. The Septuagint also are deceived that for peeces of silver reade peeces of gold 4. Neither was Ioseph sold for 30. silverlings as some translations did reade in Augustines time because they would make the type body the
them attempt to give an interpretation of Pharaohs dreame as that hee should beget seven daughters and burie seven sonnes or that he should subdue seven Kingdomes and seven other should rebell as some of the Hebrews conjecture but they were all mute and could say nothing God had blinded them for otherwise it had beene an easie matter by the full eares to understand plentie Mercer 3. It seemeth that Pharaoh was no proper name but common to the Kings as Caesar is to the Emperours for the Butler useth it in the third person vers 10. as if wee should sâ—y the Kings majestie Iun. and it had beene an uncivill thing to call the King by his proper name Mercer QUEST IIII. Whether Pharaoh in his dreame had an interpretation of it Vers. 15. I Have heard say of thee that when thou hearest a dreame c. 1. Iosephus further addeth that Pharaoh did gently intreat Ioseph tooke him by the hand and bade him not to be afraid but truely declare unto him his dreame whatsoever it signified good or evill 2. This is likely and probable but that other conceit of Iosephus hath no probabilitie that Pharaoh together with his dreame had the interpretation thereof shewed him in his sleepe for it is like that Pharaoh then would have spoken of it to Ioseph 3. Pharaoh seemeth to have none other opinion of Ioseph but as of a cunning soothsaier and conjecturer of dreames and such was the opinion received of Ioseph afterward as Trogus Pompejus whom Iustine alleageth writeh of him that he did learne in Egypt art-magike and other points of their learning therefore Ioseph of purpose maketh mention of God who without any art or skill in Ioseph should by his mouth give the interpretation of the dreame 4. And whereas he saith God shall answer for the wealth of Pharaoh Ioseph thus saith not as knowing the dreame alreadie by revelation from God as Pererius thinketh but he ignorant as yet of the dreame doth not prophesie but wish prosperitie to Pharaoh and so insinuateth himselfe by this dutifull comprecation Mercer Iun. Muscul. QUEST V. Of the thrice repeating of these dreames and the reason thereof Vers. 20. ANd when they had eaten them up c. 1. This is reported some what diversly by Pharaoh than it was before expressed not to this end as some Hebrewes imagine that Pharaoh would trie by these meanes Iosephs cunning whether hee could rehearse the dreame aright But whereas these dreames are thrice repeated by Moses Pharaoh Ioseph the same words are not every where kept but the sense as we see the like Gen. 24. where Abrahams servant some what diversly in words reporteth the historie of Rebeckahs comming forth and behaviour towards him 2. But some Hebrewes are yet more absurd that whereas these dreames of seven kine and seven eares betokening 14. yeares seven of plenty and seven of famine are thrice repeated in this chapter they make thrice 14. yeares whereas these dreames though often rehearsed are but one prophecie and tend to the same end Mercer QUEST VI. Why Pharaohs dreames were doubled Vers. 25. PHaraohs dreames are one 1. They are one in signification but divers in respect of the vision Iun. 2. The Hebrewes thinke that Ioseph by this speech would excuse the Egyptjan soothsayers why they could not expound the dreames because it was hard to find out the interpretation seeing these dreames being divers did portend but one thing and beside they take these to be naturall dreames whereas Ioseph sheweth they were of God But Ioseph doth not insinuate himselfe into the love and affection of these Magicians whom hee knew to be professors of Idolatrie and superstition but doth faithfully discharge this dutie committed unto him 3. Now although the dreames had one meaning yet they were doubled not for any such cause as Lyranus Tostatus imagine to shew the two causes of fertilitie good seed signified by the eares and good tillage by the oxen but Ioseph himselfe rendreth two reasons thereof vers 33. the certaintie of this thing and the speedie accomplishment thereof QUEST VII Ioseph not Pharaoh the Prophet Vers. 25. GOd hath shewed Pharaoh what he is about to doe 1. Though these visions were shewed to Pharaoh yet because he understood them not Ioseph is rather to be counted a prophet that interpreted them than Pharaoh that understood them not for it is one thing to have a representation of things objected to the phantasie another to have the mind lightned to understand them 2. And whereas God is said to doe this it was not an ordinarie plentie or famine procured by naturall meanes but extraordinarie sent of God although I denie not but that there might be a concurrence of some naturall meanes for Nilus overflowing if it be moderate causeth plentie in Egypt if it be sâ—â—nt bringeth sterilitie and barrennesse Plinie sheweth that the full increasing of Nilus is sixteene cubits high in duodecem cubitis famem sentit c. if it overflow under 12. cubits famine followeth and in 13. cubits there is scarcitie 14. cubita hilaritatem afferunt 15. securitatem 16. delicias 14. cubits in the overflowing bring chearefulnesse 15. securitie 16. plentie he further sheweth that the greatest increase was of 18. cubits under Claudius the smallest of five cubits in the Pharsalean warre lib. 5. c. 9. It might be that Nilus in the seven plentifull yeares overflowed 16. cubits or above and so made the ground fruitfull and in the seven deare yeares exceeded not 12. cubits or was much under and so caused drinesse and barrennesse ex Perer. QUEST VIII Iosephs wisdome in counselling to have a chiefe officer appointed for corne Vers. 33. LEt Pharaoh provide for a man of understanding c. 1. Ioseph doth not onely foretell the calamitie to come but provideth a remedie for it so could not the vaine Astrologers and Apolloes oracles if sometime they ghessed at things to come they could not tell how to helpe it Mercer 2. Ioseph doth not give this counsell ambitiously as seeking his owne honour as the Hebrewes thinke for as yet he was ignorant of his advancement but God directed him by his spirit to give this advice that it might be a way to his exaltation 3. This office here invented by Ioseph to have a care to provide food for the people grew afterwards to be very honourable and from the Egyptians it is like the Romans tooke this invention the first officer among them who was called praefectus annonae the chiefe steward for provision was L. Minutius what time there was such a famine in Rome that many people cast themselves with their heads covered into Tyberis Pompey the great after many honourable triumphs was chosen to this office who having made great provision in Affrica being ready to take ship staid not though a great tempest arose thus saying navigandi necessitas est vivendi non est necessitas There is great necessitie to saile for the Citie was at
sollicitous and carefull Muscul. 4. Nor yet is this his meaning that I shall be deprived of Benjamin as I am already of Ioseph and Simeon and that Iacob did prophesie of Benjamins trouble about the cup Mercer 5. But this is the speech of a resolute man that doth cast the worst as if he should have said well Benjamin shall goe and if I be robbed I am robbed Gods will be done as Esther saith in the like manner If I perish I perish Esther 4.16 Iunius QUEST VII Who Iosephs steward was and of the divining time Vers. 16. WHen he saw Benjamin he said to his steward 1. Ioseph knew not Benjamin who was now 24. or 25. yeares old otherwise than by seeing him with the rest of his brethren Mercer 2. This steward could not be Manasses Iosephs eldest sonne as some Hebrewes imagine for he was not above six or seuen yeare old and he could not at that age understand languages as this man did neither was he fit to manage the houshold affaires 3. The men shall eat with me at noone it seemeth that they spent the morning in the weighty affaires and at noone tooke their dinner both for that the morning was the fittest time to dispatch serious businesse and for that in those hot Countreyes they used in the heat of the day to keepe their houses Mercer Muscul. QUEST VIII Of the manner of the feast which Ioseph prepared for his brethren Vers. 32. AFter they prepared for him by himselfe c. 1. Ioseph made his brethren a feast to shew his good will toward them and to insinuate that the former proceedings with them was not of hatred the Romans used such kinde of feasts which they call charistia to the which were invited none but kinsfolke to continue love among them and seeke reconciliation if there had beene any breach of friendship Valer. Maxim lib. 2. cap. 1. 2. It seemeth that there were three tables provided the first for Ioseph who sate alone according to his state another for the Egyptians the third for Iosephs brethren Muscul. 3. The Egyptians refused to eat with the Hebrewes not onely because they were a proud people and despised all other nations beside themselves but there was a more speciall reason because the Hebrewes were keepers of sheep Gen. 46.34 and so did eat of sheepe and other cattell which the Egyptians worshipped and therefore Moses saith to Pharaoh that they could not offer in the land of Egypt that which was an abomination to the Egyptians that is to kill and sacrifice such cattell as they worshipped and to eat part thereof thus the Chalde paraphrast also expoundeth 4. In that it is said they sate before him we see how ancient an use it is to sit downe at the table as before it is said of Iosephs brethren Gen. 37. that they sate downe to eat bread 5. Likewise where it is added they tooke messes from before him it seemeth it was a custome for great persons to send messes of meat from their table to such as they favoured as Xenophon writeth of Cyrus lib. 8. that he never used to eat his meat alone but imparted it to those which were present sometime sent part to his friends absent 6. Where it is said they drunke and inebriâ—â— sunt and were drunken as the vulgar Latine and Septuagint reade we must not thinke that they were indeed drunken but here the word Shacar is taken for more liberall or plentifull drinking as Augustine well noteth inebriandi vocabulum saepe pro satietate solere poni c. this word is often taken in Scripture for satiety fulnesse as Hagg. 1.6 Ye drinke but are not filled where the same word Shacar is used and in the same sense it is taken here QUEST IX Of their order of their sitting downe at the table Vers. 33. THey sate before him the eldest according to his age c. 1. The Hebrewes are deceived that thinke Iudah as the chiefe to have sate downe in the first place and that the sonnes of Leah had their places before the sonnes of Iacobs concubines and Benjamin they say was placed next to Ioseph but the text is plaine that they sate according to their age Ruben first and Benjamin last Muscul. Mercer 2. Neither did they thus place themselves according to their wonted use as thinketh Mercer but as Ioseph appointed them for so the text is They sate before him or in his presence as it were by his direction Iun. 3. But we refuse that fable of the Hebrewes as though Ioseph by his divining cup should know every ones age and so call him by his name to sit down Ioseph was far from using any such superstition 4. The cause then why Iosephs brethren marvelled was not because Benjamin had five parts to their one as Cajetane or because they had such great entertainment Mercer but they mused how Ioseph being as they supposed an Egyptian did know how to place them in order Iun. Muscul. QUEST X. How Benjamins messe was five times more than his brethrens Vers. 34. BEnjamins messe was five times so much as any of theirs 1. It is not like as some imagine that the rest of the brethren who were ten were two to a messe and Benjamin had five messes for so he should have as much as all the other ten which is not like 2. Some conjecture that the other brethren might have three messes a peece and Ioseph five more than any that is eight in all Perer. but then Iosephs messe was not five times greater than the rest as the text is 3. Tostatus thinketh that every one had five messes and that Benjamin had five messes but as big againe as theirs but this cannot be for Benjamins messes exceed rather in number than in quantity the word is rabah he multiplied 4. Iosephus also differeth from the Scripture in making Benjamins part but twice so much 5. Wherefore it is more probable that Benjamins messe was five times so much to any of his brethrens not comparing them all together but sunderly and apart that for every one of their messes Benjamin had five But that beside Benjamins common part among his brethren Ioseph should send him one Asenath his wife another Manasses and Ephraim each of them one to make up five is but a curious observation of the Hebrewes Mercer QUEST XI Why Ioseph gave to Benjamin a greater portion than the rest NOw Ioseph thus preferred Benjamin before his brethren though he were in the last place 1. Not to make the portions of Rachels children in giving five parts to Benjamin and keeping two to himselfe equall to the portions of Leahs seven children six sons and a daughter as Alexander Polyhistor ex Euseb. for Dinah Leahs daughter was not present to have a share among them 2. Neither as Lyranus was it to feele the minde of the brethren how they were affected toward Benjamin for after they had testified their love sufficiently in the next chapter
him to be a Magician after the manner of Egypt Mercer QUEST II. Why the searcher taketh no exception to the money found in their sacks mouth but onely to the cup. Vers. 12. ANd he searched and the cup was found in Benjamins sacke c. 1. He cunningly searcheth all their sacks though he knew well enough where to finde the cup that it might bee done without suspition Muscul. 2. Whereas the money was in every one of their sacks mouth which hee that searched found no fault with but onely for the cup it was not for that as Ramban thinketh the money was put there with their privity for the cup was conveyed into Benjamins sacke together with the money 3. But he passeth over the money with silence because he had told them before Genes 43.23 that God gave them their treasure and so he might say now againe Muscul. and if he had taken exception to the money they should all have beene stayed whereas Iosephs purpose onely was to have Benjamin apprehended for the triall of his brethrens affection toward him Mercer QUEST III. Why Iudah speaketh for the rest Vers. 16. THen said Iudah c. the Lord hath found out the iniquity c. 1. Iudah speaketh first and for the rest not because he had now the principality above his brethren as Calvin for that yet was not declared but because he was surety to Iacob for Benjamins returne and so this matter concerned him most Mercer 2. And this iniquity which God found out is not to be referred with Vatablus to this present accusation of theft whereof they were not guiltie but to their former trespasse committed toward Ioseph as they before confessed that trouble was befallen them for that cause Genes 42.21 Iunius Mercer QUEST IV. Why Iudah saith to Ioseph thou art aâ— Pharaoh Vers. 18. THou art even as Pharaoh 1. Iudah maketh mention of his great authority both to shew the reason of his former speech Let not thy wrath be kindled against thy servant he had reason to feare his displeasure being so great a person Iunius as also to shew that he was not ignorant of his greatnesse and therefore pressed to speake unto him not of any rude boldnesse but of necessity Calvin Likewise he doth by this meanes insinuate himselfe for great persons love to heare of their honour and authority Mercer 2. And now beginneth more lively to take effect that propheticall dreame of Ioseph that his brethren should bow downe to him as their King for so they objected to Ioseph Shalt thou reigne or bee a King over us Gen. 37.8 Muscul. QUEST V. How some things are omitted by Moses afterward expressed Vers. 19. HAve ye a father or a brother 1. This question asked by Ioseph is not set downe by Moses before in the story Gen. 42. in their first examination yet there is no doubt but that Ioseph so inquired of them for Iudah would not tell an untruth in his presence but Moses supplieth that here which was omitted before 2. Benjamin is called a little lad or youth jeled cathan in respect of the rest for otherwise he was now supposed to be thirtie yeares of age having ten children which went downe with him into Egypt Gen. 47. some thinke he was but 24. or 25. yeares old but that number of children will give him to be elder Mercer QUEST VI. Why Benjamin could not depart farre from his father Vers. 22. THe childe cannot depart from his father 1. This is neither a doubtfull speech whether to bee referred to Iacob or Benjamin as Aben Ezra as hee noteth that to bee of the same kinde Ruth 4.8 He drew off his shooe whether it be understood of the buyer or seller 2. Neither is it meant of Benjamin that he could not depart from his father without danger to himselfe as Ramban 3. But it is spoken in respect of Iacob whose love was such to Benjamin that he could not endure that he should goe from him and therefore Iudah saith that Iacobs life depended of his life vers 30. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Nothing is hid from Gods sight Vers. 16. THe Lord hath found out our wickednesse c. God then seeth all things he knoweth what is done in secret neither the darknesse of the night neither the secrecie of the place can hide from his sight and knowledge so the Apostle saith All things are naked and open in his eyes with whom we have to doe Heb. 4.13 2. Doct. Servitude and want of liberty the punishment of theft Vers. 16. BEhold we are servants to my Lord both we and he with whom the cup is found They judge themselves worthy of servitude and bondage because of this supposed theft of the cup It is therefore a just punishment that they which doe steale away the goods of others should lose the liberty and free use of their owne Muscul. Answerable hereunto is that law which was afterward made by Moses that if the theefe had not wherewithall to make restitution hee should be sold for his theft Exod. 22.4 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Against the vulgar Latine translation Vers. 28. ANd I said of a surety he is torne in peeces But the vulgar Latine translation readeth and yeâ— said whereas the truth is that Iosephs brethren did not so say to their father but onely shewed him Iacobs coat embrued with bloud but Iacob upon the sight thereof so gathered and said Ioseph surely is torne in peeces Gen. 37.33 2. Confut. Against Bellarmine that taketh faith for a vow Vers. 32. THe Latine translation readeth Ego hunc in fidem meam recepi I gave my faith or became surety for him from this place Bellarmine would justifie his exposition of that place 1 Tim. 5.12 Having damnation because they have broken the first faith which he would have understood of the vow of continencie as in this place Iudah by his faith meaneth the solemne promise made to his father But Bellarmine falleth in this collection for in the originall there is no word that signifieth faith the word here used is guarabh which is to be surety or undertake for another 6. Places of Morall use 1. Morall To use honour and wealth moderately Vers. 2. PVt my silver cup c. Ioseph might have used cups of gold and precious stone if hee would his honour riches and abundance was so great but he contenteth himselfe to drinke in silver and carrieth himselfe moderately in his great honour Calvin whereby men are taught in the middest of their prosperity to be humble and not to be proud of their riches as it is in the Psalme If riches increase set not your heart upon them Psal. 62.10 2. Morall That we should looke unto God in all our affliction Vers. 16. GOd hath found out the wickednesse c. Those men doe wisely acknowledge God to be the authour of their trouble and affliction and their sinne to have justly procured it Vatablus So should we in all
lay hand on them which properly belongeth to women as Rachel saith when she gave Bilha her maid to Iacob She shall beare upon my knees Gen. 30.3 3. The children are said to be brought up upon the fathers knees because they with joy imbrace their babes and dandle them on their knees Mercer Iunius QUEST XV. Why Ioseph would not presently be buried in Canaan Vers. 25. IOseph tooke an oath of the children of Israel 1. The Latine readeth only he tooke an oath of them but the Hebrewes well note that it is said of the children of Israel because not only the Patriarkes in person but all their posterity afterwards did take themselves bound to this oath and afterwards performed it 2. Ioseph did not presently charge them to bury him in Canaan but at their departure for these reasons 1. Because he would not prevent the time which God appointed for hee knew that God would visit them and deliver them Mercer 2. He did it to shew his faith as the Apostle sheweth that this motion proceeded of faith Hebr. 11.22 and that seeing they were to indure great affliction which Ioseph did foresee and therefore he saith God would visit them hee by this meanes would have them confirmed in the hope and expectation of their deliverance 3. Hee knew that the Egyptians would not suffer his body to be removed Perer. 4. And this would bee an occasion that the Egyptians should have Ioseph in remembrance leaving his monument among them and deale the better with his nation Mercer QUEST XVI Why Ioseph was buried in Secheni Vers. 25. YE shall carry my bones hence 1. This was accordingly performed by Moses when the Israelites came out of Egypt Exod. 13.19 2. Besides it is evident also out of the Scripture that Ioseph was buried in Sechem not because Ioseph was there sold into Egypt as some Hebrewes thinke for that done in Dothan not in Sechem Genes 37.17 neither as Rab. Salomon thinketh because Iacob gave Sechem to Ioseph to that end to be a place of buriall or for that Ioseph gave charge to his brethren there to bury him Mercer for no such thing is mentioned in the story But I rather thinke that the Israelites in their discretion did there bury him because that place was given him in speciall words by Iacob and because it fell out to be in the inheritance of his sonnes for which cause also they buried Iosua in his inheritance in mount Ephraim Iosua 24.30 32. QUEST XVII Whether the rest of the Patriarkes were buried in Sechem NOw whereas a question may be moved whether the Israelites removed the bones of the rest of the Patriarkes when they came out of Egypt 1. It is not like that the Patriarkes as they died in Egypt were removed to Hebron where Iacob was buried as Iosephus thinketh libr. 2. antiquiâ—at cap. 4. for this had beene a great trouble to make so many severall journeyes and seeing Iosephs bones were kept in Egypt there was no reason to remove the rest 2. Much more unlike it is as some thinke that they were translated to Sechem as they died for Ioseph was the first that was there buried 3. And that they were translated from Sechem by the sonnes of Hemor as some expound that place Act. 7.16 it is not probable for the Israelites after their returne would not have suffered any other to meddle with their fathers bones and before they returned they would rather have buried them in Hebron than in Sechem 4. Wherefore it is most likely that the Patriarkes bones were carried out of Egypt together with Iosephs bones and there all buried together as Stephen sheweth Act. 7.16 Perer. Consent And seeing mention is made of that place Act. 7.16 where it is said That Iacob and the fathers were removed to Sichem and put in the sepulcher which Abraham bought of the sonnes of Hemor of Sichem which place hath moved much question I will adde somewhat here of this matter to that which is before handled qu. 13. in Gen. 23. QUEST XVIII How Abraham is said Act. 7.19 to have bought the sepulcher of the sonnes of Hemor whereas he indeed bought it of Ephron 1. THere I refused their opinion that thinke Stephen might faile in memory and name Abraham for Iacob 2. Theirs also I rejected which thinke that Zophar Ephraims father of whom Abraham bought the ground was also called Hemor whereunto Pererius subscribeth 3. Neither doe I consent to Cajetane which thinketh that the Patriarkes were removed from Sichem to the sepulcher which Abraham bought by the sonnes of Hemor and so referre the last words of the sonnes of Hemor not to the verbe òné sato bought but to the word ètethésan put but this is not likely that the Sichemites had any thing to doe with their bones 4. Nor yet can I altogether approve Beza his conjecture that thinketh by the negligence of the scribes Abraham to be put into the text for Iacob the reasons why I refused these foure conjectures I have set downe in that place whither I referre the Reader 5. The Syrian Translater readeth in the singular metetéthe he was translated and etéthe was put and so understandeth it only of Iacob that he was removed to Sichem and from thence by the Sichemites carried to Hebron But the Scripture overthroweth this conjecture which testifieth that his sonnes buried him in Abrahams place of sepulture which he bought of Ephron Gen. 50.13 beside the originall copy in the Greeke readeth in the plurall not in the singular 6. I resolved in that place upon the exposition of histor scholastic from the which Iunius seemeth not much to differ histor scholastic transporteth the words thus And were translated to Sichem bought of the sonnes of Hemor and from thence put in the sepulcher which Abraham bought for money but this transposing may seeme very hard therefore Iunius transposeth not the words but thinketh the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be supplied that where it is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the sonnes he would have it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. beside that of the sonnes of Hemor that is bought of them and would have this to be the meaning that Iacob and the Patriarks were buried part of them in Abrahams sepulcher part in Sechem which Iacob bought To this interpretation that Stephen here abridgeth two histories of Abrahams and Iacobs purchase I gave liking before as the best of all the rest propounded 7. But since I have considered of another way to reconcile this place which doth satisfie my selfe best and this it is that by Abraham here is not understood the posterity of Abraham as Geâ—evens upon that place for that were an unproper kinde of speaking but I rather thinke according to the manner of the Hebrew tongue wherein Stephen then spake that there is here an eclipsis of a word of cognation as of sonne nephew or such like for it is usuall in the Scriptures to eclipse such termes and names of kindred as
them houses Vers. 22. ANd because the Mid-wives feared God and he made them houses c. There are two generall expositions of this place Some doe interpret the word Lahem them of the Mid-wives some of the people of Israel Of the first 1. Some referre it to the Israelites that they provided for the Mid-wives and kept them from Pharaoh but that is not like seeing the Israelites could not at this time defend themselves from Pharaohs rage 2. Some understand it of Pharaoh that he made strong houses for them that all the Hebrew women should come to them to be delivered but that had beene a thing impossible 3. Some referre it to God that he made them houses which is diversly expounded the Hebrewes supposing these Mid-wives to be Iochebed and Miriam by houses understand the Kingdome and Priesthood which was setled afterward in their of-spring for Iochebed was the mother of Aaron and Miriam they say maried to Calâ—b but this is uncertaine Iosephus writeth lib. 3. antiquit that she was the wife of Hur and it is before shewed that Miriam for her age could be none of them David Chimhi understandeth it of their preserving from the rage of Pharaoh Tostatus of their incorporating and graffing into the nation and common-wealth of Israel as Rahab was but it is more like they were Hebrew women as is before also touched and needed no such ingraffing Hierome understandeth it of spirituall houses in heaven so also Rupertus Augustine and Theodoret of giving them riches Pererius of increasing their families for so is the phrase used Sarah saith when she gave Hagar to Abraham I may be builded by her Gen. 16. And this uncertaintie there is in the first exposition 4. Therefore the second is rather to be preferred to understand it of the people that God made them houses that is families and increased them for these reasons 1. Because in the Hebrew there is a masculine pronoune lahem which although some thinke is sometime taken for the feminine as Exod. 2.17 Piscator and elsewhere and Vatablus saith that mem is sometime taken for nun yet it is more properly taken in the native and originall use where there is no necessitie otherwise to enforce it Iun. 2. Because the house and famille is not builded by the woman but by the man Simler 3. This better agreeth to the words going before that the people multiplied vers 20. and the words following if we read them thus And so it was because the Mid-wives feared God and he made them house That Pharaoh charged all his people c. Pharaoh seeing that God by the meanes and occasion of the Mid-wives as the instruments God as the author and chiefe cause increased the people then he cast about another way how to effect this cruell purpose Iun. Simler QUEST XVIII Whether the Mid-wives onely were temporally rewarded NOw what manner of reward it was which the Lord here giveth it may thus be briefly resolved 1. Neither with Gregorie is it to be thought that because of their dissimulation they were onely temporally rewarded for the text saith they feared God and the feare of God is not onely in this life but more rewarded in the life to come 2. Hierome and Rupertus here understand the spirituall and everlasting houses in heaven but the words before v. 20. shew that hereby a temporall blessing is insinuated the Mid-wives prospered the people multiplied 3. Therefore the last resolution is that no doubt the charitie and mercie of these Mid-wives and the feare of God in them was eternally rewarded but the temporall blessing is here onely expressed both in respect of the times because as Hierome saith Aeterna vitae promissio est propria novi testamenti The promise of eternall life is peculiar to the new Testament and in regard of carnall and weake men who are by temporall promises more easily allured so the promises made to Abraham whose saith and obedience were eternally crowned were in shew temporall as in the length of life increase of his posteritie victorie over his enemies as appeareth Gen. 15. ex Perer. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. That God is not the author of evill Vers. 12. THey were grieved or fretted because of the children of Israel But Psal. 105.25 it is said he turned their heart to hate his people The hatred and griefe which the Egyptians conceived against Israel seemeth to be ascribed to God yet farre be it from us to thinke that God is the author of the least sinne much lesse of so great a sinne as to hate the people of God for as God is not tempted with evill so neither tempteth he any man Iam. 1.13 This manner of phrase therefore in Scripture may receive five severall expositions which may all together be received first God is said to turne their heart not effective but permissive not by way of working but permitting or suffering as Theodoret because he gave way to their wicked will corumque insidias â—inimè prohibuerit and hindered not their evill purpose 2. God is said to doe it as he hardened Pharaohs heart subtrahendo gratiam by withholding his grace and leaving them to themselves Cajetan 3. God doth it as an universall cause because in him we move we live and have our being Act. 17. not as a particular agent as Rupertus useth this comparison Quemadmodum sol molle lutum convertit in durum As the Sunne turneth the clay and mire from soft to hard of which changing the Sun is onely the generall cause the proper and next cause is the qualitie of the matter 4. God turneth their heart into hatred occasionaliter by ministring the occasion onely as Aug. Non cor illorum malum faciendo sed populo bene faciendo cor eorum sponte malum convertit in odium Their heart being evill of it selfe he turned to hatred not by making it evill but by doing well unto his people God is said to doe it because he was the author of the welfare of his people whereby the envious Egyptians were provoked to hate them 5. The Lord is said to harden mens hearts ordinative disposative because he knoweth how to rule and dispose of their evill and obdurate hearts and turne it to his glorie as Augustine proceedeth in the same place Quo illorum odio ad exercitationem populi filii ad gloriam nomâ—nâ— suâ— usus est Deus Which their hatred God used both for the exercise of his people and to the glorie of his owne name Ex Perer. 2. Doct. God must rather be obeyed than men Vers. 17. NOtwithstanding the Mid-wives feared God and did not as the King of Egypt commanded This their refusall to obey the Kings wicked charge was both lawfull and commendable The things which belong to Caesar as tribute custome honor feare Rom. 13.7 must willingly and of conscience be yeelded to Caesar Matth. 22.21 But the things which belong to God must not be given to Caesar as to
Neither was this sinne of Moses veniall that is a light and small sinne for such sinnes the Lord passeth over in his children but here he was angry with Moses If the Lord should bee angry with every small sinne and oversight of his children who should abide it 3. The forbearing of punishment sheweth not the smalnesse of the sinne but the greatnesse of Gods mercie 4. Cajetanes observation is false for the same phrase â—ichar aph Iehovah Iehovahs wrath was kindled is used upon occasion of great sinnes as when the people murmured Numb 11.3 and lusted for quailes vers 33. the same words are there put 4. This then may safely be held that although Moses at the first might in humility disable himselfe yet after God had given him satisfaction to all his doubts upon his foure severall refusals first for his owne insufficiencie and the greatnesse of the businesse Chap. 3.11 Secondly because they might inquire after Gods name Chap. 3.14 Thirdly he excuseth himselfe by the incredulity of the people Lastly by his owne imperfection of speech yet after all this to stand still upon his refusall sheweth no small infirmitie in Moses as it may appeare by the effect because God was angrie with him yet Gods anger is not such against his children as against the wicked for there he is angry and punisheth here he is angrie and rebuketh but withdraweth not his favour for immediatly the Lord concurreth with Moses desire and giveth him his brother to be his assistant Simler So that Gods anger here is as when the father is angrie with his child or one friend with another which notwithstanding is no breach of friendship QUEST XII Why Aaron is called the Levite Vers. 14. AAron thy brother the Levite 1. This is not added because the Priesthood should have belonged to Moses the Leviticall order to Aaron but that Moses was deprived of that honour for refusing his calling as Rabbi Salomon Pellican 2. But because there might bee other Aarons not of Levie this is expressed by way of distinction that Moses might know that the Lord did meane none other Aaron but his owne naturall brother of Levi Iun. Simler 3. And this might bee also a reason thereof because the Lord purposed to annex the Priesthood to Aaron and his posteritie Osiander QUEST XIII How Moses is said to be as God to Aaron Vers. 16. THou shalt bee to him in Gods stead This sheweth 1. that Moses should bee superior unto Aaron as his Prince as the Chalde Paraphrast and Aaron as his Chancelor Moses should give him direction from God what to speake Osiander 2. By this also Moses authority is signified by the which as in Gods place he ordained Aaron to be the high Priest Pellican 3. Likewise he is as God that is a wise counsellor and full of Gods spirit to whom Aaron should resort for counsell Vatab. Genevens 4. And as Aaron was Moses spokesman to the people so Moses should bee Aarons mouth to consult with God so the Septuagint and Latine read Thou shalt be for him in those things which appertaine to God 5. But Moses in another sense is said to bee Pharaohs God Exod. 7.1 not only to declare Gods will unto him but to execute Gods judgements upon him Genevens QUEST XIV Whether Moses did well being called of God in taking his leave of his father in law Vers. 18. THerefore Moses went and returned to Iethro 1. Some doe charge Moses here with an oversight that he presently dispatched not into Egypt but first tooke his leave of his father in law for Iacob went away without Labans privity and S. Paul saith that hee did not consult with flesh and bloud after he was called Galath 1. 2. Contra these examples are altogether unlike for Laban was unfriendly to Iacob and he feared he would worke him some displeasure and Iacob was then at his owne hand and kept sheepe for himselfe and beside he had in a manner sold over his daughters to Iacob and used them as strangers But Moses had a kinde and loving father in law he then kept his sheepe as hee covenanted and he entertained Zipporah still as his daughter and therefore Moses could not in humanity but take his leave of him 3. S. Paul consulted not with any for the approbation of his calling being therefore fully assured neither doth Moses conferre with Iethro to any such end but only to performe the office of humanity Simler 4. Wherefore the calling of God doth not take away civill duties toward parents and kindred saving where they are an impediment to our calling in which case wee are rather to forsake father and mother than to disobey God 5. Moses therefore taketh his leave of Iethro both because he purposed to carry away his wife and children and for that he had before covenanted to stay with Iethro chap. 2.21 Ferus QUEST XV. Why Moses concealed from Iethro the principall end of his going LEt me goe and returne to my brethren 1. Moses concealeth from his father in law the principall cause of his journey which was the calling of God both for that he sought Gods glorie and not his owne Ferus lest he should have seemed to boast of his visions Osiander and he doth keepe it secret of modesty least he might be thought to be a vaine man in telling such incredible things 2. In saying he went to see whether his brethren were alive and to visite them he dissembleth not though he went to doe more and it is evident by taking his wife and children with him that Iethro knew hee purposed not only to visite them but to stay there so that it seemeth likely that Moses imparted so much of his purpose concerning his stay there Simler and in generall also that he went for the comfort and profit of his brethren as Iosepus but in particular he kept secret the end of his going 3. Iethro being a good man would not hinder so charitable a worke though he had speciall use of him Ferus especially having such experience of the fidelitie and wisedome of Moses that without great cause he knew he would not desire to depart from him Simler QUEST XVI Whether God spake to Moses in Midian beside that vision in Horeb. Vers. 19. ANd Iehovah said to Moses 1. Some thinke that this sentence is transposed and that God thus spake unto Moses before he had moved his father in law Genevens Pellican But although such transposing of the order be usuall in Scriptures yet heere it need not to bee admitted for God might often appeare to Moses to confirme him Iun. and this was said in Midian the other vision was in Horeb the distinction of the place sheweth them to be divers apparitions Simler 2. The Lord to encourage Moses taketh away all doubts and telleth him that all which sought his life as well Pharaoh as the pursuers of the bloud of the slaine were dead Iun. And thus much Moses might impart also to his father
text is against his conjecture and Zipporah calleth him a bloudy husband because shee was forced to draw her owne childs bloud with that cutting which she was not put to before 2. Some therefore thinke that Moses had left one of his sonnes with his father in law as a pledge of his love and sincere affection so that he had one only child with him Hugo But the text also is against this conceit for Moses tooke both his sonnes with him vers 20. 3. Some thinke that Eleazar Moses youngest sonne was borne but a little before Moses tooke his journey and that for haste thereof he deferred his circumcision Lyranus Thostatus Pererius But if Moses had it in mind to circumcise his child he would not of purpose have transgressed the law of circumcision which exactly requireth every male to be circumcised the eight day 4. Wherefore the more probable conjecture is that Moses seeing the circumcision of his first child to have beene so offensively taken did in gratiam uxoris to content his wife forbeare this deferring then of circumcision proceeded rather of his humane infirmity and forgetfulnesse than of any set or deliberate councell And this the circumstance of the text will beare seeing Zipporah as not yet thorowly acquainted with this mystery doth cast away the foreskin with such indignation Iunius Pellican Piscator QUEST XXVIII At whose feete Zipporah and what she cast Vers. 25. CAst it at his feet c. 1. The Septuagint read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fell downe at his feete so also Cajetane whose meaning is that Zipporah fell downe at the Angels feete intreating to spare her husband but so soone as the child was circumcised Moses recovered and the Angell left him 2. Rupertus readeth after the same manner shee fell downe thinking that shee was prostrate at Moses feete intreating him to dismisse her But Moses rather sent her backe in his owne discretion unto his father with her children it had beene an unwomanly part and not commendable for the wife to desire to depart from such an husband Simler 3. But whereas the Hebrew word tagangh signifieth she caused it to touch that is cast some say she cast the circumcised foreskin at the feete of the Angell to appease him so the Chalde Paraphrast and Tharg Hierâ—solymitan but the words following in the next verse shew that she cast it at his feete whom she called bloudy husband Perer. 4. Some referre it to the child that shee cast it at his feete and Kimhi saith it was an use among the Hebrewes to call the infant circumcised the spouse or husband But to what end should Zipporah say thus to a young infant that understood her not Simler 5. Therefore she cast it at Moses feete whom in indignation she calleth bloudy husband Simler Iun. Perer. QUEST XXIX Why Zipporah calleth Moses husband of bloud Vers. 26. THou art indeed a bloudy husband unto mee 1. The Septuagint translate the bloud of my sonne stetit is stayed which translation having no ground at all or colour out of the originall but Augustine to great businesse quaest 11. in Exod. and maketh him flie unto allegories and mysteries for it seemeth to make a contrary sense unto the originall seeing she called Moses a bloudy husband because of shedding of her sonnes bloud it is like then it stayed not 2. Rabanus thinketh that shee called Moses so and accuseth him of cruelty for commanding her to circumcise her child so also Vatablus But seeing shee by this meanes redeemed her husbands life shee no doubt did not thinke much of her childs circumcision in that behalfe but thought it well done to save his life 3. Some thinke shee by bloud meaneth not only this present griefe but other troubles which she was like to endure as if shee should say if our journey began with such a hard hap what is the end like to be 4. Aben Ezra will have Zipporah thus to say unto the child whom they used to call chatan husband spouse because of the joy of circumcision whom she first calleth husband of bloud because she feared that her husband would dye but when she saw he was escaped then she correcteth her speech and calleth him husband of bloud because of the circumcision but this name of husband who seâ—th not better to agree to Moses than to her child Ex Perer. 5. Wherefore she thus saith unto Moses calling him husband of bloud both because shee was faine to redeeme him with the bloud of her child and in respect of circumcision it selfe which she held to be a bloudy law being not yet thorowly instructed in these rites sic Thostatus Iunius Ferus but shee calleth him not man of bloud which name in Scripture is given to cruell and bloudy men but husband of bloud QUEST XXX Whether those words rehearsed againe were uttered by Zipporah or by Moses the writer Vers. 26. BVt shee had said husband of bloud because of the circumcision 1. Piscator because the word is put in the plurall circumcisions thinketh that she so speaketh in respect of the circumcision of both her sonnes but seeing one of them only is here circumcised and because at this time only Zipporah was put to doe it her selfe which caused her thus to say shee so speaketh because of the circumcision of this child 2. Some thinke that these are the words of Zipporah and that shee either qualifieth her former speech turning her words which she had uttered of the bloud and death of her husband for so Aben Ezra taketh them to be spoken to the child that he was circumcised with the death and losse of her husband and after that by this circumcision she perceived her husband to bee recovered shee applied her speech to circumcision Iunius in his Analysis saving that hee holdeth these words to be uttered to Moses and not to the child expresseth the same meaning that Zipporah expoundeth and excuseth her former words that by bloud she understandeth circumcision whereby the young infant being upon the way and in an Inne might bee put in danger 3. But I rather approve Iunius judgement in his annotations that these are the words of Moses rather than of Zipporah shewing a reason of her speech for that shee repeated the same words being uttered with indignation twice it is not like especially after that the danger was over shee had small cause to expostulate with Moses for then she had shewed that shee had preferred the childes health before the life of her husband so also Zeiglerus QUEST XXXI How Zipporah knew that Moses was striken for the neglect of circumcision BUt another question will be here moved how Zipporah knew that Moses was in danger for neglect of circumcision 1. Some thinke that the Angel appeared in a visible shape and both by signes and words threatned Moses because his child was uncircumcised Cajetan But to devise words or speech to be said beside Scripture it is not safe 2. Some thinke that Moses was put in mind
by this sudden sicknesse of his fault and spake or made signes to his wife to circumcise the child Aben Ezra Simler But the suddennesse and greatnesse of the sicknesse which made Moses altogether unable to doe it himselfe may be thought also to have given him small respite either to bethinke himselfe or to give notice to his wife 3. Some thinke that shee had heard before of her husband how straightly they were injoyned to circumcise their children the eight day and that of her selfe it came into her minde that they had not done well in omitting the childs circumcision Osiander But it seemeth by her words of indignation that shee had not so reverent an opinion of the necessity of circumcision as of her selfe to enter into an action so much displeasing unto her 4. Therefore I consent with Iunius that whether the Angell appeared in visible shape or no as some thinke yet by evident signes it appeared both to Moses and Zipporah that Gods wrath came upon him for that cause the phrase here used that the Lord occurrebat ei came upon him dimisit cum and departed from him doth shew that God after some sensible manner assaulted Moses that they both knew both from whence that sudden stroke came and for what cause QUEST XXXII Who it was that departed from Moses Vers. 26. SO he departed from him 1. Not Zipporah tooke her leave of Moses and returned to her father as Lyranus for beside that the Verbe is put in the Masculine gender in the originall it is more like that Moses sent Zâ—pporah backe than that shee first sought it 2. Nor yet is the meaning that Moses left him that is his child new circumcised and sent him backe to his father in law as Paulus Burgensis It should have beene said then that Moses left her which is his wife rather than him that is the infant that could not shift for himselfe Perer. 3. And to understand it of the disease that it left him is somewhat improper But it must be referred to the Angell for he departed now from Moses that before â—an upon him met him or assaulted him sic August q. 11. in Exod. QUEST XXXIII Of the mysticall application of this story NOw for the mysticall application of this story 1. That of Gregory Nyssen is somewhat farre fetcht that Moses married to Zipporah a Midianitish woman sheweth a Christian teacher addicted to Philosophie which he must circumcise and pare off many errorâ— from before it can bee admitted in Christianity 2. So is also that application of Pererius not so fit that as Moses was chastised because one of his children was uncircumcised though the other had received circumcision so it suffiseth not the judgement only to be reformed and circumcised but the will and affection also must be purged 3. That of Ferus is more fit that Christ may be said to be our husband of bloud by whose bloud we are purged And Zipporah betokeneth the Church which by repentance doth circumcise her children to make them acceptable unto God QUEST XXXIV What manner of faith it was which the people had in beleeving Moses Vers. 31. SO the people beleeved 1. Not all the people whom the Egyptian taskmasters would not suffer to intermit their worke Simler but a convenient number of the people gathered together with the Elders Pellican 2. These having seene the signes before mentioned as the Rod turned into a Serpent Mosâ—s hand suddenly to become leprous and to be healed againe and the water turned into bloud gave credit unto Moses and Aaron and beleeved they were sent of God Osiander 3. But this seemeth to have beene but a temporarie faith for a while after they are offended with Moses and Aaron when their affliction at the first was made more heavy Simler 4. And now they see the effect of Gods promise that the people should at the first hearken unto them Chap. 3.18 Borrh. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. The use of true miracles Vers. 5. THat they may beleeve The end then and use of true miracles is to confirme faith whatsoever miracles are wrought to any other end as to perswade any false doctrine and to draw away the people from the true worship of God are false miracles wrought by the operation of Satan and are not to be regarded as Moses sheweth Deut. 13.2 Simler 2. Doct. Things by their nature noxious and hurtfull are subdued to the faithfull Vers. 4. HE put forth his hand and caught it By this that this Serpent is turned againe into a Rod and hath no power to hurt or harme Moses we see that by the power of God things by nature hurtfull yet to the beleeving and faithfull are not noxious or discommodious The Lions mouthes were stopped against Daniel the Viper that leaped upon Pauls hand forgat her kind This power and privilege floweth from Christ our head which as it is externally shewed in such miraculous workes so spiritually it is now seene in that the old Serpent the enemie of mankind hath no power to hurt any of the members of Christ. Simlerus 3. Doct. Temporary obedience doth often turne aside a temporary punishment Vers. 26. SO he departed from him c. Zipporah here not of any devotion but of necessity circumcised her sonne yet it pleased God so to accept of this forced obedience that he spared Moses so many times a temporary and externall obedience doth turne away a temporall punishment as Ahabs sackcloth put off the punishment threatned that it came not in his dayes So the Samaritanes corrupt worship of God delivered them from the Lions 2. Kings 17. Simler Piscator If God be so pleased sometime with outward service accepting the small beginnings of those that are comming unto him how much more acceptable unto him is the true spirituall worship 5. Places of controversie 1. Cont. Against popish transubstantiation Vers. 3. ANd it was turned into a Serpent This can give no warrant to the popish transubstantiation and that imagined conversion of the bread into the body of Christ for here both the Scripture testifieth that the Rod was turned into a Serpent and the sense discerned it but they can shew neither word for their devised change and sense also is against it Simler 2. Cont. Against the Arrians that Christ is a true God Vers. 16. THou shalt be to him as God The Arrians most blasphemously abuse this place making Christ no otherwise God than Moses is called God Cont. 1. Not the name Elohâ—m only is given unto Christ but Iehovah which is given to no creature 2. Not only the name of God but honour and worship are given unto him and to no creature beside Let all the Angels of God worship him Hebr. 1.6 Simler 3. Where the word Elohim is given unto men it is not properly attributed unto them but by way of comparison with others as here in respect of Aaron Moses is so called as by way of relation unto God because they are in
procureth divers plagues as here Moses feareth lest the people if they should not offer sacrifice and doe service unto God should be punished Simler So the Apostle affirmeth that the Corinthians were chastised some with sicknesse some with death for unreverent receiving of the Lords supper 1 Cor. 10.30 2. Observ. Many receive the Gospell joyfully at the first but after fall away Vers. 21. THe Lord looke upon you and judge At the first this people when Moses brought them a joyfull message of their deliverance were glad and thankfully received that gladsome tidings chap. 4.31 But now being more vexed and oppressed than before and not seeing their present deliverance they murmure against Moses Such is the propertie of many in these dayes that are content to receive the Gospell as long as it bringeth ease and prosperitie with it but in time of adversitie they fall away Ferus whom our Saviour compareth unto seed sowne in stony ground which as soone as it riseth is parched away with the heate of the sunne Matth. 13.5 3. Observ. The Gospell falsly challenged to be the cause of Gods judgements Vers. 21. YE have put a sword into their hand to slay us They lay the fault upon Moses and Aaron and make them the cause of their trouble So Achab charged the Prophet Elias that he troubled Israel Thus the heathen Idolaters accused the Christians as the causes of the plagues and famines that were in the world as blind superstitious people doe now lay the like imputations upon the Gospell whereas their superstition and Idolatrie procureth Gods judgements Simler 4. Observ. In the time of affliction we must fly unto God by prayer Vers. 22. MOses returned to the Lord c. By which example wee are taught in all our afflictions and necessities to have recourse unto God by prayer as the Apostle prescribeth If any man be afflicted let him pray Iam. 5.13 So the Prophet saith For my friendship they were my adversaries but I gave my selfe unto prayer Psal. 109.4 5. Observ. Some things fall out in shew contrarie to Gods promises in the beginning to trie our faith Vers. 23. ANd yet thou hast not delivered thy people The Lord after he hath made gracious promises to his servants doth suffer some things contrarie thereunto to fall out for the time for the triall of their faith and patience God promiseth unto Abraham to multiplie his seed as the starres of heaven and yet afterward bid him sacrifice his sonne in whom the hope of his seed was So God promised the Israelites prosperous successe against Benjamin yet at the first they were twice overcome David was annointed King in Sauls place yet hee was persecuted of Saul and driven from his countrie for a while but at the length the Lord made good to the full all his promises toward him Perer. CHAP. VI. 1. The Argument and method THis chapter hath two parts the first is a declaration or rehearsall of the charge which the Lord giveth unto Moses which containeth a double commandement or commission the first to goe unto the Israelites to promise them deliverance unto vers 20. The other unto Pharaoh to vers 14. In the former three things are shewed 1. The foundation of the peoples deliverance which consisteth in the power of God vers 3. his promises made to the fathers vers 4. his compassion upon the afflictions of the people vers 6. 2. The promise followeth partly to deliver them out of bondage vers 6.7 partly to bring them into the land of Canaan vers 8. 3. The effect is shewed that the people because they were afflicted hearkened not unto him In the other commission first the Lords commandement is set downe vers 11.2 Then Moses refuâ—â—â— vers 12. 4. The renewing of the commandement In the second generall part by way of digression is inserted the genealogie of Moses who came of Levi wherein first briefly the genealogie of the two elder sonnes of Iacob Ruben and Simeon is set downe vers 14.15 to make a way for Levi. Then the genealogie of Levi is expressed and of his three sonnes of Gershom vers 17. Merari vers 19. of Kohath and of his sonnes Amram of whom came Moses and Aaron who are specially insisted upon vers 25. to the end and of Izzari vers 21. and Vzziel vers 22. 2. The divers readings Vers. 3. I appeard c. in the name of God almightie I.G. in God shaddai V. as an almightie God B. being their God S. but the word name is fitly supplied as the other part of the verse sheweth but in my name Iehovah c. But in my name Iehovah was I not knowne B.G.I.V.A.P. better than my name Adonai H. my name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord. S. Vers. 7. That I Iehovah bring you out from the burdens of the Egyptians B. G. cum caeter rather from being under the burdens A. that ye be not subject to the burdens I. Vers. 8. Which I did lift up my hand to give it A. B. H. better than upon the which I lift up my hand to give it L. S. P. for upon is not in the text or for the which V. for also is added or which with lâ—ft-up hand I sware to give I. I sware is inserted Vers. 12. Gave them a commandement to the children of Israel V. L. I. or commanded them to the children of Israel A. P. better than concerning the children of Israel B. the preposition el signifieth to or then gave them a charge to goe to the children of Israel G. S. to goe is added Vers. 14. Chenoch and pallâ— A.P. rather than Chanoch I. for it is hatephpathah where pathah is assumed to sheva to helpe to pronounce it and it is better expressed with e than a as the Septuag Hanoch so also V.L. for it is expressed with the some points with the other Henoch Gen. 5. and rather than Henoch S.L.V.B.G. for it is written with cheth which is rather expressed with ch than h. Chetzron I. rather than Hesron L. B. or without an aspiration Esron S. or Hetzron V. or Chezron A P. The first letter is cheth which is as much as ch the other tsadi which is expressed by â—z Vers. 16. Kehath I. B. A. P. rather than Caath L. S. or Cahat V. or Kahath G. for it is with sheva which soundeth e. Vers. 18. The yeeres of the life of Kohath I.V.L. cum caeter rather than Kahath lived B. G. Vers. 25. Pinchas I.A.P. not Pinhas V. or Phinees L.S. or Phinehas G. for the middle letter is cheth ch but because of the better sound the last is used Vers. 27. These are they that spake to Pharaoh and in the end of the verse This is that Moses and Aaron I. V. L. S. cum caeter better than these are that Moses and Aaron which spake B. G. Vers. 29. And it was what day the Lord spake I. V. A. P. better than in the day that the Lord
the naturall burning of certaine mountaines as of Aetna in Cicilia Vesuvius in Campania It is found by experience that certaine things putrifie not as the flesh of a Peacoke as Augustine saith and coales upon the which for the same cause Chersiphron founded the temple of Diana lime boyleth with water and is quenched with oile the adamant is so hard that it cannot bee broken upon a smithes anvill the Agrigentine salt melteth in the fire and sparkleth in the water there is said to bee a fountaine among the Garamants that boileth in the night and freezeth in the day the stone Asbestus burneth continually being once set on fire and is never extinct the wood of a certaine figge tree in Egypt sinketh in the water in the Isle Tilo the trees cast no leaves in the Temple of Venus there was a lampe that no tempest could put out and Lodovicus Vives there reporteth that a certaine lampe was found in a grave that had burned above 1050. yeeres At Alexandria in the Temple of Serapis a certaine image of iron did hang in the top by reason of a certaine loadstone which was inclosed in the roofe These and other such like strange things in nature Augustine remembreth Some wee have knowledge of but many secrets of nature are hid from us but knowne unto the spirits who by this meanes doe worke wonders only producing extraordinarie effects of nature 4. Augustine further in another place sheweth the reason thereof in this manner Sunt occulta quaedam semina arborum plantarum c. in elementis c. There are certaine hid seeds of trees plants in the elements for as there are visible seeds so there are hid seeds which give unto the other their vertue like as then the husbandman doth not create corne but bringeth it out by his labour so the evill Angels doe not create things but only doe draw forth those seeds which are unknowne to us but well knowne to them As Iacob did not create that variety of colour in the sheep but by applying of particoloured rods brought it forth sicut ergo matres gravidae sunt foetibus itâ— mundus gravidus est causis seminibus nascentium Then as mothers that are great with child so the world is full of such seeds and causes of the beginning of things which causes they better knowing then we doe worke wonders yea wee see that men by the pounding of certaine herbes and by such like meanes can cause wormes and other like small creatures to come forth To this purpose Augustine QUEST XVI What workes in naturall things are forbidden unto spirits to doe IT followeth now to shew as wee have seene what things are possible to bee done by spirits so what things are out of their reach and beyond their power 1. Touching the immediate action of spirits which is by locall motion the Devill cannot destroy the world or any principall part thereof nor subvert the order and course of nature he cannot change the course of the heavens or put the starres out of their place neither although he may work some alteration in some part of the earth the whole he cannot remove these and such great workes he cannot doe Perer. ex Aquinat the reason is this because this were to crosse the Creator who by his providence as by his power hee created the world and all that is therein so he preserveth the same in that order which he hath appointed as the Psalmist saith The earth is the Lords and all that therein is hee hath founded it upon the sea and established it upon the flouds Psalm 24.1 2. Secondly concerning the other mediate action of spirits by the instrument and mediation of the creatures these things are denied unto spirits 1. They cannot create any thing of nothing for that argueth an infinite power and is peculiar unto God 2. The Devill being himselfe spirituall and without a bodily substance cannot immediatly change or transforme any materiall or corporall substance without some other naturall cause comming betweene 3. Neither can these spirits change any naturall thing into an other naturall thing immediatly without that subordination of nature and preparation and disposition of the matter which is observed in the generation of things therefore hee cannot bring forth a beast without seed nor a perfect beast all at once because naturally both the generation of such things is by seed and they receive their increase and growth not all at once but by degrees and in time therefore when by the operation of Satan lions and beares and such like creatures have beene made to appeare either they were but phantasies and no such things indeed or were transported from some other place and by this reason he cannot restore dead bodies to life because the body being void of naturall heat and spirits is not fit to entertaine the soule 4. Neither can Satan hinder the operation of naturall things if nothing be wanting which is necessâ—ry for their working And generally whatsoever alteration may be made by naturall causes as wormes and frogs and such like may come of pâ—â—refaction these things may be atchieved and compassed by spirits but such changes and transmutations as cannot be done by naturall meanes as to turne a man into a beast are not within the limits of Devils power But when such things seeme to be done they are in shew rather than truth which may be done two wayes either by so binding and blinding the inward phantasie and sense as that may seeme to be which is not or by fashioning some such shape and forme outwardly and objecting it to the sense Perer. Ex Aquinat QUEST XVII Whether Satan can raise the spirits and soules of the dead AMong other things which exceed the power of spirits it is affirmed before that they cannot raise the soules of men departed as Necromancers doe take upon them to talke with the dead 1. Let us see the vaine opinion of the heathen of this devilish Necromancy Porphyrius writeth that the soules of wicked men are turned into Devils and doe appeare in divers shapes and the soules of them that want buriall doe wander about their bodies and sometimes are compelled to resume their bodies Likewise Hosthanes did professe and promise to raise what dead soever and to bring them to talke with the living as Plinie writeth lib. 30. cap. 2. who in the same place reporteth a farre more strange or rather fabulous thing that Appion the Grammarian should tell of a certaine herb called Cynocephalia and of the Egyptians Osirites which hath power to raise the dead and that thereby he called Homers ghost to inquire of him touching his countrie and parents There were among the Gentiles certaine places famous for Necromancie where they received oracles from the dead as they were made to beleeve such was the Cymmerian oracle at the lake Avernam in Campania such was Ericthone the Thessalian that raised up the dead to declare to Sextus Pompeius the successe
doth deere them and easeth the paine It seemeth this plague consisted most of the common sort of frogs because they came out of the waters yet there might be a mixture also of the other sorts especially of the Rubetae to make the plague more grievous 3. And in this plague this was strange and extraordinary that the frogs left the waters their proper element and scralled upon the land and entered their houses Simler QUEST II. Of the greatnesse of this plague frogs COncerning the greatnesse of this plague 1. Philo noteth that those frogs filled the high wayes and their houses yea crept into their Temples and did climbe up into their upper chambers so that they were at their wits end 2. Iosâ—phus sâ—ith that beside the annoyance which they brought upon the land leaping upon their meat and drinke that the waters were corrupted by them so that it stanke of them and was putrified and full of corruption Some Hebrewes write also that they crept into their mouthes when they were asleepe and entred â—nto their bowels 3. Thus the Egyptians by this plague were cumbred and punished in all their senses in their sight with the number and uglinesse of them in their hearing with their croaking in their taste by corrupting their victuals in their smell with the stinch of them in their feeling with their â—iting and venom Pererius 4. This plague was sutable to their sinne for as they regarded not the pitifull and mournfull cries of the infants which they cast into the water so now are they vexed with the crying and croaking of frogges Infants as Theodoret noteth are herein resembâ—ed to cralling frogs because they doe so creepe upon their hands and feete before they are strong to goe Perer. 5. We reade that in time past whole Cities have beene dispeopled by frogs that invaded them without any miraculous worke Plinie out of Varro reporteth of a City in France where the people were driven away by frogs Paulus Oroâ—â—us writeth that the Abderites were chased out of their Country by frogs and craved of Cassâ—nder King of Macedonia some other place of habitation Perer. So the Artoriitae of India and the people inhabiting about Paeonia and Dardania were invaded of frogs Egypt also out of the slime thereof is apt to engender frogs as Iosephus writeth and for this cause the bird Ibis is honoured among them because that kind destroyeth the frogs But there is a great difference betweene this miraculous worke and the other first in respect of the infinite number of them and their generall overspreading secondly those frogs were ingendred not all at once but by little and little here as soone as Aaron had stretched out his hand this great army of frogs was raised thirdly they all are suddenly destroyed and gathered in heapes the other as they came not all at once so neither doe they goe away all together Simler QUEST III. From whence this great aboundance of frogs came THis aboundance of frogs 1. Came neither out of the slime as Iosephus thinketh into the which hee saith they were resolved againe 2. Neither yet altogether out of the waters for though Egypt is full of pooles of water and lakes yet they sufficed not to fill all Egypt with frogges 3. Therefore they were brought forth by the power of God neither did the frogs of any naturall instinct leave the waters to creepe upon the land but like as God by the ministry of his Angels brought all the creatures to Adam to receive their names and afterward unto Noah in the Arke so were these frogs brought together and sent upon the land Perer. QUEST IV. In what place and how the Sorcerers brought forth frogs Vers. 7. THe Sorcerers did likewise 1. They brought not forth true frogs but counterfeit as before in the first plague but the frogs that Aaron caused were frogs indeed for afterward they were gathered into heapes and the land stanke of them that it might appeare to be a true miracle Pellican 2. These Sorcerers though in shew they could bring forth frogs yet they could not remove the plague of frogs which was sent upon the land Osiander 3. The place where the Sorcerers shewed their skill was in the land of Goshen which was exempted both from these and the other plagues for the Lord threatneth only to bring the frogs upon Pharaoh and his people vers 3. Iun. Simler QUEST V. Why Pharaoh calleth now for Moses and not before Vers. 8. THen Pharaoh called for Moses c. Pharaoh called not for Moses to pray for him to remove the first plague though both Philo and Iosephus so affirme there being no such thing expressed before it is hard for any man to imagine that which there is no warrant for 2. Therefore this may be the cause why Pharaoh is forced now to flee unto Moses and not before because this was a more grievous and intolerable plague which is extended upon Pharaoh and his house none are exempted from it in the other plague they might make some shift to helpe themselves as the richer sort with wine the poorer with the juyce of herbes and such like but against this plague there is no remedy Perer. 3. But it seemeth that Pharaoh had a double meaning he would have the frogs removed first that afterward hee might call backe his promise for dismissing of the people Simler QUEST VI. Why Moses saith to Pharaoh take this honour to thee Vers. 9. TAke this honour over me when I shall pray 1. Some refer these words to the event that when the frogs were removed Pharaoh should have good cause to boast of Moses and to rejoyce that he was so neere at hand to helpe him Vatab. 2. Some understand Moses to speake by way of comparison that he had now no cause to boast of his Sorcerers that could not helpe but in Moses Simler 3. But the meaning seemeth rather to be this that Moses doth yeeld unto Pharaoh this honour to appoint a time when the frogs should be taken away that God might receive greater honour thereby Iun. QUEST VII Whether Moses tempted God in prescribing the time of removing the plagues AT what time I shall pray for thee 1. Moses doth not tempt God in appointing a time for this worke as the Bethulians did Iudith chap. 7. that limited to themselves the space of five dayes to expect helpe from God for they speake doubtfully but Moses confidently Simler 2. Neither herein did Moses presume but he was assured of Gods assistance not being so much confirmed by the successe of the miracles hitherto as building upon Gods promise who had made him a God unto Pharaoh both to bind and loose to doe and undoe Simler Borrh. 3. And Moses leaveth it to Pharaohs choice to appoint a time least he might have bin thought to have wrought by constellation or other astrologicall meanes Pellican QUEST VIII Of the use and application of this plague of the frogs COncerning the application of this plague 1.
the other plagues were but the Scripture maketh no mention of it as many matters of fact are omitted beside but Thostatus refuseth this conjecture for why should this bee onely here expressed that Pharaoh sent if he had done it at other times 2. Some thinke that the other plagues all but the first as of the frogges the lice and swarmes were such as Pharaoh could not send and in the plagues following but in the first Pharaoh did not then bethinke himselfe of any such thing Perer. 3. But it is more likely that Pharaoh though now twice he had been told so much by Moses did neglect to trie whether the Israelites were exempted from these plagues or no. Simler QUEST VII Why Pharaoh called not to Moses to pray PHaraoh entreated not Moses at this time to pray to God to remove this plague partly through envie and griefe to see the privilege and freedome of the Israelites which was an occasion of the hardning of his heart partly because the other plagues continued sometime and so might be remooved But this plague of mortalitie and murraine came all at once and suddenly swept the cattell away so that no remedie was left neither was there place for prayer to remoove it after this plague had suddenly smitten their cattell in all their coasts Pererius QUEST VIII Whether this plague were naturall or supernaturall COncerning the kind of this plague 1. It is evident that it was no naturall plague but supernaturall for the text saith the hand of God should be upon their cattell that is should smite them immediately no meanes being used at all not so much as Aarons rod whereby other plagues were called for And beside it was not infectious as other naturall plagues are for the cattell of the Israelites feeding among the Egyptians cattell they dwelling in the middest of them were not smitten at all with this plague Simler 2. Yet there might be some preparation unto this plague by the former as it is mentioned cap. 8.14 that the land stunke of the dead frogges and so both the aire and ground were corrupted apt to breed putrefaction Perer. But this was not the cause of the plague for if the earth and aire generally had been corrupted the men had died as well as the beasts QUEST IX Why Moses is the minister of the sixt plague Vers. 10. ANd Moses sprinkled them toward heaven 1. They both tooke the ashes out of the fornace but Moses sprinkled them toward heaven Philo saith that Aaron was the Minister of those plagues wherewith the earth and water were smitten and Moses of those which came from heaven out of the aire Augustine giveth this reason because Aarons office was to speake to the people he worketh upon the earth and water because Moses was in the things that belonged to God hee is the minister of those plagues which came from above But these are curious observations The reason rather was this they stood both before Pharaoh and therefore Moses as the chiefe whom the Lord had made as Pharaohs God he is the minister of this wonder Ferus 2. As the two first signes were of the water the two next on the earth so this is wrought in the aire Simler rather than the element of fire as Ferus QUEST X. Of the sixt plague of boyles and of the manner thereof Vers. 10. ANd there came boyles breaking out First the handfull of ashes being cast into the aire there was raised as a cloud of white dust like unto the ashes of the fornace over all Egypt which dust could not be engendred of that handfull but upon the sprinkling of the ashes the Lord by his great power caused that cloud of dust in the aire over al Egypt 2. The matter which is here used is somewhat answerable to the effect for as Moses taketh of the white ashes of the fornace so they falling upon man beast caused burning boyles which at the first swelled hoved the flesh then brake forth into sores the word here used for blisters is derived of bagnah which signifieth to boyle up as the water doth at the fire Borrh. Perer. Philo. thinketh that these sores or boiles were over al their bodie grew into one being most grievous to behold 3. This plague is answerable to the Egyptians sinne for as they oppresse the Israelites with fornace work in the burning of brick so they are punished with burning sores which came of the ashes taken out of the fornace Perer. QUEST XI Why the Egyptians are smitten with vlcers Vers. 11. ANd the boyles are upon the enchanters 1. This sheweth that the Magitians though before they had confessed the power of God yet doe persist still in their malice against Moses Simler Hereupon Cajetane thinketh that they did not acknowledge the power of God before but rather some superiour power of the spirits but this followeth not because they resist Moses still that they did not confesse the power of God before for like as the same aire that is illuminate by the sunne is darkened when the sunne is gone away so no marvell if the minds of the wicked after they have received some light be darkned againe Perer. 2. This is the third time that these sorcerers are confounded first when Aarons serpent eat up theirs secondly when their power was restrained in the third plague and now because they will not yet give over they are punished 3. Like unto these sorcerers are all unfaithfull counsellers to Princes whom the Lord in like manner will plague Borrh. And thus the Magitians of that Pharaoh of Rome are smitten with exulcerate consciences which swelling with pride and hypocrisie doe bring forth most vile ulcers of impietie Simlerus QUEST XII Of the hardning of Pharaohs heart Vers. 12. ANd the Lord hardned Pharaohs heart 1. The word signifieth to obfirme or strengthen chazak because it was a signe of strength or rather stubburnenes to stand against God there is another word used to signifie the same thing cabadh to make heavie as cap. 8.15 Pharaoh first by his owne corrupt mind hardning or making his heart heavie the Lord as by casting a heavie weight upō it maketh it heavier Iun. 2. Origen well noteth how sometime Pharaoh is said to harden his owne heart c. 8.15 sometime the Lord as in this place the first kinde of hardning is declared by the Apostle how it commeth when men by their impenitencie abuse the lenitie and longanimitie of God Rom. 2.5 But the same Apostle making mention of the other hardning by the Lord Rom. 9. he passeth it over and it may be thought to bee one of those high matters which Paul heard being taken up into paradise and is not to bee uttered Thus Origen counteth this a great secret how God is said to harden the heart And so it is yet not such a secret but that we find the same opened in scripture how the Lord by giving wicked men over to themselves and withdrawing his grace doth as
a most just Judge punish their voluntary obstinacie with a further degree of induration See more hereof before Doct. 2. in 7. cap. 3. But here God is to be considered not as in his bare prescience only foreseeing the obstinacie hardnesse of mens heartes but as a just Judge in leaving of them to themselves Simler 4. And this Augustine doth worthily wonder at that Pharaoh is hardned by those meanes which in all likelihood should have mollified him For if the Israelites cattell had died aswell as the Egyptians and if the sorcerers had prevailed still hee might have had some colour but seeing all things doe fall out contrarie the Israelites to be preserved and his sorcerer to be foiled he being still hardned bewraieth a most obstinate heart that could no way be mollified QUEST XIII What plague the Lord threatned to destroy Pharaoh with Vers. 15. FOr now I had stretched forth my hand 1. Some doe understand this generallie of the plagues following shewing that the plagues to come were greater than these which were alreadie past and that the Egyptians had felt nothing to that which they were like to feele Ferus But here mention is made of the plague of pestilence which both Pharaoh and his people should be smitten with yet none such came 2. Some do referre it to the plague of the first borne and the full accomplishment of this threatning they say was in the red Sea Osiander But neither Pharaoh nor his people perished by the plague 3. It is better understood of the plague which was alreadie past that God might as well have destroyed them with the pestilence sent upon the cattell but that he spared them for another end sic Iun. Borrh. Perer. This sense best agreeth to that which followeth vers 16. For this cause have I kept thee c. The Chalde Paraphrast also expresseth the same sense as is before shewed in the divers readings QUEST XIIII In what sense the Lord saith I have kept thee Vers. 16. FOr this cause have I kept thee c. 1. Not that God made Pharaoh obstinate of purpose to shew his power on him thereby to get glorie to himselfe for God needeth not mans malice for the setting forth of his glorie Ferus And like as the Apostle giveth this rule not to doe evill that good may come of it so neither doth the Lord give consent unto evill that some good thing may be wrought thereby 2. Some referre it to Gods permission that he suffered Pharaoh to be hardened to this end that hee might get glorie by him but neither can this be said of God that he suffereth any evill to bee done as it is evill and to suffer one to be hardned is the greatest punishment of sin that can be and it is usually inflicted for great sinnes that were committed before therefore before Pharaoh had grievously sinned he cannot be said to be permitted and suffered to bee hardned Perer. 3. Some do understand it of Gods ordinance that Pharaoh being hardned and become obstinate by his owne corrupt will is ordained of God for the further setting forth of his glorie Perer. 4. But though this exposition be sound yet it seemeth not to be so fit and proper in this place this verse then depending of the other sheweth the reason why the Lord had saved and reserved Pharaoh out of the pestilence that he might shew his power in him Simler Borrh. Iun. This then is the sense though Pharaoh being wickedly bent and obstinate had deserved to have been cut off by the former plagues yet the Lord was patient to him ward and suffered him yet to continue that the Lord might get greater glorie by him Ferus 5. The Apostle indeed in setting forth this example hath relation to Gods eternall decree Rom. 9. yet it may very well stand also with this application to the present time of Pharaohs preservation for that which God doth presently he also decreed before in his eternall counsell to be done Simler QUEST XV. The plague of haile supernaturall Vers. 18. I will cause to raine a mightie great haile 1 Although haile thunder lightning are for the most part procured by naturall causes yet this was a supernaturall and extraordinarie tempest for these reasons in Egypt there are no tempestes or winter weather but only in places neere the sea in the time of winter there fall some thinne showers but above Memphis there falleth no raine at all Sic Philo. This tempest then of haile was unusuall in Egypt secondly it was generally over all Egypt as tempests use not to be thirdly it came at a certaine time prefixed Simler And this was admirable in it that the fire and haile being mingled together the fire did not melt the haile stones nor the haile quench the fire as Philo also noteth and it is set forth Wisdom 16. 2. In this plague three elements together shew their force the aire in the thunder the water in the haile the fire in the lightning Perer. 3. Whereas the Grecians and Egyptians and other heathen did imagine some gods to be of the aire some of the water some of the land the Lord therefore sendeth of all sorts of plagues upon the Egyptians in the aire the water in the earth in the fire to shew himselfe to bee Lord of all the elements and of all creatures Thedoret quaest 21. 4. Concerning the application of this plague Origen understandeth the thunder haile and lightning of the Word of God the voice thereof instructeth it beateth downe sin as haile as fire burneth up the stubble of our affections Augustine whom Ferus followeth compareth it with the eight Commandement Thou shalt not steale for as heere the fruit which the trees beare are beaten off with haile so whatsoever gaine is gotten deceitfully it perisheth and Gods curse is upon it But such mysticall applications are more curious than profitable every man according to his own conceit may find out wittie conveiances But this observation is more proper which Ferus noteth that this plague hath also a fit correspondencie with the crueltie of the Egyptians for as they did cause the Israelites to wander up and downe their fields to gather straw so now the Lord sendeth haile and lightning which destroyeth the fruit in their fields QUEST 16. Whether there useth to be no rayne and hayle in Egypt Vers. 18. SVch as was not in Egypt since the foundation thereof These words do give occasion to inquire whether raine haile and thunder are usuall in Egypt or not at all as some affirme 1. Iosephus thus writeth that in this plague there came haile never seene in Egypt before and bigger than useth to bee in other countries in the time of winter 2. Philo also writeth that Aegyptus sola inter regiones in mediano tractu hyemem ignoret that Egypt alone of all the South countries hath no winter And consequently no winter weather as raine haile and such like and he giveth three
Pharaoh because hitherto he hath prevailed nothing and though the servants of Pharaoh before time were obstinate as their master was yet now they should be humbled as it followeth vers 7. Iun. 2. Though Moses is told before that Pharaoh shall not heare yet he is sent againe to make him inexcusable as in the Gospell Christ sendeth the leper to the Priest to be a testimonie against them Ferus 3. The hardnesse of Pharaohs heart is not the effect of the signes and wonders but the occasion of them for if Pharaoh had yeelded at the first then the Lord should not have needed to have contended with him by multiplying of his signes Simler This hardnesse of Pharaohs heart proceeded from his owne corruption and the Lord as a just Judge further punisheth him with his owne sinne but disposeth of it to his glory so then God in respect of the immediate act of hardning Pharaohs heart is said to harden it not positively by making his heart hard but negatively in not mollifying it but leaving of him to himselfe but as the hardnesse of heart is a punishment of Pharaoh and as it is referred and disposed of to Gods glorie the Lord also worketh positively and actively 4. So then this is the order of the causes here propounded the end of the hardning of Pharaohs heart is that God may shew his signes the end thereof that Gods works may be knowne in Israel and declared to their children and the chiefe end of all is That ye may know that I am the Lord Iunius QUEST II. How Moses is said to be a snare to the Egyptians Vers. 7. HOw long shall he be a snare unto us 1. The Septuagint put the article in the neuter Gender How long shall this thing be an offence but it is better understood of Moses he was as a snare and trappe unto them in respect of these grievous plagues and afflictions which he was the minister of Simler And therefore they are afraid of him as the bird is of the snare Iun. 2. They use three reasons to perswade Pharaoh first in respect of themselves they all smarted for one mans obstinacie in respect of Moses and the Israelites their request was reasonable they did but aske leave to goe to serve their God thirdly in regard of the whole land of Egypt which was almost destroyed Ferus 3. Though Pharaohs servants seeme for the time to be touched yet they were farre off true repentance and conversion unto God and they doe not leave for all this their superstition and Idolatry Simler and afterward their hearts were hardned againe when they with Pharaoh pursued after Israel to the red sea QUEST III. Of Pharaohs wish Let the Lord be so with you c. Vers. 10. SO let the Lord be with you as I let you goe 1. Some doe interpret these words as plainly spoken that Pharaoh wisheth indeed that God were no more mercifull unto them then they should finde him Genevens But this though it bewraieth an uncharitable minde in Pharaoh yet it sheweth that he had a reverend opinion of the divine assistance which he wisheth to be as farre from them as his affection was But Pharaoh had no such opinion of the God of Israel 2. Therefore it seemeth that these words are uttered with a kind of derision as if hee should say you boast much that you serve a mightie and great God well let him deliver you for I will not and so in effect he saith as he did at the first I know not the Lord chap. 5. Ferus 3. And yet unwittingly Pharaoh wisheth unto them the assistance of God indeed for he afterwards himselfe did let Israel goe and he wisheth God even so to be with them as he would let them goe which indeed came so to passe God was with them and so overruled Pharaohs heart that he was content to dismisse them Iun. Of the eight plague QUEST IV. Of the nature of Locusts and whether this plague were extraordinary Vers. 13. IN the morning the East wind brought the Locusts 1. Plinie writeth strange things of these Locusts as how the female dieth of a certaine worme that choketh her breeding betweene the jawes as soone as she hath brought forth her young that in India there are of them three foot long they are taken up with the wind and flie over the seas and fetch a great compasse to seeke food they are in such multitudes that they shadow the sunne where they light they feare the grasse by touching it and devoure up all yea they doe eat through the roofe of the houses They often flie over out of Africa into Italie In the region Cyreno there is a law thrice in the yeere to fight against them First in destroying their egges then the young and after when they are growne In the Isle Lemmis every one is appointed a certaine measure of Locusts which they shall kill and bring to the magistrate and they doe nourish birds of purpose to take their flight against them and so to destroy them In Necare and Syria they embattell themselves against them Thus much Plini lib. 11. cap. 29. Ex Perer. 2. But although these kinds of Locusts in those parts of the South and East countries are usuall yet this plague was extraordinarie both in respect of the divers kinds as Caterpillers Grashoppers Psalm 78.46 and their multitudes they covered the face of the earth vers 5. and as the Chalde Paraphrast expoundeth they shadowed the beames and light of the sunne beside otherwise then Locusts use to doe they did not onely consume and eat up the fields but filled also their houses Further these Locusts come at the time appointed To morrow I will bring Locusts upon thy coastes vers 4. In so short a time for such a multitude of Locusts to be gathered it was admirable Simler And lastly for them at that time of the yeere to come in the spring which is the breeding time whereas they usually doe strike over into other countries in harvest when the fruits of the earth begin to be ripe to seeke for food as Plinie writeth of them Propter famem exterâ—a pabula petere sciunt The inhabitants know that they seeke forren food for hunger immensos tract us permeant dira messibus contegunt nube they goe over divers countries and cover them as with a cloud hurtfull to the harvest Plin. ibid. QUEST V. Of the greatnesse of this plague of Locusts NOw the greatnesse of this judgement appeareth diversly 1. These Locusts came upon Egypt aâ— the Lords royall host and so are they called Ioel. 2.25 the Lords great host not in comparison of the superiour spirituall powers but in respect of weake men against whom the Lord can arme the least of his creatures Rupert and Pharaoh could better have resisted an hundred thousand men than these Locusts Ferus 2. The Locusts consumed all the herbes fruits of trees and every greene thing whatsoever the haile had left vers 15. 3
of them 4. Therefore it is best to understand death here generally both of the mortalitie of men and the destruction of the fruit and so to comprehend them both Iun. And so Pharaoh desireth for this once to be spared that if he keepe not promise with them afterward then he will desire no favour QUEST XI Of the mysticall application of this plague of Locusts FOr the mysticall application of this plague of Locusts first Origen thereby would have signified obstinate and disobedient men that cannot indure the government of God their King over them as the Locusts are said to have no King Prov. 30. 2. Augustine making a resemblance betweene this ninth plague and the ninth Commandement doth by Locusts that hurt by biting understand the false witnesse and the slanderous tongue and as the Locusts cannot flie of themselves but are carried by the wind so the false tongue is ruled by the spirit of Satan 3 Gregorie findeth out other applications as one while he thereby understandeth the people of the Jewes that like Locusts would leape forward that is make great profession of obedience but fall againe to the ground againe by the Locusts he understandeth the Gentiles that gathering in troupes as Locusts doe fight for the faith Likewise hee doth referre it to Christ that like as a Locust leaped out of the hands of his enemies and by his resurrection escaped out of the bands of death 4. In these applications we may observe three things first the varietie how one differeth from another in their conceits whereas Scripture is alway consonant Secondly the multiplicity of sense which is coined by one and the same man but the sense of Scripture is one Thirdly they accommodate the same Scripture to signifie contrary things as both good and evill whereas the Scripture as a fountaine doth not at one place send forth sweet and bitter 5. Therefore for the mysticâ—ll application leaving these fantasies and devices of men wee will have recourse to the Scripture it selfe which by biting flies and Locusts understandeth both the violent enemies of the Church such as by tyrannie and cruelty oppresse it as the Lord saith he will hisse for the Flie of Egypt and the Bee of Assur and they shall come and light upon the valleies Isa. 7.19 as also the spirituall enemies as false teachers Heretikes Seducers which are compared to Locusts that rise out of the smoke of the bottomlesse pit Apocal. 9.4 Rupert Simler QUEST XII How Moses turned himselfe going out from Pharaoh Vers. 18. THen he went out from Pharaoh 1. Moses is here understood though not expressed because he was the more principall and he at other times had removed the other plagues 2. This may serve to expound that other place vers 6. that Moses turned himselfe and went out from Pharaoh which some doe interpret according to the use and fashions of the East countries as it is observed in Turkey at this day that when they depart from the King for signe of reverence they goe backward and so they thinke that Moses did here But if Moses had gone backward then he had not turned himselfe at all and the word here used phanah signifieth to looke backe or turne the face Num. 16.42 They turned their face and looked toward the Tabernacle if Moses then departing from Pharaoh turned his face then was his backe toward the King 3. Wherefore the meaning of it is that Moses either went out in haste to dispatch that thing which he had foretold Simler Or hee went away in great indignation as not sustaining any longer to talke with such a wicked man as also by this his suddaine departing signifying that the Lord would deale no more with him by messages Ferus Of the ninth plague of the three dayes darknesse QUEST XIII Of the cause of the darknesse of Egypt Vers. 21. STretch out thine hand that there may be darknesse c. Concerning the cause of this darknesse 1. Neither was it caused by an eclipse of the sunne as Philo For though the sunne had beene eclipsed yet other starres might have given light but they had none at all and the eclipse of the sunne is generall this darknesse was onely in Egypt neither doth the sunne continue many houres in the eclipse much lesse three dayes 2. Neither was this darknesse in blinding of the eyes of the Egyptians as the Sodomites were blinded for to what purpose then should it bee said that it was palpable darknesse that might be felt 3. Neither was this darknesse onely a privation of the light of the sunne as Gloss. inter linear but there was some impediment in the aire because it is said it was a thicke and palpable darknesse 4. Neither yet was the cause of this darknesse onely in the aire which was incrassate and thickned with darke mists Paul Burgens Perer. For the stretching of Moses hand toward heaven sheweth that the beginning of this darknesse came from thence and that as at Iosuahs bidding the sunne was stayed in his motion so here by the power of God in the stretching out of Moses hand the sunne withdrew his light as he did in the passion of Christ. 5. So that two causes here concurred both the celestiall lights above were hindred from shining upon Egypt and the aire also was thickned with darke mists like as the cloud which went before Israel on the one side gave light to Israel and on the other it was darknesse to the Egyptians Lyranus Thostatus Cajetan Simler And unto this miracle the Prophet Amos seemeth to allude chap 8.9 In those dayes I will cause the sunne to goe downe at noone and I will darken the earth in the cleare day Ferus Two reasons are yeelded of the darknesse the suppressing of the light of the sunne the privative cause and the bringing of darknesse upon the aire the positive cause QUEST XIV How it is said the darknesse was felt Vers. 21. EVen darknesse that may be felt 1. The Chalde expoundeth the word mashash for recessit the darknesse of the night departed that is the darknesse of the night was obscured by this darknesse but the word properly signifieth to feele as Gen. 27.12 and so the Septuagint and Latine doe here read Paguin Montan. Vatabl. with the rest 2. Philo taketh this to be spoken in respect of the effect because it was so darke that they were faine to goe feeling up and downe but seeing they stirred not out of their places it seemeth that little feeling served their turne 3. Others thinke that it is an hyperbole onely to shew the greatnesse of the darknesse Pellican But where the words admit a plaine sense of themselves wee need not runne unto figures 4. Some thinke they were therefore called palpable not in respect of the darknesse which is properly the object of the sight not of the feeling and so cannot be felt but of the aire the subject of the darknesse which was thickned with grosse mists and vapours so that
it may be understood of Moses and Aaron who were Gods messengers for so Angell signifieth or else they are called Angels of evill i. of poenal not morall evill rather than evill Angels And though they would seeme to gather by those words chap. 12.23 The Lord will not suffer the destroyer to come into your houses that this Angell of himselfe had a desire to invade the people of God and therefore was not a good Angell yet that followeth not but the words rather shew thus much that the Angell being sent forth by the Lord was to doe all things according to his direction to strike where God bid him strike and to forbeare where the Lord purposed to spare 4. Wherefore as the good Angels were the ministers of the former plagues as is shewed before quest 30. in chap. 7. so they are to be held to be the Lords instrument in this Pâ—rer QUEST IV. Whether one Angell or many were used in this destruction ANd for the number of these destroying Angels 1. Though it be said in the singular number chap. 12.23 the destroyer yet it followeth not that one Angell should be the minister for it is usuall in Scripture to put the singular for the plurall 2. Therefore it is more probable that many Angels were imployed in this service not in respect of the multitude that were slaine for in the host of Senacherib one Angell slew 180. thousand nor of the distance of place for one Angell in Davids time smote 70000. in three dayes space from Dan to Beersheba but in regard of the time because all the first borne of Egypt were slaine at midnight about the same time it is like that many Angels in divers places of Egypt were sent of God to strike the first borne Perer. Cajetan QUEST V. Vpon whom this plague in the smiting of the first borne was executed Vers. 5. ALl the first borne in the land of Egypt shall die All the first borne of every house as the chiefe and principall were smitten with death even from the Kings throne unto the sonne of the poore servant that ground at the mill which they used in the day to doe such servile works and in the night time kept them in hold and therefore it is said chap. 12.29 unto the first borne of the captive that was in prison So Samson did grind at the mill being in prison Iudg. 16. 2. Beside all the first borne of their beasts were slaine that is of their domesticall cattell for wilde beasts must be here excepted which were not in their power and such cattell as bring forth many at once where there is no difference betweene the firstlings and the rest Perer. 3. The third effect of this plague was that God did execute his judgements upon the gods and Idols of Egypt chap. 12.12 QUEST VI. Whether in every house the first borne were slaine BUt here this doubt ariseth concerning the first borne because it is said afterward chap. 12.30 that there was no house wherein there was not one dead whether in every house there were a first borne 1. Ab. Ezra thinketh all to be understood for the greater part 2. Simler for the houses of every sort both of high and low as the King and captive are named 3. Hugo S. Victor doth thus interpret it that in every house where was any first borne there was one slaine But it seemeth that no house at all was excepted because all the Israelites were commanded to strike the bloud upon the posts of their dores to escape the plague 4. Therefore Augustine thinketh that God so disposed at this time by his divine providence that every house of the Egyptians had one first borne quest 44. in Exod. But we need not run unto miracles where another exposition may be found 5. Thostatus thinketh that the first borne is here taken for the first borne of the feminine sex as well as of the males whether their parents were alive or dead whether they were the first borne by the husband or wife But the name of first borne is not thus taken in scripture neither yet is it like that any females died but males as it may appeare by the law of the first borne that are made holy unto God upon this occasion because the Lord for Israels sake killed all the first borne of Egypt there onely the males that first open the wombe are set apart chap. 13.12 6. Therefore of all the â—est I preferre the exposition of Iunius that in every house either the first or if there were no first borne the next principall man was taken in stead of the first borne so also Cajetane QUEST VII Why the Lord destroyeth the first borne NOw the first borne were slaine 1. Because they oppressed Israel whom the Lord calleth his first borne Exod. 4. Theodoret. 2. Rather because they put to death the first borne children of Israel yea all the males therefore the Lord doth worthily punish them in their first borne Ferus 3. And this plague was ordained for them more grievous than all the rest for what can come neerer a man than the death of his first borne which also may bee his onely borne as Abraham could not have a greater triall than when he was commanded to sacrifice his onely sonne Isaack that the Egyptians should be forced by this last and greatest plague to let Israel goe Perer. 4. Neither was this unjust in God to take away the life of infants who are not innocent before God and the Lord that gave them life may take it away if it more serve unto his glory And the parents also that had sinned were punished herein by the death of their dearest children being themselves reserved for a greater destruction Simler QUEST VIII Why the first borne of the cattell also are destroyed THe Egyptians cattell also are killed 1. because this losse also was a punishment unto the Egyptians for whose use they served Simler 2. And much of their substance also consisted in cattell Perer. so that both they lost part of their substance and wanted the use of them 3. Beside the Egyptians oppressed the Israelites and wronged them in their cattell Ferus 4. The Hebrewes also thinke this was one speciall cause for that the Egyptians did superstitiously adore divers kinds of cattell and therefore for detestation of their Idolatrie the cattell are punished QUEST IX How the Gods of the Egyptians were judged NOw what gods of Egypt were judged is diversly scanned 1. Some thinke that by gods the Magistrates and Judges are understood Osiander But this was said before that the first borne should be killed even from the Princes throne this was a punishment to Pharaoh and all his great men to have their first borne cut off 2. Some thinke that the Egyptian gods were judged in that their worshippers were punished Borrh. 3. Others that the Temples of the Idols were cast downe Hierom and their Idols throwne downe and beaten to dust as the Hebrewes 4. Some that
hard hearted and incorrigible as is evident in the example of Pharaoh 3. God also teacheth men by his example to be patient and long suffering one toward another 4. This patience of God though some abuse it yet other profit by it and their hard hearts are mollified as though Pharaoh by Gods sparing of him became more obstinate yet Nebuchadnezzar at the length by the Lords lenity and goodnesse and fatherly correction was brought to know himselfe and to confesse the true God 5. And though the evill and wicked should reape no profit by the Lords wonderfull patience yet the elect and such as are ordained to salvation are thereby called and brought unto grace as S. Paul sheweth of himselfe For this cause was I received to mercy that Iesus Christ should first shew on me all long suffering unto the ensample of them which in time to come should beleeve on him 1. Tim. 1.16 QUEST XX. How God is said to harden by the subtraction of his grace BEside there is another way whereby the ancient fathers understood God to be said to harden mens heart namely by the subtraction and withdrawing of his grace as Chrysostome God is said to give over unto a reprobate sense to harden to blind and such like Non quòd hac a Deo fiunt quippe cùm à propria hominis malitia proveniant sed quia Deo justè homines deserente hac illis contingunt Not because these things are done by God which proceed of mans malice but because while God doth justly forsake men these things doe happen unto them So also Augustine ludurare dicitur Deus quem mollire noluerit God is said to harden whom he will not nullifie excacare dicitur quem illuminare nolverit And he is said to blind him whom he will not iluminate Gregorie also upon these words of the Lord to Moses I will harden Pharaohs heart thus writeth Obdurare Deus per posâ—â—iam dicitur quando cor reprobum per gratiam non 〈◊〉 God is said by his justice to harden the heart when he doth not by his grace mollifie a reprobate heart So Thomas Aquinas Excacatio obduratio duo important c. The blinding and hardning of the heart implieth two things one is the internall act of the minde adhering unto evill and being adverse from God and so God is not the cause of the hardnesse of the heart The other is the subtraction of grace whereby it commeth to passe that the â—ind is not illuminate to see God c. and in this respect God is the cause of induration This exposition also is true but it expresseth not all that seemeth to be contained in this phrase that God is said to harden Pharaohs heart QUEST XXI How God is said occasionaliter by ministring the occasion which the wicked abuseth to harden the heart THere is then a sixt way of interpreting these words God is said to harden mans heart occasionaliter by way of occasion when the wicked take occasion by such things as fall out and are done by Gods providence to be more hardned and confirmed in their sinne 1. For as all things as prosperity adversity life death fulnesse want and whatsoever else doe worke together unto good to those that feare God as the Apostle saith Rom. 8. So on the contrary all things fall out for the worst unto the wicked and impenitent so the wonders which God wrought in Egypt served to confirme the Hebrewes in their faith but Pharaoh through his owne malice was thereby hardned 2. The things which the Lord doth whereby the wicked take occasion to be hardned are of three sorts either inwardly in the mind as by stirring their affections as of anger feare hope desire which they by their corruption turne unto evill or else such things as are done about them as admonitions corrections mercies benefits which they also ungratiously abuse or they are things externall or without them as the objects of pleasure honour and such like whereby their hard heart is puffed up and swelleth And all these things being good of themselves they through the hardnesse of their heart pervert unto their destruction as S. Peter speaketh of some which through ignorance and unbeleefe doe pervert the Scriptures 2. Pet. 3.16 And S. Paul sheweth that sinne tooke occasion by the commandement and wrought in him all manner of concupiscence Rom. 7.8.3 Thus Pharaoh was hardned by occasion of Gods workes the plagues and wonders which were shewed in Egypt by the wonders because he saw his Magitians could doe the like by the plagues because they touched not him but happened without they came not all at once but with some respite betweene and because he saw that they continued not long but were soone removed 4. To this purpose Augustine Vt tale cor haberet Pharaoh quòd patientia Dâ—o non mâ—veraâ—ur ad pietatem propriâ— sunt vitii quòd vero facta sunt ea quibus cor suo â—itio jam malâ—gnum divinis jussionibus resisteret c. dispensationis fuit divina In that Pharaoh had such an heart which could not be moved by the patience of God unto piety it was his owne fault but that such things were done whereby his heart being evill of it selfe did resist the commandement of God it was of the divine dispensation quaest 18. iâ— Exod. This exposition also of Augustine may bee received but yet there is somewhat further to be considered in Gods concurring in the hardning of Pharaohs heart QUEST XXII God 〈◊〉 sâ—â—d to harden the heart as the event is taken for the cause THere is further a seventh exposition for in the Scripture that is often taken for the cause of a thing which is but the event of it a Chrysostome noteth upon these words Ioh. 17. None of them perished but the child of perdition that the Scriptures might be fulfilled here the Scripture Quae eventus sunâ— pro causa ponit putteth that for the cause which was the event for Iudas did not perish to that end that the Scripture should be fulfilled but it so fell out that the Scripture in Iudas perishing was fulfilled Damascen giveth the like instance in the 51. Psalme Against thee only have I sinned and done evill in thy sight that thou maist be justified in thy sayings and cleere when thou art judged But David did not sinne to that end that God might be justified God had no need of his sinne to set forth his glory So it fell out that God spared David and by his mercy overcame his sinne yet hee sinned not to that end like as when a man is at his worke and one commeth and so he breaketh off he should say my friend came to day to hinder my worke whereas his friend had no such end in his comming So Iacob said to his sonnes Wherefore dealt yee so evill with me as to tell the man whether yee had yet a brother or no Gen. 43.6 Iacobs sonnes in so telling intended no evill or
darkenesse but onely made a separation betweene the light and the darknesse Gen. 14. Whereupon Augustine groundeth this distinction Aliud fecit Deus ordinavit aliud non fecit sed ordinavit God mâ—dâ— sâ—me things and ordered them also some things he made not but ordered as he giveth instance of the darknesse so the workes of darknesse God cannot be said to have made but only he disposeth and ordereth them QUEST XXVII God otherwise hardneth then as a generall mover of the heart THirdly some referre that worke of God which he sheweth in the hardning of the heart to that generall power which he giveth unto the creature in whom all things move live and have their being Act. 17.28 So that the hardning of the heart as it is an action or worke is of God but as it is evill it proceedeth from man So Zuinglius Quatenus est Dei Creatoris opus est crimen non est quantum autem hominis crimen est scelus est As it is of God the Creator it is a worke it is no faule but as it is of man it is a fault it is a sinne The Master of the sentences hath the like saying Actus mali in quantum actus 〈◊〉 boni sunt à Deo authore Evill acts as they are acts are good and proceed of God the Author lib. 2. distinct 35. But this solution doth not take away the doubt for as God is the Creator and so generall worker hee only giveth power to move the heart this moving being the generall action is divided into two parts for there are good motions of the heart and evill the mollifying of the heart and the hardning in the good motions God concurreth two wayes as a generall mover by his creating power and as a particular directer by his regenerating grace but in the other motions he only hath a stroke as a generall mover in the particular action of hardning as it is evill hee concurreth not Therefore according to that generall power the Lord is said only to be a mover not an hardner of the heart Some other way therefore yet must be found out whereby the Lord is said to harden the heart QUEST XXVIII How the Lord is said indeed to harden the heart TO conclude then this question of all these wayes before rehearsed which are ten in all I make choice of these three which may fully satisfie every doubt namely the third in the 17. quest before the fift in the 20. quest and the sixt in the 21. The first is that God is said to harden the heart by leaving it to it selfe and depriving it of his necessary grace as God is said to have given over the unbeleeving Gentiles to their hearts lusts Rom. 1.24 The second that beside this God causeth many things to be done which are not in themselves causes of the hardning of the heart yet the wicked take occasion thereby further to bee indurate and hardned as S. Paul sheweth how the wicked abuse the patience and long suffering of God thereby to be further hardned Thirdly God by his just judgement Cum suum in malum quâ— ipse ultro ruit amplius ad finem usque impellit doth force him to his owne hurt whither hee runneth headlong himselfe even unto the end Iun. Aâ—aâ—ysâ—n 7. cap. Exod. God as a just Judge seeing a mans heart to bee bent upon wickednesse doth as a just Judge inflict upon him the spirituall punishment of induration To this purpose Augustine handling that place Rom. 1. how the Lord gave up the Gentiles to their owne lusts useth this distinction that some things there rehearsed are sinnes and no punishment as the pride and vanity of their mindes vers 21. They were not thankefull but became vaine in their imagination Some a punishment and no sinne as eternall death which they were worthy of vers 31. the rest that came betweene are both sinnes and punishments By this distinction Augustine in another place answereth this objection of the Pelagians God say they should not take such punishment of sinne Vt peccator per vindictam plura committeret That the sinners thereby commit more sinne Augustine answereth to this effect Sic ostendit ista esse peccata ut etiam poenae fint peccatorum he sheweth these so to be sinnes as that they are also punishments of sinnes as the Apostle there saith vers 27. Man with man wrought filthinesse and received to themselves such recompence of their error as was meet So the meaning of Augustine is that God did not send them upon the Gentiles as they were sinnes but they are to be considered as punishments of their sinnes as God hath an hand therein Likewise whereas Iulian the Pelagian objected that Per patientiam divinam sunt non per potentiam desideriis traditi That they were delivered over to their lusts not by the power but by the patience of God Augustine to shew the contrarie giveth instance of that place Ezech. 14.9 When it is said If the Prophet be deceived I have deceived him Patientia an potentia est Is it the patience or the power of God that doth this And concerning the hardning of Pharaohs heart Augustine concludeth thus Deus ejus voluntatem proprio suo vito malam in hoc peccatum judicio suo justo occulto inclinavit God did incline his will being evill by it owne faulâ— into this sinne by his just yet secret judgement If God did incline it he did more than suffer it or minister the occasion only whereby it was inclined Hierome expresseth as much by this similitude Vnus est solis calor secundùm essentias subjacentes alia liquefacit alia indurat liquatur cera induratur lutum there is buâ— one kinde of heate in the Sunne and according to the matter which it worketh upon some things it melteth some things it hardneth the wax is melted the clay hardned Origene also useth the same similitude and applieth it thus Sic indurasse dicitur Deus cor Pharaoniâ— quia cor ejus secundùm ea quae cogitabat luteum limosum erat So God as the Sunne hardneth the clay is said to have hardned Pharaohs heart because his heart according to those things which he thought was earthly and muddy And in another place he bringeth in this Simile Vt eodem opere plâ—viae terra diligenter exculta affert bonos fructus inculta tribulos as by the same worke of the raine the earth being well tilled bringeth forth good fruit and the untilled thistles Like as then the Sun hardneth the clay the raine bringeth forth weedes not of it selfe but by reason of the nature of the thing concurring whereupon it worketh so by the working of God after a most secret and hid manner the hearts of the wicked are hardned but the cause thereof is in themselves And thus much shall suffice of this question see it handled before 2. Doct. chap. 7. and chap. 8 quest 12.
the principall and chiefe moneth as Vatablus but the first in order from whence all the rest should be numbred 2. Divers nations have had a divers custome in the accompt of their yeeres the Egyptians in their Hieroglyphikes counted every moneth a yeere the Arabians three moneths as from the spring to the Autumne from thence to midwinter The Acarnanians counted six moneths to a yeere as from the spring to the Autumne the Romanes and the Hebrewes reckoned twelve moneths and so is the yeere to bee taken here 3. It was the first moneth for matters ecclesiasticall and belonging to religion But the civill yeere began in the seventh moneth Levit. 25.9 As the Egyptians began their ecclesiasticall yeere from Midsummer and their civill from the Autumne Iun. From thence also they began their Jubile and the account of the seventh yeere of rest which if it had begun in the spring they should have wanted two yeeres fruits for the seventh yeere of rest and Jubile should begin before they had reaped the fruits sowne in the sixt yeere and in the seventh it was not lawfull for them either to sow or reape 4. As it was the first moneth of the yeere so was iâ— the chiefe and most famous in respect of the deliverance of the Israelites and in this moneth they went over Jordane and came into the land of Canaan the 10. day of the first moneth Iosh. 4.19 Perer. And now all things began to flourish and revive in the spring so that the earth did also as it were seeme to rejoyce for the liberty of the people of God Ferus From hence the Israelites for the remembrance of so glorious a deliverance had great cause to begin the computation of their yeere as Christians now doe from the nativity of our Lord for a commemoration of their spirituall deliverance Perer. QUEST IV. Of the name of this first moneth called of the Hebrewes Abib of the Chaldes Nisan THe name of this first moneth is not here expressed but chap. 13.4 it is called the moneth Abib so called because in that moneth corne began to be ripe 1. But here I cannot subscribe unto the opinion of Pererius therein following Paulus Burgensis that the Hebrewes had no names for their moneths before the captivity of Babylon but by their number as the first second third and after the captivity they borrowed the names of the moneths of the Medes and Persians and chiefly of the Chaldeans as it is to be found in the bookes of Nehemia Esther and the prophesie of Zacharie and the bookes of the Macchabees 2. But this appeareth to be otherwise for in divers places of Scripture wee finde the names of some of the moneths after the calling of the Hebrewes before the captivity of Babylon as the second moneth Zif 1 King 6.1 and the 7. moneth Ethanim 1. King 8.2 Pererius saith that these were not the proper names of these moneths but onely appellatives signifying the properties of those moneths as the first was called Zif of the opening because the flowers began then to open and shew the other signified strong because in that moneth fruits were gathered whereby mans heart was comforted and made strong Vatab. Or because they were of strong constitution which resisted and overcame the diseases incident to that season of the yeere about the fall of the leafe Cajetane Contra. 1. This is no good argument these names have some speciall signification therefore they were not the proper names of the moneths Abib signifieth an eare of corne Levit. 2.14 Was it not therefore a name of the first moneth which was so called because the corne then eared and began to be ripe So Bul was the name of the eight moneth 1. King 6.38 so called of the inundation of waters which fall in that moneth 2. It is very probable that those Chalde names of the moneths as Adar Cisleu Elul were not taken up of the Hebrewes till after the captivity as the first is mentioned Nehâ—m 6.19 the second Zachar. 7.1 the third 1. Maâ—chah 14.27 But the Hebrew names were in use before as appeareth by these already given in instance 3. Now the proper names of the moneths as they were used after the Captivity were these the first Nisan answering to our March the second Tiar answering to Aprill the third Sivan which is our May the fourth Tamuz our June the fifth Ab which we call July then Elul agreeable to August the seventh Tisri sorting to our September the eight Marchesâ—â—an with us October the ninth Cisleu our November the tenth Tebeth the same with December the eleventh Sebath named with us January the twelfth Adar which is correspondent to our February Ex Pererio QUEST V. When the first moneth of the Hebrewes tooke beginning NOw to know when to beginne the first moneth of the yeere 1. Some give this rule that whereas the Hebrewes alwayes count their moneths from the new Moone as Psalm 81.3 Blow up the trumpet in the new Moone they will have that to be the first moneth whose full Moone is neerest to the equinoctiall But this rule sometime faileth for it may fall out that two full Moones are equally distant from the equinoctiall and then it would be uncertaine which Moone to take 2. Some say that was the first moneth with the Hebrewes whose new Moone was neerest to the equinoctiall whether it were before or after Ferus But this rule doth not hold neither for it may bee that one new Moone falleth out as upon the 7. day of March another upon the fifth of Aprill and so further off from the equinoctiall that is when the night and day is of equall length and yet this shall rather be the first Moone than the other 3. Therefore this is a more certaine observation that the first moneth should be that whose fourteenth day falleth out either upon the Equinoctiall or presently after it and so the new Moone of the first moneth will fall out neither before the eight day of March nor after the fifth day of Aprill 4. Now hence it is evident that the first moneth of the Hebrewes is never all within March it may sometime be all without March though not all without Aprill as when the Hebrewes every third yeere put in a moneth to make the yeere to agree with the course of the Sunne so that they had two Adars as it might be two Februaries together then the latter Adar being mensis intercalaris the moneth put betweene concurring with March the first moneth began with April but for the most part their first moneth tooke part of March and part of April QUEST VI. Why the Lambe was commanded to be prepared foure dayes before Vers. 3. IN the tenth of this moneth let every man take unto him a lambe c. They were commanded to set apart the paschall lambe foure dayes afore for these causes 1. Lest that if they had deferred it till the instant of their departure they might by reason of other businesse
evening by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 morning it cannot be avoided but that S. Matthew meaneth the morning and till the morning of the third day Christ was not risen therefore Pererius without cause findeth fault here with Thostatus yet notwithstanding in this place the eventide or twilight is not taken any of these three waies but properly for the shutting in of the day QUEST X. Of the time when the Passeover should be killed betweene the two evenings BUt what should be here meant by the two evenings there are divers opinions 1 Some take these two evenings for the two twilights of the evening and morning Lippoman But that cannot be for so he alloweth the whole night for the killing of the paschall lambe which was to bee counted with the fifteenth day following whereas they are commanded to kill the Passeover on the 14. day at even 2. Masâ—uâ— in 5. Iosua reporteth this to be the opinion of most of the Hebrewes that the evening is to be taken from the first declining of the sunne in the afternoone untill it set and they are the two evenings the first when the sunne beginneth to turne in the afternoone the other when it is in the setting so also Rabbi Salomon But this seemeth to be somewhat hard to take halfe the day for the evening for after the sunne beginneth to decline there is much day behind as it is called Gen. 29.7 haioâ— gadol which cannot be said to be any part of the evening 3. Some doe take these two evenings the one to begin at the sunne set the other when it beginneth to be night and the space betweene which we call the twilight to be those two evenings Aben Ezra Oleaster Bâ—rrh Which space they define to containe about an houre and a third part Pellican But this interpretation cannot hold for after the sunne set began the 15. day to be counted when they were first to eat unleavened bread Levit. 29.9 which was upon the eve of the fourteenth day chap. 12.18 that is presently following the 14. day but they were to kill the paschall lambe upon the 14. day before the 15. day came so the times must be distinguished betweene the killing of the lambe which was betweene the two eventides upon the 14. day and the eating thereof with unleavened bread which was in the evening following after the sunne set Perer. 4. Wherefore there remaineth a fourth exposition which is this They divided the naturall day from sun to sun into foure parts which each of them containeth three houres and the first part was from the breake of day for the three first houres and was called of the last houre tertia the third houre the second part sexta the sixth houre the third nona the ninth houre and the fourth from thence unto night and was called vespera the evening the first evening was toward the sunne set some two houres before Cajetanus or three and the other at the sun set in this space they were to kill the paschall lambe of this opinion is Iosephus a most expert and skilfull man in the Jewish rites and observations who writeth that the Priests used to kill the paschall sacrifice from the ninth houre to the eleventh lib. 7. de bel Iud. c. 17. and it seemeth that in the twelfth houre which was the last they did rost and dresse the lambe and after sun set eat it And this interpretation may be thus further confirmed 1. Because they were to kill the paschall lambe on the 14. day but after the sunne was set the fifteenth day began Perer. 2. If they should not have killed the lambe till the sunne set they should not seeme to have sufficient time the night then comming upon them to kill the lambe dresse and prepare it 3. The example of our Saviour doth warrant it who sent his Disciples before the evening to prepare the Passeover and when even was come he sate downe with the twelve to eat it Matth. 26.14 The Passeover was killed and made readie before the evening came Masius 4. Beside the phrase of Scripture doth also approve and justifie this interpretation for when as our Saviour fed the five thousand before they sat downe it is said the even was come Matth. 14.11 when the sun was not yet set for the time would not then have served to have placed them all upon the ground and given them all bread there being so few servitors none but Christs Disciples and beside S. Marke saith this was done when the day was farre spent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chap. 6.35 This then was one evening when the sunne began to draw low then afterward it is said When the evening was come Christ was in the mountaine alone Matth. 14.23 this was the other evening when the sunne was set Perer. Iun. Simler QUEST XI Whether the Passeover was killed in the first evening when the foureteenth day began or the latter BUt whereas the Hebrewes counted the dayes and so observed their Feasts from evening to evening so that every day civill had two evenings the one where it began the other where it ended the question is whether the paschall lambe were to be killed on the evening when the 14. day began or when it ended But it doth evidently appeare that was to be killed in the end of the 14. day and so in the latter evening and not in the first 1. Because they were commanded to eat unleavened bread in the end of the 14. day at even chap. 12.18 when the fifteenth day began for they were not to eat unleavened bread till the fifteenth day Levit. 13.6 But if they were to take the first evening when the fourteenth day began then they were to eat unleavened bread all the 14. day 2. Againe it is said that they should eat the flesh the same night with unleavened bread that is the same night after they killed the Passeover but if they killed it the evening before when the 14. day began then they did eat unleavened bread upon the 14. day and so eight dayes in all for from the evening before the 14. day till the evening after the 21. day are eight dayes but they were commanded onely to eat unleavened bread seven dayes from the 14. at even till the 21. day at even chap. 12.18 3. Beside the practice of our Saviour Christ sheweth how the Passeover was to bee kept according to the law hee did eat the Passeover the same night wherein he was betraied 1 Cor. 11.23 and the next day he suffered which was the 15. day of the moneth for it is the generall received opinion that Christ suffered upon the 15. day of the first moneth insomuch that Beda saith Nulli licet dubitare Christiano No Christian ought to doubt thereof it must be then of all confessed that Christ in all respects observed the law if he suffered upon the 15. day and the eve before eat the Passeover being immediatly before prepared and made readie for him then
not here signifie the sex but the kind as many times we say a man hath oves and vaccas sheepe and kine both which words are of the Feminine Gender and yet our meaning is that he hath of both sexes Thostatus 3. But all this question is moved without cause for the originall word sheb signifieth not agnus a lambe either male or female but pecus a small beast noting not the sex but the kind and so Vatab. and Iun. translate QUEST XIV The generall signification of the rites of the Passeover Vers. 8. THey shall eat the flesh the same night The rites and ceremonies of the paschall lambe did betoken these things in generall 1. The great haste and speed that they were to make which was signified both by the meat which they did eat it must be rost with fire which was sooner done than to be boyled or sodden in water they must eat their bread unleavened because they had no time to leaven it neither were they to breake a bone of it they should have no time to picke the bones and sucke the marrow As also by their manner of eating with their staves in their hand and shoes on their feet as readie for their journie neither were they to carrie any thing forth of the doores vers 46. the time would not serve them one to visit another and to send part thereof to their neighbours 2. The other thing generally signified was that hard servitude which they had endured in Egypt which is insinuated by the sower herbs and unsavory leavened bread and the rosting of the lambe 3. So then the celebrating of the Passeover did put them in minde of two great benefits which they had received of their deliverance from the plague when the first borne of Egypt were smitten and of their freedome from the bondage in Egypt which later as being the more principall is oftner spoken of in Scripture and as some have observed it is mentioned 50. severall times Perer. QUEST XV. The particular application of the rites and ceremonies of the paschall lambe FOr the particular application of these rites 1. They were to eat the flesh the same night not the flesh without the sinewes as some Hebrewes have strictly taken the word but whatsoever was apt and fit to be eaten those parts excepted which because of their uncleanenesse and unaptnesse for nourishment use to be cast away as the guts and entrals and they were to eat it the same night after the sunne was set which was the the beginning of the 15. day 2. It must not be eaten rawe 1. That is not throughly dressed or prepared as Rab. Salomon for they needed not to be admonished not to eat raw flesh 2. Oleaster hath here a conceit by himselfe that â—a which is here translated of all raw should signifie rather broken or cut of the word nava and the meaning to be that they should not cut it in peeces to be boyled But beside that both the Chalde and Septuagint doe interpret rawe and all other interpreters and Oleaster hath this conceit alone by himselfe this is expressed afterward that it should bee dressed whole with the head feet and purtenance vers 9. neither were they divided into peeces but as they did eat it after it was rosted for they were forbidden to carrie any of the flesh out of the house vers 46. Iun. 3. And for two reasons were they commanded to rost it rather than to boile it both because of more haste and rosted meat is held to bee stronger food for in the boyling much of the moisture and substance of the meat goeth out into the water and they were not to eat it not thorowly dressed lest they might in the eating cast it forth againe Perer. 3. They must eat it also with unleavened bread 1. Because it was sooner prepared as Abraham in haste caused unleavened cakes to be made Gen. 18. and so did Lot likewise Gen. 19. to entertaine the Angels 2. By this was signified that they should leave and forsake all the Egyptian superstitions and corruptions which are understood by leaven as in the same sense our Saviour biddeth his Disciples to take heed of the leaven of the Pharisies 3. It is to be considered that in this first Passeover they were not commanded to eat unleavened bread seven dayes neither did they intend so much but they carried their dow forth unleavened not for any religion in abstaining from leavened bread but for their haste as it is expressed vers 19. Therefore that prescription to abstaine from leavened bread seven dayes vers 14. belonged to the perpetuall observation of the pasch but all the other rites prescribed unto vers 14. appertained to the first Passeover Iosephus thinketh that they did eat unleavened bread 30. dayes for want of other and that they had all that time no more sustenance than they brought out of Egypt and eat thereof very sparingly onely for necessitie and in remembrance of their penurie and want they keepe the Feast of unleavened bread eight dayes lib. 2. antiquit cap. 5. In the which speech of Iosephus some things are very probable as that they lived of the provision which they brought out of Egypt thirtie dayes untill Manna fell which was upon the sixteenth day of the second moneth for in the fifteenth day they came to the wildernesse of Sin where they murmured for meat and the next day in the morning the Manna was sent chap. 16.1 and 8. It is also very like that their bread was unleavened all this while because they made it of that unleavened masse which they brought out of Egypt vers 39. But it is not like that they kept the Feast of unleavened bread in remembrance of that penurie and want for then they should have kept it thirtie dayes but rather it was kept for a commemoration of a benefit which they received in their deliverance out of Egypt upon the fifteenth day and the overthrow of the Egyptians in the red Sea the one and twentieth day seven dayes after which was the reason of that observation of the Feast of unleavened bread seven dayes and beside they are not commanded to keepe it eight dayes but onely seven Vers. 8. With sower herbs shall they eat it 1. The Latine translator readeth lactuâ— is agreâ—â—ibuâ— with wild lâ—â—â—ice so also Rab. Salomon 2. The Septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which are a certaine kind of bitter herbe whereof Theophrastus writeth histor plane lib. 7. cap. 11. and Pliniâ— lib. 19. cap. 8. Theodorus Gaza doth sometime interpret it endive sometime wild lettice 3. But it seemeth rather generally to be understood of sower herbs not of any speciall kind Lyranus as the Chalde also readeth so also Vutab â—un in remembrance of their bitter affliction in Egypt 4. The Hebrew word is merorâ—m bitternesse which sometime is taken for the bitter sorrow of the mind as 〈◊〉 3.15 and so Oleaster taketh it to be meanâ— here But
because the Apostle readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our pasch Christ is sacrificed for us 1 Cor. 6.7 Iun. Vatab. QUEST XVII Wherefore it was called the pasch or passeover NOw it was called the Lords pasch 1. Not because of the passing or going over of the Israelites through the red Sea as August seemeth to thinke quòd tunc primùm pascha celebravit populus Dei quando ex Egypto fugientes mare rubrum transierunt because then first the people of God kept the pasch when they fled out of Egypt and passed over the red Sea Tract 55. in Evang. Iohan. For the people kept the pasch and it was so called before they came to the red Sea 2. Neither as Philo thinketh because it was migrationis publicae festivitas a Feast of the publike passage of the Israelites out of Egypt as Nazianzen also thinketh 3. But the reason is given in this place why it is called the pasch for I will passe thorow the land of Egypt the same night and smite all the first borne it was therefore so called of the passing of the Angell over the houses of the Hebrewes and sparing them Perer. 4. But it is here to be noted that there are two words used that signifie to passe over pasach and ghabar but that betokeneth a passing over in mercie to spare the other a passing over the Egyptians houses in judgement to smite Simler QUEST XVIII The divers significations of the word pasch NOw the word pasch is taken to signifie three things in Scripture 1. It betokeneth the paschall Lambe it selfe as 2 Chron. 35.11 They slew the pasch and vers 13. they rosted the pasch at the fire 2. It is taken for the solemnitie it selfe of the pasch for the whole seven dayes of unleavened bread as Act. 3. then were the dayes of unleavened bread then it followeth vers 4. intending after the pasch to bring him i. Peter forth to the people 3. It is used also to signifie the very sacrifices which were offred at the pasch as Deut. 16.2 Thou shalt offer the pasch unto the Lord thy God of thy sheepe and bullocks Perer. 4. But here it is taken in a divers sense from any of these it is called the pasch because it signified and represented unto them the Lords passing over as the next words do shew in the 12. verse Genevens So circumcision is called the Lords covenant Genes 17.13 My covenant shall be in your flesh being onely a Sacramentall signe and seale thereof QUEST XIX What things are generally commanded concerning the keeping of the day of unleavened bread Vers. 15. SEven dayes shall yee eat unleavened bread 1. The Hebrewes had foure kinds of ceremoniall observations the first their sacrifices wherein they offred bullocks sheepe goats lambs calves the second were the holy things which belonged to the Sanctuary as the vessels curtaines Priestly garments as also to this sort belonged their festivals and solemnities the third sort was of their Sacraments which were circumcision and the paschall lambe the fourth more certaine ceremoniall rites which belonged to the cleansing and sanctitie of their persons as in their washings and legall purgations in the choice of meats and garments and such like This observation of unleavened bread belongeth to the fourth sort for it was a principall member and part of the paschall solemnitie Pererius 2. Foure things are here prescribed concerning the eating of unleavened bread First how long they should observe it for seven dayes secondly of the speciall preeminence and solemnitie of two dayes above the rest the first and the seventh with the manner how they should keepe them in abstaining from all worke saving about their meat thirdly the danger and punishment of him that should not observe this rite lastly the cause to put them in mind of their deliverance out of Egypt Simler QUEST XX. Why they were enjoyned to eat unleavened bread THe reasons of this observation of unleavened bread were these 1. They then of necessitie were forced to eat unleavened bread because they had no time to lay leaven as is shewed vers 39. Calvin Perer. 2. But afterward this ceremonie was injoyned to put them in remembrance of their deliverance out of Egypt when for haste they could not leaven their bread Simler 3. As also to call to their remembrance the great power of God in bringing them out of Egypt when they had no provision for their journey for when men are best provided of secundarie meanes Gods grace is more obscured Calvin 4. As also to put them in mind of sodaine deliverance even before they had thought that God made such speed to deliver them that they had no time to provide bread for God is more readie to bestow his benefits thâ—â— we are to aske them Pellican 5. This also did put them in mind of their bitter and unpleasant servitude in Egypt as unleavened bread is not so pleasant to the taste as leavened Calvin And so God did deliver them from their former sorrow Vatab. 6. It also did move them to consider of Gods providence who nourished them 30. dayes even untill Manna came with that provision of unleavened bread dow which they brought out of Egypt Iosephus For like as the Manna ceased when they did eat of the fruit of the land so when their provision was done it is like that Manna came Pererius QUEST XXI Why seven dayes are limited for the keeping of the Feast of unleavened bread BUt why they were commanded to eat unleavened bread seven dayes the reason is not 1. Either because a finite number is taken for an indefinite as the number of seven is sometime used in Scripture and so these seven dayes did bring to their minde those thirtie dayes wherein they did eat unleavened bread Ioseph Perer. 2. Neither doe these seven dayes so much signifie that at all times they should remember their deliverance even all the yeere long Pellican 3. But this is more likely to have beene the reason thereof because there were so many dayes from the going out of Egypt untill the overthrow of the Egyptians in the red sea untill when their deliverance was not perfect nor they wholly out of danger for then the Lord is said to have saved or delivered Israel from the hand of the Egyptian chap. 14.30 Iun. And that this destruction of the Egyptians in the red sea followed seven dayes after the going of Israel out of Egypt shall be shewed in the 26. quest QUEST XXIII Whether the 14. or 15. day were the first of the seven COncerning the number of these dayes of unleavened bread 1. Neither is Iosephus opinion to bee received who saith Festa per octo dies celebramus quos vocamus azymorum We doe celebrate the Feast eight dayes which we call of unleavened bread for the direct words of the text are against him vers 15. Seven dayes shall yee eat unleavened bread 2. Nor yet is Rupertus reason any thing worth because
whereof these things are to be considered 1. Divers rites were injoyned in the celebration of the first pasch which were not perpetuall such was the preparing of the lambe foure dayes before Perer. And the indifferent choyce of a lambe or kid Iun. in Analys Likewise their girding of the loynes eating with a staffe in their hand their standing were onely signes of readinesse for that time which usages and rites they did not hold themselves tied unto insomuch that it was an ancient tradition among them afterward to sit at the Passeover in signe of their deliverance obtained so that our Saviour sitting at the eating of the pasch is found to be no transgressor of the law Iun. in Matth. 26.20 And so generally the rites of the first Passeover are set downe unto the 14. verse of this chapter and afterward the perpetuall law of the pasch is prescribed 2. In the perpetuall observation of the pasch some things might be dispensed withall some not upon necessarie occasion the generall time of the moneth they might keepe it in the second moneth if any were uncleane or in a long journey Numb 9.10 11. As it was practised in Hezekiâ—hs time 2 Chron. 30.1 2. The King with his Princes consulted to keepe the Passeover upon the 14. day of the second moneth because the Priests were not sanctified neither were the people gathered together to Jerusalem But concerning the particular time namely of the day it could not be altered but still they kept the pasch upon the 14. day of the moneth though the moneth were changed as is evident in these places before recited therefore the opinion of them hath no probabilitie that thinke our Saviour Christ did eat his pasch upon the 15. day at even So likewise the place where they should keepe the pasch was necessarie even where the Tabernacle and Sanctuarie was the place which the Lord should chuse as Deut. 16.6 for all their oblations and sacrifices must be brought thither Levit. 17.4 and Deut. 12. throughout the chapter And this is the cause why the Jewes to this day use no sacrifices nor ablations Perer. QUEST XXXIV What ceremonies the Iewes doe hold themselves tied unto at this day BUt here further it will be demanded what legall observations might be kept out of that place where the Sanctuarie was â— Here the Rabbines doe use this distinction that such legall rites as had necessarie relation to the place of the Sanctuarie as their sacrifices â—blations tithes offrings which were all to be brought to the place which the Lord should chuse such could not be observed in any other placeâ— as it is commanded Deut. 12.13 〈…〉 offrings in every place which thou 〈…〉 And in the same chapter vers 17. Thou mayst not eat within thy 〈…〉 of thy 〈…〉 the first borne if thy 〈…〉 observe wheresoever and to this day they doe as the dayes of unleavened bread circumcision abstinence from certaine meats fasting resting upon the festivals and all their judicials they hold themselves bound unto if they had Judges of their owne So they keepe their festivals in part in respect of resting from worke but in part they keepe them not because the sacrifices and oblations which were prescribed upon their Feast dayes are necessarily omitted being limited to a certaine place 3. Iustinus Martyr hereupon very well collecteth that seeing the Lord did tie the legall sacrifices to the place of his sanctuarie which he did foresee in time should bee destroyed his intent also was that all such sacrifices and ceremonies should cease at the time appointed Dialog cum Triphon And if the Jewes had any grace to consider this they might thinke that the wrath of God is upon them and that they worship him not aright seeing that they are deprived both of the Temple Priesthood and sacrifices so that their case is harder now than it was in Egypt where they did eat the Passeover which now it is not lawfull for them to doe QUEST XXXV Whether the sprinkle were of Hysope or Rosemary or some other thing Vers. 22. TAke a branch of Hyssope 1. Some have taken this for mosse as Tremelius and Iunius in their first edition because 1 King 4.32 it is said to spring out of the wall and is set against the Cedar the tallest tree as the vilest plant But Iunius hath reversed his first opinion and taketh it for Hysope because comparisons are not of unlike things but of the same kind the Cedar as being the highest tree that groweth upon a bodie is set against the Hysope which is one of the smallest things that riseth upon a stalke or shaft as the bodie thereof 2. Piscator doth thinke it to be Rosemarie both because for the divers branches it is fittest to sprinkle with and it delighteth to grow in stonie places and beside that which the Evangelist calleth Hyssope wherewith they reached unto Christ the spunge of vineger Ioh. 19.29 is in Matth. called a reed Matth. 27.48 which best agreeth to Rosemarie which hath a stiffe stalke like a reed Contra. All this here alleaged agreeth to the Hyssope as well as to Rosemarie for it hath many sprigges apt to disperse and sprinkle water it groweth also upon walls and in those countries it ariseth up to great bignesse that the stalke thereof might well serve to make a reed of to reach up the spunge so the mustard seed in Palestina groweth to a tree and Herodotus saith that he hath seene milium millet which is a kind of wheate in Babylon of the bignesse of a tree Beza annotat in Matth. 27.48 3. Though it be no great matter whether it bee taken for Hyssope or Rosemarie for the word generally signifieth such herbes as are good against rheumes and flixes and so it comprehendeth as well Hyssope as origanum marjeram saturai savorâ—e thyme c. and this libanotis rosemarie among the rest yet I thinke with Iunius that it most properly signifieth Hyssope both because of the similitude of the name eezob the consent of interpreters the Chalde Septuagint with the rest and most of all the Apostles authoritie Heb. 9.19 who calleth it Hyssope having relation to the ceremonie Numb 19. of sprinkling bloud with Hyssope QUEST XXXVI Whence they tooke the bloud which they laid upon the doore posts ANd dip it in the bloud that is in the basen Because the Latine translator readeth in the bloud that is on the threshhold or by the doore Augustine moveth a quâ—stioâ— what bloud that should be 1. He will not have it so to be taken as though the lambe were killed hard by the doore but that the bloud was saved in some vessell and set by the doore to be there in a readinesse to sprinkle upon the doore quest 48. in Exod. hereunto subscribeth Perer. 2. But what need so many superfluous questions seeing in the originall it is in the basen not on the threshold or doore all this labour might bee spared in seeking such shifts to excuse
gathered in the fruits of the yeere Simler And this moneth when all things began to revive and spring was answerable unto the state of the Israelites who now were revived by their joyfull deliverance from the winter and boistrous stormes of Egypt Borrh. QUEST V. Why the Israelites are charged to keepe the Passeover in the land of Canaan and not before Vers. 5. NOw when the Lord hath brought thee into the land of the Cananites 1. Hence it is evident that the Israelites were not bound to keepe the passeover in the wildernesse neither do we reade that they kept it more than once there in the second yeere Numb 9. and the next passeover was kept under Iosuah Ios. 5. eight and thirty yeeres after Simler The reason whereof might be this because they were not circumcised after they came out of Egypt for the space of 40. yeeres and the law was that no uncircumcised person should eat of the passeover this also signifieth that we shall not keepe our full and perfect passeover till we come into our heavenly Canaan Pellican 2. The reasons why they are charged to keepe the passeover in that plentifull land that abounded with milke and hony was partly to stirre them up to be thankfull unto God for his benefits and abundant liberality Calvin As also to admonish them that they should remember God in their prosperity and take heed that their full estate did not make them forget him 3. But now in that so fruitfull and pleasant a country as Palestina was is become barren and desolate this judgement hath befallen the Jewes and their country for their sinnes Pellican 4. Five nations only are here named that inhabited Canaan the Cananites Hittites Amorites Hivites Jebusites but the rest also are understood Iun. QUEST VI. Whether the keeping of the passeover was the cause of their deliverance or that the cause of the other Vers. 8. BEcause of that which the Lord did unto me 1. Some doe make this the sense of the place and read thus For this did the Lord doe so unto mee Septuagint Chalde Iun. Vatab. and would have this to be the meaning that God did shew all these wonders in Egypt and deliver them from thence to the end that they should keepe a memoriall of them 2. Others doe reade thus as is set downe supplying the word which and make this the reason of keeping the passeover because the Lord delivered them out of Egypt Simler Calvin Latine Genevens Pagine Montan. And this seemeth to be the more agreeable exposition both for that the cause of a thing goeth before the use thereof the wonders which the Lord did were first done and then the passeover commanded in remembrance thereof this was because of the other rather than the other because of this And againe the children aske not a reason of those things which the Lord did for them but they demand the cause of their service which they performe unto God as is shewed chap. 12.26 and chap. 13.14 Piscator QUEST VII How these things should be as signets upon their hands Vers. 9. IT shall be for a signe upon thine hand c. 1. This phrase is not only used as a similitude that they should alway have the benefits of the Lord in remembrance as a thing alwayes in their sight and that the passeover should as a signet on their head and as a frontlet betweene their eyes call to their remembrance their deliverance out of Egypt Sic Simler Pellic. though in the Proverbs this phrase is used in that sense by way of similitude as Prov. 1.9 They shall be as ornaments to thy head and as chaines to thy necke and chap. 6.21 Bind them to thy heart and tye them to thy necke And by these three to put it on the hands and forehead and to have it in the mouth are signified the faith in the heart the confession in the mouth and the operation of the hands whereby we expresse our thankfulnesse unto God Borrh. 2. Yet this is not all the meaning of this place but it is like also that they used some externall signe as in wearing signets upon their hands and frontlets upon their browes to put them in minde of the Law of God as for the same cause they were commanded to make fringes upon their garments Numb 15.38 And as they were commanded to write the Law upon the postes of their doores so also to binde them 〈◊〉 signets to their hands Deut. 6.6 for like as the Idolatrous nations did weare earings and frontlets in honour of their Idols as the Romane Gentrie were knowne by their rings and their Priests and their wives by their tutuli their foretops so the Lord would have the Israelites to use these ornaments as ensignes of their profession Simler Thus M. Calvin approving the first exposition yet assenteth also unto this if any man thinke that Moses alludeth unto those Qui tarditatis suae conscii subsidia memoriae sibi conficiunt non repugno Which because of their dulnesse doe use these things as helpes to their memory I will not gainsay Iunius also giveth this note Deut. 6.8 upon these words Thou shalt bind them as a signe to thine hand Typus accurata observationis atque perpetuae This was a type of the exact and continuall keeping of the Law Therefore there is no inconvenience to thinke that as they used fringes upon their garments so also frontlets and signets that should be alwayes in their eyes to put them in minde of the Law of God as reverend Beza very well noteth also Erat hic ritus quem postea Iudaei suis superstitionibus contaminarunt a Domino constitutus ut esset veluti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 legis beneficiorum This rite which afterward the Iewes corrupted with their superstitions was appointed of God that it should be as a remembrance and monument of the Law and of the benefits which the Lord had bestowed upon them Annot. in Matth. 23.5 3. Yet this being admitted I cannot see how the Jewes out of this place can prove that use and custome of writing some part of the law in scroules of parchment and so binding them to their foreheads and to the wrests of their hands as they doe at this day Simler For whereas they write in those parchments certaine sacred lections which they call parashoth Beza which are the foure places where mention is made of these signes upon their hands and frontlets betweene their eyes two out of this Chapter vers 9. and 16. two out of Deut. chap. 6.8 and chap. 11.18 what warrant can they shew for the excerpting of these foure texts rather than any other this seemeth then to be a tradition of their owne without any ground in Scripture 4. But that superstitious use of the Jewes who doe place the greatest part of their religion in carrying about with them their tephillim and zizim their frontlets and fringes as they call them thinking that thereby they are preserved from evill
tooke upon him the vow of a Nazarite and in this case there was no redemption allowed Ferus 5. And as the first borne were thus to be redeemed so there was a generall redemption of all the people of Israel who were every one to pay from twenty yeere old and above halfe a shekel Exod. 30.13 which was as it were their acknowledgement or recognition money that they were the Lords people and under his protection Calvin That as the Levites were taken to redeeme the first borne in Israel so all Israel in respect of other nations were as the Lords first borne as they are called Exod. 4.23 QUEST XI The spirituall application of the law of the first borne unto Christ. NOw concerning the spirituall application of this law of the first borne 1. It calleth unto our mind what wee are all by nature even the children of wrath and of destruction without the mercie of God like as the Israelites had beene all the children of death as well as the first borne of Egypt if the Lord had not in mercy spared them 2. We are againe to consider how we are delivered from the wrath of God and redeemed from hell and destruction even by the first borne of God Christ Jesus who was consecrate unto God and made a sacrifice of atonement for us who was indeed the first borne of God in these three respects First because he is the only begotten Sonne of God from the beginning called therefore the first borne of every creature Coloss. 1.15 Secondly as he tooke upon him our nature and was borne of the Virgin Mary so he was also her first borne Matth. 1.25 Thirdly he was the first that rose out of the grave and made a way unto everlasting life and therefore by the Apostle he is called the first borne of the dead Coloss. 1.17 And as the first borne was first set apart and then sacrificed unto God so Christ was separate from sinners Heb. 7.26 as the unspotted Lambe of God holy and acceptable and then made a perfect oblation of himselfe for the sinnes of his people Heb. 7.27 Osiander QUEST XII Whether the nearest way from Egypt to Canaan were by the Philistims country Vers. 17. GGd carried them not by the way of the Philistims country though it were neerer That the way out of Egypt into Palestina thorow the land of the Philistims was neerer doth evidently appeare 1. Because Gerara and Gaza which were Cities of the Philistims were part of the land of Canaan as it is bounded Gen. 10.19 and Ios. 13.5 The five principall Cities of the Philistims Azzah Ashdod Askelon Gath Ekron are counted of the Cananites the Philistims country then bordering upon Canaan and being a part thereof was the readiest passage into Canaan 2. Isaack being purposed to goe into Egypt because of the famine went first to Gerara as being in the way where he was stayed by the Lords speciall commandement and forbidden to goe into Egypt 3. Beside Ab. Ezra affirmeth that from Canaan into Egypt is not above ten dayes journey But Philo lib. de vita Mosis writeth that the utmost bounds of Canaan are but three dayes journey from Egypt which seemeth to bee more probable for the other way which the Israelites went from Horeb to Cadesh barnea to fetch a compasse by the mountaines of Edom was but an eleven dayes journey Deut. 1.2 4. This also doth further appeare because the other way which the Israelites tooke was thorow the great and terrible wildernesse Deut. 8.16 thorow the which if the Lord had not beene their guide they could not have found the way in comparison whereof the other was the more compendious and easie journey Ex Pererio QUEST XIII Why the Lord consulteth to prevent dangers Vers. 17. FOr God said lest the people repent when they see warre God could if it had pleased him have carried his people the neerest way even thorow the middest of their enemies country but God doth not alwayes shew his omnipotency and extraordinary power whereas ordinary meanes may be used 1. Because the Lord where no necessity is will not infringe the law of nature and ordinary course of things which he hath set Non sunt sine necessitate multiplicanda miracula Miracles are not to be multiplied without cause Pellican 2. Rationem sequi voluit quae populi infirmitati esset commodior Hee would follow a way which was best agreeable to the infirmity of the people Calvin who could not so well depend immediatly upon God as when they saw ordinary meanes before them 3. And by this the Lord shewed the tender care which he had over his people omitting nothing for their good Calvin 4. And this was done to teach us that wee should in every enterprise follow the ordinary course and use the meanes appointed Iun. as Augustine well collecteth upon this place Hinc ostenditur omnia fieri debere quae consilio rectè fieri possunt ad evitanda qua adversa sunt etiam cum Deus apertissimè adjutor est Hereby it is shewed that all things ought to be done which can be well compassed by counsell to avoide all dangers yea when God apparantly helpeth quaest 40. in Exod. So Moses though God were their guide yet is desirous of Hâ—babs company to direct them their way in the wildernesse Numb 10.29 And for the same cause they sent spies before to search out the land Deut. 1.22 when as notwithstanding they were assured that the Lord would give them that land Iun. QUEST XIV Whether the like danger of warre feared with the Philistims did not befall the Israelites with Amaleke LEst the people repent when they see warre 1. The Lord speaketh here doubtfully not that hee was ignorant what would fall out but he speaketh after the manner of men taking upon him the person of a wise man as consulting prudently and providently to meet with all occurrent dangers As also by this manner of speech shewing that there is no repugnancy betweene Gods prescience and mans free will in such things that there is no necessity imposed upon it Thostat 2. But it will be objected that this inconvenience fell out in their other journey for the Amalekites did encounter with the Israelites For answer whereunto it is to be considered that the case is much unlike betweene that battell with the Amalekites and the encountring of the Philistims 1. Because the Philistims would presently have set upon them but they did not meet with the Amalekites till forty dayes after their departure out of Egypt for the next mansion or staying place when they went from Rephidim where Amaleke fought with them was in the wildernesse of Sinai Numb 33.15 and to Sinai they came 47. dayes after their comming out of Egypt for in the third day after which was the 50. day the law was given them in Sinai 2. Before they had this combat with Amaleke they had experience of Gods assistance both in the destruction of the Egyptians in
is concerning that miraculous monument of the traceings of the chariot wheeles these things were miraculous indeed and shew it to be Gods extraordinarie worke beyond the wit of man or the power of nature 1. It was a great miracle that a way should be made through the Sea to the very bottome the water useth to ebbe onely about the shore not in the bottome and depth of the Sea 2. That the waters stood up as a wall on each hand it was also miraculous and contrarie to the nature of the liquid element of water 3. That such a great winde should bee raised on the sudden and drie the ground in so short a time was also admirable 4. That the waters returned upon the Egyptians on the one side of the Sea when as yet the Israelites were not all gone over on the other it was wonderfull Perer. 5. That the winde and storme was so strong upon the Egyptians with thunder lightning and raine Psal. 77.18 that the wheeles of their chariots were taken off while the Israelites passed on quietly it was a thing of great admiration 6. Gods providence also was seene in that not one of the Egyptians remained nor yet one of the Israelites were missing 7. The casting up of the bodies of the Egyptians and of their armour also as Iosephus thinketh which was after distributed among the Hebrewes was extraordinarie whereas such things use to sinke at the first 8. The driving of them to the contrarie shore which was further off was Gods speciall worke 9. The Egyptians desperate following of them into the Sea when they saw the waters stand up as a wall is much to be admired 10. But more the couragious and speedie passage of the Israelites through the wide and large Sea in the compasse of one night QUEST XVIII The division of the red Sea and of the river Iordan compared together BUt to compare this miracle of dividing the red Sea by Moses with the parting of the river Jordan before Iosuah 1. In some points they agree together both of them were wrought by an extraordinarie power both were done to the same end for the passing over of the people of God and they had the like effect the setting forth of the power of God 2. But herein they differed 1. The Sea was divided to deliver them from danger of their enemies Jordan to bring them into the land of Canaan to encounter with their enemies 2. There at the stretching of Moses rod the waters parted here at the presence of the Arke 3. There the waters stood up on each side as a wall here the upper waters onely stood up on an heape the nether waters were cleane cut off and ran into the dead Sea 4. Here twelve stones were set up for a monument there no such thing was done because they were not to returne thither againe but Jordan was alwayes in their sight 5. There a great wind was raised to drie the ground here none such needed because the chanell of Jordan was sandie and hard 6. There the people were guided by the leading of the cloudie and fâ—rie piller but here they needed it not being come into an habitable countrie whereas then they walked in desert and unknowne places 7. There a solemne thankesgiving was given immediatly unto God here in stead thereof the people were circumcised in Gilgal Iosh. 5.8 There the Egyptians were overwhelmed in the waters but here no such revenge was taken upon Gods enemies but the people of God onely provided for 3. So that simplie the dividing of the Sea was a more glorious and wonderfull worke than the other 1. Because as the Sea was larger than the river so the miracle in the standing up of the greater waters was greater 2. The people were at this time more distressed and therefore their deliverance more joyfull 3. The destruction of their enemies doth also set forth this worke beyond the other 4. The great fame also that went of this miracle more than of the other which was spoken of among the Gentiles as Rahab of Jericho taketh notice of it Iosh. 2. And the Philistines also heard of the Lords wonderfull working among the Egyptians 1. Sam. 6. â—0 4. But yet in two respects the parting of Jordan was more strange than the dividing of the red Sea 1. Because Jordan had a perpetuall current running along into the dead sea and therefore the upper waters which ran from the fountaine and head of Jordan were either miraculously staied in the spring from flowing out or else they did swell into an heape as high and huge as a mountaine still increasing which of the two is most agreeable to the text The waters that came from above staied and rose up upon an heape Iosh. 3.16 2. The other thing singular in the cutting of Jordan was that this huge heape of waters after Jordan came together againe abated by little and little and fell not all at once for the water being so much higher than the bankes would have overflowne all the Countrie if they had not been restrained by the power of God and brought to their ordinarie course Perer. Here follow certaine questions of the overthrow of the Egyptians in the red Sea QUEST XIX Of the blindnes of the Egyptians running upon their owne destruction Vers. 23. ANd the Egyptians pursued Herein appeareth the just judgement of God upon Pharaoh that they were so blinded that they run headlong into their owne destruction and follow the Israelites into the Sea of this their blindnes the reasons were these 1. The longanimitie and patience of God toward them in sparing their lives hitherto and onely touching their ground and cattell and first borne in those ten plagues 2. Their malice in desiring to be revenged of the Israelites 3. Their covetous and greedie desire to recover their substance Ferus 4. Iosephus addeth more Cum incolumeâ— illos terram tenere videbaut sibi quoquâ— cundem eventum pollicebantur When they saw that the Israelites did walke on the ground they did promise unto themselves the same event But they were deceived for that way was made for those that fled from their enemies to escape them not for the enemie that pursued the innocent to destroy them 5. But the greatest cause of all was that God had given them over to a reprobate sense Spiritu vertigiâ—is in reprobum sensum abducuntur They are carried headlong by a brainsicke spirit into a reprobate sence Pellican maxime eos excacavit judicium Dei Most of all the judgement of God blinded them And these foure are the ordinarie causes of the excecation and blinding of men abusing of Gods long suffering malice covetousnes and Gods justice concurring in giving the wicked and obstinato over to themselves Ferus QUEST XX. VVhy the Lord looked in the morning toward the Egyptians Vers. 24. NOw in the morning watch when the Lord looked c. 1. The Lord is said to looke and behold two wayes either in mercie as Mary in
they are done So then Moses hands became steadie afterwards being supported and so the constancie of the gesture of the bodie did rebound upon the affection of the soule which in like manner continued constant and fervent 6. Rupertus mysticall application is not here to be rejected Moses manus graves erant Moses hands were heavie because the law could bring nothing to perfection QUEST XVII Of the supporting and bearing up of Moses hands Vers. 12. ANd they tooke a stone and put it under him c. 1. Moses was both wayes wearied both in standing so long and in holding up his hands all that while therefore they provide both wayes for his infirmitie and weaknesse they put under a stone for him to sit upon and of each side held up his hands Tostat. 2. As they supported and bare up his hands so no doubt they joyned with him in their earnest prayers and desires unto God Quum manus ejus attollerent mentes etiam habebant ad Deum erectas As they lift up his hands so also they had their minds erected unto God Calvin 3. His hands are said to be steadie to the going downe of the sunne not that then they began to be faint but then the battell being ended and the victorie obtained there was no need for him any longer to hold up his hands 4. Divers allegories are made of this place as that Moses hands that is the precepts of the law are heavie but that by Aaron who signifieth Christ and Hur that is the holy Ghost they are made easie and light Ferus Some by Moses and Hur understand the two Testaments upon the which our prayer must relie Some againe thus allegorize Aarrn they say signifieth montanus hillie and Hur fire so two things support our prayer high and heavenly meditation and fervent charitie Lyran. But Chur signifieth white V◠light or fire and beside the false etymologie these allegories are too curious and somewhat farre fetcht 5. But Rupertus mysticall application may be received who by this stone understandeth the grace of the Gospell In quasederet Moses id est lex adimpleretur whereon Moses sate that is the law was fulfilled And this morall accommodation also is very fit that by Aaron and Hur all godly Ministers may learne Quomodo se mutuò animare debeant incitare ad preces How they ought to animate and stirre up one another unto prayer Marbach QUEST XVIII What this Amalek was and of whom descended Vers. 13. IOshua discomfited Amalek and his people 1. Strabo hath this opinion that this Amalek the father of the Amalekites should bee descended of Ismael Lyranus and Tostatus would convince him of errour herein because the young man which came running to David and confessed that hee had killed Saul said he was an Amalekite and yet he is generally held to have beene the sonne of Doeg that was an Edomite But this were to prove a thing more certaine by that which is uncertaine for it is evident and certaine out of the Scripture that Amalek the sonne of Eliphaz came of Esau Gen. 36. and whether that young man were the sonne of Doeg is uncertaine 2. Where it is said Amalek and his people Tostatus doth much busie himselfe to shew that this could not be Amalek the sonne of Eliphaz for then he must have beene above 260. yeare old for the time of the sojourning of Israel in Egypt was 215. yeare and when Iacob descended thither he was an 130. yeare old about whose 80. yeare Amalek might be borne and so he resolveth that this was not that Amalek but another of that name descended of that race Tostat. quast 7. in Exod. But all this labour might have beene well spared for by Amalek not any one person but the whole nation of the Amalekites is understood as Israel is usually in Scripture taken for the Israelites and his people were those which ayded and assisted them Vatab. As Iosephus sheweth how the King of Amalek sent unto other nations and that they combined themselves together against Israel 3. Thus we see how this victorie was atchieved First and principally by God the Author and cause thereof then the meanes were of two sorts partly spirituall by the earnest prayer of Moses partly externall by Ioshuas sword Simler And here began the prophecie to take place concerning Iacob and Esau The elder shall serve the younger Borrh. QUEST XIX What booke this was wherein Moses is commanded to write this storie Vers. 14. WRite this for a remembrance in the booke 1. Tostatus thinketh that this was some speciall booke beside this present storie and namely that which is called the booke of Iashar or the Righteous which is mentioned Iosh. 10. and that many things were written in that booke by way of prophecie which booke was written by Moses but is now lost because when that Heretikes had corrupted this booke the ancient Church neglected it and had no care of it lest in receiving the Verities in that booke they should together have received their Falsities and Heresies Tostat. quast 7. in Exod. Contra. 1. That this booke of Iashar was written by Moses it is not like seeing mention is made thereof in Davids time 2 Sam. 1.18 for if all those stories had beene prophetically set downe in that booke aforehand what needed those severall historicall books of Scripture to have beene written afterward 2. Neither had that beene a good reason to reject that booke because it had beene corrupted for so some bookes of canonicall Scripture also should have beene laid aside which some Heretikes corrupt fingers have beene medling with 3. This booke of Iashar therefore was none other than a Chronicle of the acts and gestes of the people of God which booke is now lost as divers other historicall books Iun. 4. Tostatus addeth further that this booke of Iashar was the same booke which is called the booke of the battels of the Lord Numb 21.14 which was not that booke of Numbers for there is a confirmation of those things then presently done by a former book which prophetically described those warres But it is no good argument thus to reason the booke of the battels of the Lord is not the booke of Numbers therefore it is that other booke of Iashar some thinke it was the booke of Judges Genevens Some a booke now missing the Scriptures now extant being sufficient Osiander The best answer is that the word sepher signifieth as well a rehearsall as a booke as it is taken Matth. 1.1 The booke of the generation of Iesus Christ. The meaning then is that when the battels of the Lord are rehearsed these also shall be spoken of which by Gods providence the Amorites made against Moab preparing an inheritance for the children of Israel who were forbidden to deale directly against Moab Iun. Numb 21. annot 8. 5. Wherefore the booke wherein Moses did make a memoriall of this thing was no other than this present historie of Exodus and
from heaven or such bread as hee might bring from Midian beside bread they did also eat of the remainder of the peace offerings Tostat. 2. Before God Oleaster expoundeth before the Tabernacle but as yet the Tabernacle was not built as is shewed before quast 7. nor Aarons Priesthood instituted as Cajetan well noteth here Non interfuit Aaron ut sacrificaret sed ut conviva Aaron was not present as a sacrificer but as a ghest 3. Others doe expound before God In gloriam honorem Dei to the honour and glory of God Simler Calvin So also Origen Omnia quâ— Sancti faciunt in conspectu Dei faciunt All that the Saints doe they doe in the sight of God as the Apostle saith Whether you eat or drinke c. doe all to the glory of God 4. But somewhat more is insinuated here that as after the Tabernacle was built before the Arke was said to be in the presence of God so now because they were assembled in Moses Tabernacle where the cloudy piller rested they are said to eat before the Lord who manifested himselfe in that piller Tostat. quaest 4. in cap. 18. QUEST XVI How the people came to Moses to aske of God Vers. 15. THe people come unto me to seeke God c. and I declare the ordinances of God and his lawes 1. Some expound it that they enquired of God by Moses Oleaster But it is not like that in every small matter Moses consulted with God for them for although the Lord cannot be wearied and he is ignorant of nothing yet for reverence of the divine Majesty they were to forbeare in small matters Tostat. So also Augustine Nunquid per singula credendum est eum consulere solere Deum It is to be thought that for every thing he used to consult with God 2. Some interprete because the sentence of Moses being their lawfull Judge was the sentence of God in asking of Moses they asked of God Cajetan And to the same purpose Augustine moving the question how Moses maketh mention here of the lawes of God seeing there were none as yet written maketh this answer Nisi praesidentem menti suae Dominum consuleret c. Vnlesse he had consulted with God the president of his mind he could not have judged justly Moses therefore was the interpreter of the will and sentence of God revealed unto him so judged according to his lawes 3. But this phrase to seeke God insinuateth a further matter that when they had any weightie businesse which either concerned God or the state of the common-wealth then they went to seeke an answer of God as the phrase is used 1 Sam. 9.9 Iun. So then here is a distinction of causeâ— noted in the greater and weightie affaires they consulted with God by Moses as Iethro saith afterward vers 19. Be thou unto the people to Godward and report their causes unto God but the smaller matters Moses judgeth himselfe which were afterward by the advice of Iethro transmitted over to the inferiour officers QUEST XVII Why the Lord would have Moses to take his direction from Iethro Vers. 19. HEare now my voyce Augustine here moveth a question why the Lord would have his servant Moses to whom he so often spake to take this direction from a stranger to the which he maketh this answere that God hereby would teach us 1. Per quemlibet hominem detur consilium veritatis non debere contemni That by whomsoever any true counsell is given it should not bee contemned 2. Againe God would haue Moses thus admonished Ne eum tentet superbia c. lest that sitting in that high seate of judgement Moses might have beene somewhat lifted up and therefore this was done to humble him 3. Rupertus goeth yet further and sheweth that this fact of Iethro was answerable to that saying in the Gospell That the children of this world are wiser in their generation than the children of light So Iethro for civill government and worldly affaires was wiser than Moses but in things belonging unto God Moses went beyond him Ferus addeth that hereby Moses was humbled Videns se non omnia scire seeing that he knew not all things but was advised by a stranger to take a better course in politike administration than he himselfe could thinke of QUEST XVIII What causes Iethro would have reserved to Moses BE thou for the people to Godward 1. Some thinke that here is a distinction made by Iethro of the spirituall and temporall power the first he would have still reside and rest in Moses as best exercised in spirituall things the other to bee passed over to others Ferus But the chiefe temporall power remained in Moses still after the choice made of the inferiour officers hee was the chiefe Prince and Magistrate notwithstanding nay rather hee resigned afterward his ordinarie spirituall power unto Aaron retaining the temporall still 2. Others thinke that whereas Moses was both a Lawgiver to the people and a Judge also that the first power he reserved still but the other part of executing judgement in particular cases according to those lawes he transmitted over to the officers Ex Simler But this is not true neither for Moses gave the sentence against the blasphemer Numb 24. and against him that violated the Sabbath Num. 5. 3. Wherefore the distinction here made is neither of divers kinds of offices as the spirituall and temporall nor yet of divers parts and functions of the same office as in making and executing of lawes but the difference was of causes small and great the one to bee reserved to Moses hearing the other to be committed to the officers to be chosen And so afterward they came to Moses when any difficult and hard matter fell out as when one blasphemed God in the host Levit. 24. they brought him to Moses likewise when they found one gathering of sticks upon the Sabbath they referred the matter to Moses Numb 15.33 In the cause also of Zelopechads daughters they resorted to Moses Numb 37. 4. And in those weightie matters two things were required of Moses first that hee should consult with God and then declare unto the people the will of God and shew them the ordinances and lawes of God vers 20. the ordinances or as the Latine Interpreter readeth ceremonies did onely appertaine unto God the lawes were of two sorts either such as concerned both God and man as the morall commandements the first table whereof commandeth our dutie toward God the second our dutie to our neighbour or such which onely concerned the affaires and controversies among men as the Judicials Tostat. quaest 5. 5. Herein then consisted Moses office 1. That he should report unto God the requests and demands of the people and so pray for them 2. To report unto the people the will and pleasure of God both Quantum ad cultum Dei what hee required concernnig his service and to shew them the way which they should walke
doe as I counsell thee poteris aâ—dire pracepta Dei thou shalt have time to heare what God commandeth thee that is to consult with God which his leisure would not now permit him to doe Oleast Osiand 3. But this clause seemeth to depend of the first word â—m if so that the meaning rather is this if God doe approve this my councell Iun. Wherein appeareth the piety of Iethro that would not obtrude his councell upon Moses no otherwise than it should have the divine approbation Simler Calvin QUEST XXIV In what sense the people are said to goe quietly to their place ANd all this people shalâ— goe quietly to their place 1. Some take this to be the meaning that this order devised by Iethro was but to serve during the time of their travell but when they were come to their place that is to the land of Canaan then they should have Officers and Judges set in their Cities Ex Siml But Iethro in these words sheweth the present benefit which should redound unto them by this order both Moses should be eased of much labour and the people of their attendance 2. In these words therefore Iethro doth insinuate two things both that the people should dispatch their businesse whereas they were constrained before to goe home their controversies undecided because Moses was not at leasure to heare all and so they should goe home quietly Simler And againe they should not need to hang so long and give such attendance as they did Iun. For Moses should bee able to dispatch their greater causes which they brought unto him in time and their smaller controversies should be taken up at home Tostat. quast 8. QUEST XXV Whether these Officers were chosen by Moses Vers. 25. ANd Moses chose men 1. These Officers and Magistrates were taken out from the rest of the people by election so that the government of Israel was in respect of Moses Monarchicall for the supreme authority still remained in him but in respect of these inferiour Magistrates it was Aristocraticall which forme of government is so called because the best and most worthy are elected to rule and governe 2. Moses is said to have chosen them because he coÌ„nfirmed the peoples choice and admitted those whom they presented for so hee said unto the people Bring you men of wisdome c. and I will make them Rulers over you Deut. 1.13 For it was the safest way for the people to make choice of them because they were better knowne unto them and they would the more willingly obey them Tostat quaest 9. 3. Further whereas Moses saith Deut. 1.8 I am not able to beare you my selfe alone as though Moses himselfe first thought of this device it must be understood that after Iethro had given this councell unto Moses then he propounded it unto the people Genevens QUEST XXVI Whether these Officers were of equall authority or one subordinate to another Vers. 25. ANd make them heads over the people 1. It is not like that these Officers whereof some were set over thousands some over hundreds some over fifties some over tennes that they had their severall distinct regiments so that they which were not under one Officer as under the Ruler over ten were not also under his superiour Officer that was set over fifty for then if they had beene all of equall authority this distinction needed not to have beene that some were Rulers of thousands some of hundreds c. But it had beene better for them all to have beene of one sort as all over hundreds or tens and againe if these Officers had not beene subordinate one under another that inconvenience should not have beene prevented which Iethro intended to deliver Moses of trouble for by these meanes if the people might not appeale from one Judge to a superiour a multitude of causes still should have beene devolved to Moses 2. Therefore it is resolved that these Officers were one under another the Ruler of ten under the Ruler of fifty and he under the Centurion and this also under the tribune or millenary Officer so that there was none of the people which was not subject to a Ruler of ten or tithing man to a Ruler of fifty a Ruler of an hundred and a Ruler over a thousand And this subordination served to two purposes both for the Officers themselves that if any controversie fell out among them it might bee ordered by the superiour Judge and if the people found themselves agreeved with their tithing men and inferiour Officers they might appeale for redresse to their superiour Judges And so the appeale ascended from the Ruler of ten to the Ruler of fifty from the Ruler of fifty to the Centurion and from him to the millenary Judge or Tribune and thus their causes were decided before they came at Moses only the hardest and most difficult matters were reserved for his hearing and from him there was no further appeale Tostat. quaest 11. QUEST XXVII Of the difference betweene these Officers and the 70. Elders Num. 10. FUrther it is here to be considered that this institution of Officers which was brought in by the councell and advice of Iethro was divers from that order of 70. Elders which was instituted afterward by the Lord Numb 10. For they differ both in order of time these were appointed before they came to Sinai the other after they removed thence and in number these were many no doubt divers thousands the other onely 70. Iethro gave the advice for the choice of the first but the Lord himselfe of the other Their office also and administration was divers the seventy were the Councell of State which consulted only of the publike affaires of the Kingdome the other attended upon the private causes and suits of the people This difference betweene the Senators and Counsellers of State and inferiour Judges was observed in all well ordered Common-wealths among the Athenians Lacedemonians Romans and is to be seene in our State This was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Senate of the Jewes which at the first consisted indifferently of men taken out of all the tribes six out of each of the eleven tribes the Levites excepted and the other foure to make up 70. were supplied by Levites and Priests to direct the rest This indifferent choice out of all the tribes continued untill the time of the Kings when the choice of these Elders was overruled by their authority then after the captivity because of the prerogative of the tribe of Iudah to whom the principality of right appertained most of the Elders were taken out of that tribe and so it continued till Herod dissolved that honourable and grave Senate of the Elders making havocke of them and putting most of them to death Iun. ex Ioseph Analys in Num. cap. 11. QUEST XXVIII At what time Iethro tooke his leave of Moses Vers. 27. AFterward Moses let his father in law depart c. 1. Some thinke that Iethro neither came unto Moses in
the Lords recompence that he will prepare eternall rest for thy reward and this it is to sanctifie the Sabbath So Augustine Spiritualiter observa Sabbatum in spe futurae quietis Observe the Sabbath spiritually in hope of the everlasting reward Libr. de 10. Chord All hypocrites therefore that keepe the Sabbath rest rather for feare of humane lawes than of conscience which also come before the Lord with a dissembling heart are transgressors of this Commandement for he that will truly consecrate the Sabbath unto the Lord must call it a delight Isa. 58.13 he must with all his soule delight therein 2. Observ. Against those which spend the Lords day in carnall delight TO sanctifie it The rest then of the Sabbath is commanded not as though it were in it selfe a thing acceptable unto God but that wee might the better attend upon Gods service They therefore which give themselves upon the Lords day to ease and idlenesse pampering and feeding themselves following their owne will and pleasure doe not sanctifie the Sabbath unto the Lord for hee that will consecrate a Sabbath as glorious unto the Lord must not doe his owne wayes nor seeke his owne will as the Prophet sheweth Isai. 58.13 Against such which carnally spent the Sabbath in pleasure and delight the same Prophet speaketh Wo unto them c. The Harpe and Violl Timbrell and Pipe are in their feasts Isai. 5.12 And of such Chrysostome saith well Accepisti Sabbatum ut animam tuam liberares à vitiis tu verò magis illa committis Thou hast received the Sabbath to free thy soule from vice and by this meanes thou doest commit it the more 3. Observ. No worke must be put off untill the Lords day THou shalt not doe any worke Here then such covetous and worldly minded men are taxed which cannot afford one day of seven for the Lord but toile themselves therein with bodily labour as if they have a job of worke of their weeks taske to doe they will dispatch it upon the Lords day if they have any journey to take they will put it off till then for feare of hindring their other worke therefore the Lord meeting with mens covetous humours forbiddeth all kinde of worke to be done therein Gregorie giveth two reasons why upon the Lords day we should cease from all terrene labour because Omni modo orationibus insistendum We should altogether attend upon prayer and spirituall exercises such works then must be shunned because they are an hinderance unto the service of God And againe Si quid negligéntiae per sex diesagitur c. if any thing have beene negligently done in the six dayes that upon the day of the resurrection of our Lord precibus expietur it may be expiate and purged by prayer Gregor in Registro lib. 11. epist. 3. We should not then commit more sinnes of negligence when we should pray for forgivenesse of our errours and negligence Cajetane giveth a good note upon this word Remember Ad hoc servit recordatio ut non reserves aliquid operandum in diem septimum c. therefore serveth this remembrance that no jot or worke be reserved till the seventh day 4. Observ. It is not enough for the master of the familie to keepe the Lords day unlesse his whole familie also doe sanctifie it THou nor thy sonne nor thy daughter c. This is added to reprove their nice curiositie who though themselves will seeme to make conscience of the Lords day are content yet that their children and servants doe breake it and put them to labour or suffer them to mispend the day in vaine pleasure thinking it sufficient if the master of the house keepe the rest of the Lords day But every good Christian must resolve with Ioshua I and my house will serve the Lord chap. 24.15 He thought it not enough for himselfe to be addicted to Gods service unlesse his whole familie also served the Lord. So then none are exempted here from keeping the Sabbath Nullus sexus nulla aetas nulla conditio c. no sex no age no condition is excluded from the observing the Sabbath Gloss. interlin Neither young nor old male or female master or servant Vpon the fifth Commandement 1. Divers Questions and difficulties discussed and explained QUEST I. Whether this precept belong to the first Table 12. HOnour thy father c. Iosephus with some other Hebrewes doe make this fifth Commandement the last of the first Table both to make the number even in both Tables and because mention is made here of Jehovah as in none of the other Commandements of the second Table and because it was fit that as the first table began with our dutie toward God our heavenly Father so it should end with our dutie toward our earthly parents Contra. These are no sufficient reasons for this division of the Commandements 1. For though the foure first Commandements in number answer not the other yet they are in the writing upon the Tables more and conteine a greater space than the other six and better it is to divide the Commandements by the matter referring onely those to the first Table which containe the worship of God than by the number 2. The name Jehovah is expressed in other judiciall and ceremoniall lawes which follow which belong not either to the first or second Table 3. The third reason better sheweth why this Commandement should begin the second Table then end the first 4. And whereas some object that place Rom. 13.9 where the Apostle rehearseth the five Commandements following omitting this as though it belonged not to the second Table the reason of that omission is because the Apostle directly in that place had treated before of the dutie toward the higher Powers and Superiours who are comprehended under the name of parents But our Saviour putteth all out of doubt Matth. 19.19 where he placeth this Commandement last in rehearsing the precepts of the second Table and joyneth it with that generall precept Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy selfe Calvin QUEST II. Why the precepts of the second Table are said to be like unto the first NOw our Saviour reduceth all the precepts of the second Table to one generall Commandement Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy selfe and saith it is like unto the first in these respects 1. Because the second Table of the morall law as well as the first hath a preeminence and excellencie above the ceremonials and therefore in regard of this dignitie and prioritie it is like unto the first 2. Because the same kinde of punishment even everlasting death is threatned against every transgression as well of the second as of the first Table 3. In regard of the coherence and dependance which the one hath of the other as the cause and the effect for a man cannot love his brother unlesse he first have the feare of God whose image he reverenceth in his brother Vrsin QUEST III. Why the precept of honouring
Paulus Burgensis doth herein finde fault with Lyranus for it is evident by that sentence borrowed from Augustine that he which suffereth his brother to perish when it is in his power to helpe him in effect killeth him and so is a transgressor against the sixth Commandement Thou shalt not kill 2. And as for the workes of mercy they are commanded in those severall precepts where the contrary is forbidden as the same Law which forbiddeth to take away a mans life commandeth us if it be in our power to preserve it and where we are inhibited to take away our neighbours goods wee are likewise willed to relieve him with ours where there is cause and in the same Commandement where it is made unlawfull to take away our neighbours good name it is enjoyned that wee should by all meanes seeke to preserve it QUEST XVII Of the true reading and meaning of these words that they may prolong it THat thy dayes may be prolonged But in the originall it is put in the active that they may prolong as read Iun. Momanus 1. Some referre it unto the parents that they by their prayers and blessings may cause the life of their children to be prolonged Oleaster As in the same sense they are said to receive them into everlasting tabernacles Luk. 16.4 and men are said to save 1. Timoth. 4.16 and Iam. 5.20 sic Iun. 2. Ab. Ezra understandeth it of the precepts and commandements which shall procure long life to those which obey them 3. But the verbe is rather here taken impersonally and in the signification of a verbe neuter That thy dayes may prolong that is may bee lengthened so the Childe And it is an usuall phrase with the Hebrewes to put the active in a passive signification as Iob 4.19 They shall destroy them before the moth that is they shall bee destroyed and Iob 7.3 They have appointed painefull nights unto mee that is were appointed unto me Iun. And this seemeth rather to bee the sense because Saint Paul so taketh it Ephes. 6.3 That it may be will with thee and that thou maist live long in the earth Simler QUEST XVIII In what sense the Apostle calleth this the first Commandement with promise BUt whereas Saint Paul saith that this is the first Commandement with promise Ephes. 6.2 hereupon this doubt ariseth in what sense the Apostle so calleth it seeing there is annexed unto the second Commandement a large promise of shewing mercy unto thousands to them that love God Hereunto divers solutions are made 1. Hierom bringeth in two expositions yet resolving of neither As first how some doe take the whole Decalogue because it was first given unto the Israelites after their comming out of Egypt for one Commandement and so would have this promise not peculiar unto this precept but unto all the rest But this is against the Apostles meaning for he doth annex this promise as peculiar to this duty of honouring our parents and calleth this the first Commandement with promise 2. Others doe thinke that in the second Commandement Non tam promissionem prolatam quà m sententiam in landes Dei esse finitam That it is not so much a pronouncing of a promise as an ending of the sentence in the praises of God but herein the fifth Commandement the promise is divided from the precept and the sentence is broken off and not continued as there But Hieroms reason overthroweth this answer Observa quòd verba sunt sponsiones c. Observe that these are words of covenant shewing mercy unto thousands and they are added as a reason joyned to the Commandements Hieron in 6. ad Ephes. 3. Ambrose understandeth the Apostle thus Hac causa dixit quod est mandatum primum in promissione ut discerneret inter mandata quae ad Deum mandata quae ad homines pertinent Therefore he said Which is the first Commandement with promise that he should discerne betweene the Commandements which appertaine unto God and those which belong unto men Ambros. in 6. ad Ephes. His meaning is that it is the first precept of the second Table with promise 4. But I rather resolve with Simlerus and Vrsinus that this is the first precept that hath any speciall and particular promise the other promise added to the second Commandement is generall to all those that love God and so not restrained only to that precept but is extended generally to the obedience of the whole law QUEST XIX Why the promise of long life is made to obedient children THat thy dayes may belong c. 1. Cajetane giveth this reason why this promise of long life is made to obedient children Tanquam gratis acceptâ— Ã parentibus beneficio vitae As being thankfull for the benefit of life received of their parents for it is fit that they which are thankfull to their benefactors should enjoy the benefit long Calvine also to the same purpose God doth shew his favour in prolonging of this life Vbi erga eos grati sumus quibus â—am acceptam ferre cenvenit When we are thankfull to those of whom we have received it So also Thomas Qui non honorat parentes tanquam ingratus meretur vita privari He that honoureth not his parents deserveth as an ungratefull man to bee deprived of life which he received of his parents 2. Thomas Aquin. also yeeldeth another reason In those precepts it was necessary to adde a promise ex quibus videbatur nulla utilitas sequi vel aliquae utilitas impediri where no profit was either not expected or seemed to be hindred therefore in the second Commandement which forbiddeth idolatry a generall promise is propounded because by the worship of Idols Idolaters looked for great benefits which seemed by this meanes to be cut off and because parents being aged are wearing away ab eis non expectatur utilitas no profit is expected from them and therefore a promise is put to this precept of honouring parents Sic Thom. 1.2 qu. 100. art 7. ad 3. But this reason seemeth somewhat curious 3. Oleaster rendreth this reason Because parents doe prolong the childrens dayes precibuâ— by their blessings and prayers 4. Thomas addeth further this reason is put to ne credatur non deberi praemium c. lest a reward might be thought not to be due for the honouring of parents because it is naturall QUEST XX. What other blessings are promised under long life BY long life here not only the lengthening of dayes is understood but other benefits also 1. Tostatus giveth this reason because without other temporall blessings vita laboriose miserabiliter ducitur mans life seemeth to be but full of labour and misery and so no blessing quaest 20. 2. Pelargus thus distinguisheth these blessings Vt triplex honor ita triplex pramium As a threefold honour is to be yeelded to parents so a threefold reward is promised pro honore obediâ—ntiae vita gloriosa for the honour of obedience a glorious life pro honore
Quia nulla nobis rationâ— sociantur because they are not partakers of reason with us thus August lib. 1. de civitat Dei cap. 20. 2. Thomas useth this reason Non est peccatum uti illis quae sunt subdita hominis potestati c. It is no sinne to use those things which are subject to mans power and made for mans use for there is a certaine naturall order that plants are for the nourishment of beasts and beasts feed one upon another Omnia in nutrimentum hominum c. and all are appointed for the nourishment of man and the Lord hath given unto man this liberty As the greene herbe have I given you all things Gen. 9.3 The Apostle also sheweth the Lawfulnesse hereof Whatsoever is sold in the shambles eat yee and aske no question for conscience sake 1. Cor. 10.25 Thom. in opuscul 3. Cajetane addeth further that it is lawfull to kill beasts Vt vescamur eis vel ne molesta sint nobis To feed upon them or that they be not noisome unto us 4. And the word ratzach here used in the opinion of the Hebrewes signifieth properly to kill a man and therefore there need to be no doubt made of the lawfulnesse of killing other creatures for mans use Simler Cajetan QUEST III. Of the divers kindes of killing THou shalt not kill There are divers kindes of killing some doe kill the soule onely some the body only some both the body and soule 1. They kill the soule which seduce and pervert it as therefore the Devill is said to be a murderer from the beginning Ioh. 8. In quantum traxit ad peccatum because hee drâ—w our first parents into sinne 2. The body and soule is killed two wayes occidendo pragnantes in killing of women with childe for so the infant conceived is deprived both of body and soule Secundo interficiendo seipsum secondly when one killeth himselfe for beside the death of the body they bring their soule into danger Thom. in opuscul 3. The body is killed also divers wayes for Homicidium est internum externum murder is either inward or outward the inward is of two sorts either conceptum conceived as in anger hatred desire of revenge which our Saviour forbiddeth Matth. 5.22 or permissum when it is permitted or suffred when one consenteth unto another mans death Rom. 1.31 They doe not only the same things but favour them that doe them Pelarg. Thom. The externall is committed three wayes manu by the hand as in beating wounding and lastly killing or ore with the mouth in railing reviling giving evill counsell and adjutorio by ministring helpe and so being accessary in killing Thom. This externall murder is either Verbis exâ—ptatum gestu attentatum opere designatum wished in word attempted in gesture or designed in deed Pelarg. QUEST IV. How the soule is killed by evill perswasion FIrst then the seducing and perverting of the soule is a principall breach of this Commandement as Piscator well observeth that seductio animae the seducing of the soule is one of the transgressions of this precept 1. Augustines reason is taken from the practice of the Devill Homicida Diabolus non gladio armatus c. verbum malum seminavit occidit The Devill is a murderer he came not unto man with armour or weapons he sowed evill seed by tempting them and so slew them In Ioan. tract 42. 2. Thomas useth this reason Occidunt animam auferendo vitam gratiae They slay the soule by taking away the life of grace So Augustine concludeth Si fratri tuo mala persuades occidis If thou perswade evill unto thy brother thou killest him ibid. QUEST V. That it is not lawfull for a man to kill himselfe SOme thinke that by this precept man is forbidden to kill another but not himselfe But that it is a speciall offence against this law for any man to lay violent hands upon himselfe it may be thus shewed 1. Augustines reason is Neque enim qui se occidit aliud quà m hominem occidit Neither hee which killeth himselfe doth any other than kill a man 2. Pelargus useth this reason Praeceptum eum ipsum comprehendâ— cui praecipitur A precept being simply propounded without any other addition comprehendeth him also to whom the precept is given in that it is said therefore Thou shalt not kill it is insinuated that thou shalt not kill thy selfe 3. Because our life is the gift of God it cannot be taken away from whomsoever without great impiety and Facit injuriam humano generi he that killeth himselfe doth wrong unto humane society in depriving the Commonwealth of a member thereof Basting 4. The same reasons why a man should not kill his neighbour because he is the image of God hee is our flesh and one of Christs members for whom he died are strong to perswade one not to kill himselfe for no man ever hated his owne flesh Vrsinus 5. Whereas it is objected that Sampson killed himselfe the answer is he did it Instinctu Spiritus Dei By the instinct of Gods Spirit so that hee did it Authoritate Dei By Gods authority Thomas QUEST VI. The inward murder of the heart forbidden NOt only the externall act of murther is here forbidden but the internall also by hasty rage malice hatred envy and such like 1. Lex Dei spiritualis est The law of God is spirituall and therefore iâ— bindeth not only the hands and tongue but the heart also and affections as our blessed Saviour the best interpreter of the law teacheth If one be angry with his brother unadvisedly he shall be culpable of judgement Matth. 5.22 Gallas 2. Another reason is because he qui irascitur sine causa quamum ad voluâ—â—â—tem homicidium fecit which is angry without a cause in respect of his owne will and purpose hath committed manslaughter Chrysost. hom 11. in Matth. Therefore the Apostle saith He that hateth his brother is a manslayer 1. Ioh. 3.15 3. Bonus medicus non solum tolliâ— malum quod apparet sed etiam radicem removet infirmitatis A good Physitian doth not only take away the evill that is apparent but also removeth the very root of the disease Thomas Therefore our Saviour biddeth not only to take heed of murther but of anger also ex ira enim homicidium generatur for homicide or murther is ingendred by anger and rage Chrysostome 4. And where the effect is forbidden there also the cause and occasion thereof is restrained as God would not have us to hurt our brother so he would have all occasions thereof to bee cut off Vrsinus QUEST VII What things are to be taken heed of in anger COncerning anger and rage which is the inward killing five things are here to be taken heed of 1. Ne citò provocatur that it be not soone provoked as S. Iames saith Loe every man be swift to heare slow to speake and slow to wrath chap. 1.19 And there be two reasons why anger
evill but wait upon the Lord and he shall save thee Prov. 20.12 3. Observ. Surfetting by eâ—cesse forbidden FUrther by this precept they are condemned qui luxu se occidunt c. which kill themselves with surfetting and drunkennesse riot and excesse Basting whereupon often ensueth also quarrelling and wounds as the Wise-man sheweth To whom is woe to whom is strife c. to whom are wounds without cause to whom is rednesse of the eyes to them that tarrie long at wine Prov. 23.29 30. The seventh Commandement 1. Questions discussed QUEST I. Of the order and negative propounding of this Commandement THou shalt not commit adulterie 1. This Commandement very fitly followeth after the other Thou shalt not kill Quia post injuriam quae infertur personae nulla est major quà m illa quae infertur conjunctae Because next after the injurie done to the person there is none greater than that which is offred unto the joynt person for they two shall be one flesh Thom. in opuscul So also Lyranus 2. This Commandement is propounded negatively rather than affirmatively because the negative is more generall than the affirmative Tum quoad tempâ—ra quà m personas both in respect of the time and persons for at all times and in all places it is unlawfull to kill to commit adulterie c. but at all times and in all places wee must not honour our parents and for the persons wee must not offer violence or wrong unto any but for the affirmative it is impossible to doe good to all Thom. in Epist. ad Roman cap. 13. See before quest 1. upon the sixth Commandement QUEST II. Whether the uncleane desire of the heart be forbidden in this precept IN this Commandement not onely the impuritie of the bodie but of the soule also is forbidden and chastitie commanded in both Gregories opinion is that God Per hoc praeceptum non peccata cogitationis sed operis resecuit c. Doth not by this precept cut off the sinfull thoughts but the sinfull act and that Christ afterward in the law Cogitationes hominum religavit Did bind also the thoughts of men In Ezech. homil 13. Augustine also is of opinion that in this precept Ipsum opus notatum est The worke of uncleannesse it selfe is noted but in the other Thou shalt not covet Ipsa concupiscentia the very concupiscence because saith he sometimes it may fall out that a man may commit adulterie cùm non concupiscat illam when he doth not covet her but upon some other cause doth companie with her Aliquando eam concupiscat nec ei misceatur poenam timens Sometime he may covet her and not company with her fearing the punishment in quaest 71. in Exod. Contra. 1. Our Saviour Christ doth not adde any thing to the law of Moses or bringeth in any new interpretation but doth free and cleare the law from the grosse and corrupt gloses of the Scribes and Pharisies delivering the true sense and meaning thereof as it was first given unto the people And therefore Chrysostome well saith Vt per concordiam mandatorum ipse inveniatúr author legis fuisse gratia That by the agreement of the Commandements in the old and new Testament the same may be found to bee the author of the law and of grace in Matth. hom 11. And that even the inward concupiscence and desire was forbidden in the old Testament it is evident by Iobs practice in whose heart the morall law was written I have made a covenant with mine eyes why then should I thinke on a maid chap. 31.1 2. Concerning Augustines opinion the concupiscence which is joyned with a full purpose onely wanting opportunitie and being restrained by feare from the externall act is a breach of this Commandement and not of the last as our blessed Saviour expoundeth Matth. 5.28 What kinde of concupiscence is prohibited in the last precept and how it differeth herein ftom this shall bee shewed afterward when wee come to that place 2. And that commixtion which hath no concupiscence nor consent of will being violent and forced as in them which are ravished it is no adulterie at all which alwayes proceedeth out of the heart 3. But that the inward sanctimonie and puritie of the minde is here commanded and the contrarie forbidden it is thus proved 1. By the definition of puritie and chastitie which is to be holy both in bodie and spirit as S. Paul describeth a true Virgin 1 Cor. 7.34 So the same Apostle 1 Thess. 5.23 That your whole spirit soule and bodie may be kept blamelesse unto the comming of our Lord Iesus Christ. 2. Both the soules and bodies of the faithfull are the Temples of the Spirit and therefore ought to be kept holy 1 Cor. 3.16 Know yee not that yee are the Temple of God and that the Spirit of God dwelleth in you if any destroy the Temple of God him shall God destroy Basting 3. Chrysostome urgeth these foure reasons first from the interpretation of our blessed Saviour who sheweth that this Commandement is broken in the very inward lust and concupiscence Matth. 5.28 4. Secondly from the analogie and correspondencie which it hath with other Commandements that Irasci proximis sine causa to be angrie with our neighbours without cause is a breach of the precedent Commandement Thou shalt not kill So Concupiscere mulierem alienam c. to desire a strange woman though the act of concupiscence follow not is against this precept 5. Thirdly in respect of God Qui non tantum opus hominis aspicit quantum cor Who doth not so much looke unto the worke of man as to his heart 6. Fourthly because concupiscence is the cause of adulterie Omne adulterium ex concupiscentia All adulterie proceedeth from concupiscence as our blessed Saviour sheweth Mark 7.21 Even from the heart of man proceed evill thoughts adulteries fornications c. Quomodo ergo tolletur adulterium nisi pracisa fuerit concupiscentia c. How then shall adulterie be taken away unlesse concupiscence be first cut off Homil. 12. in Matth. Seeing then that the effect that is adultery and outward uncleannesse is forbidden in this precept it followeth also that the very cause thereof which is concupiscence should be restrained QUEST III. Other acts of uncleannesse beside adulterie here forbidden COncerning the externall act of uncleannesse which is in the very letter of this precept prohibited the Hebrewes are of opinion that onely concubitus adulterinus the adulterous act is here forbidden But this opinion is easily convinced 1. Tostatus urgeth this reason Qui prohibet minus malum à fortiori prohibet majus c. He that forbiddeth the lesse evill doth much more prohibit the greater evill for there are more unlawfull acts of uncleannesse than adulterie as those unnaturall sinnes committed either with another kinde as with brute beasts which is monstrous or with the same kinde and with the same sex as Sodomitrie and abusing of the male or with the
of the change of their minde but they are not to bee forced by any such promise of mariage to accomplish the same 2. The other kinde of espousals is de praesenti pronounced of the time present as if one say Ego te mihi despondeo uxorem I take thee to my wife this contract is actuall and effectuall and cannot bee dissolved being lawfully made for that which God hath coupled together man cannot put asunder Matth. 19.7 and they which are thus contracted are man and wife before God as Iacob calleth Rachel being onely espoused his wife Give me my wife Genes 29.21 and the Angell calleth Mary espoused to Ioseph his wife Matth. 1.20 Hereof it was that by Moses law hee which defloured a maid espoused unto another was to bee stoned to death Deut. 22.23 3. After these espousals there came betweene them and the celebration of the mariage some convenient space of time 1. For publike honestie sake that they should not presently come together as bruit beasts in the heat of their fleshly desire 2. That by this meanes their mindes might bee first knit together before their bodies their desire of each to other by this meanes being kindled and increased 2. That this pause being made if in the meane time there should fall out any just cause of let it might appeare Bucanus QUEST XV. Of mariage consummate and the rites and orders therein to be observed MAriage is consummate by two solemne and publike actions one is religious and Ecclesiasticall the other is Civill 1. The parties espoused are first brought into the face of the congregation both to testifie their unfained consent each to other and that they may publikely bee instructed by the Minister of the duties of mariage and be commended unto God by the prayers of the congregation which godly use of the publike celebration of mariage before the congregation howsoever some schismatickes foolishly and wilfully spurne against it yet is grounded partly upon the example of God himselfe who brought man and woman together and gave them a solemne blessing saying Increase and multiplie partly upon that rule of the Apostle 1. Corinth 14.40 that all things in the Church should be done honestly and by order for by this meanes secret and 〈◊〉 mariages are prevented and the parties freed from all suspition who without this publike solemnitie might bee thought so live incontinently together and seeing all things are consecrate by the word of God and prayer 1. Tim 4.5 it is requisite that such a weightie businesse as this should bee sanctified with prayer and invocation of the name of God 2. The other publike action is Civill in the nuptiall feast or festivitie for it hath beene a commendable custome in all ages and in all nations almost to solemnize mariage with the cheerefull meeting of friendâ—â— as Laban made a feast in the mariage of his daughters Genes 29.22 our blessed Saviour was present at a mariage feast at Cana in Galile Ioh. 2. But the mariage feast ought to bee kept with this cavent that there bee no excesse riot or disorder with other abuses that often fall out in such meetings As in that great feast which the great King of Persia made unto his Nobles such good order was kept that none was compelled to drinke more than hee would himselfe Esther 1.8 This moderate and sober kinde of feasting may safely bee retained among Christians according to S. Pauls rule Philip. 4.8 9. Whatsoever things are true whatsoever things are honest whatsoever things are just c. those things doe and the God of peace shall bee with you Ex Bucano QUEST XVI What conditions are required in lawfull mariage BUt in lawfull mariage divers conditions are required and namely these 1. That Matrimony bee contracted between such parties as are apt for mariage The contracts then and espousals made betweene children are void 2. That there bee a voluntarie consent of both parties not forced or urged thereunto 3. The consent also of the parents or of those which are in the place and stead of parents must not bee wanting 4. There must bee no error in the persons as when they are espoused as virgins which prove afterward to bee otherwise or such like errors and mistakings 5. That honest conditionâ— bee propounded in such contracts with decencie and comelines 6. That Matrimonie bee contracted onely betweene two parties for though the Fathers were permitted to have many wives yet we must live not according to examples but by a certaine law and rule 7. Mariage must bee contracted in the Lord that is onely betweene the faithfull and beleevers and such as consent together in the true faith and religion 8. That such persons contract not together as are within the degrees prohibited either of affinitie and consanguinitie which are expressed Levit. 18. which prohibition of degrees is grounded upon the law of nature and therefore is morall and perpetuall for God did cast out the Canaanites because they were defiled herein Levit. 18.24 Who were not bound to the ceremoniall but to the morall lawes and the end of this prohibition of certaine degrees was for reverence of the neerenesse of kindred and blood as this reason is rendred None shall come neere to any of the kindred of his flesh to uncover their shame Levit. 18.6 and therefore this law is universall and perpetuall Vrsin Concerning the particular limitation of these degrees and right computation of them see elsewhere this matter handled at large Synops contr 15. of Matrimonie qu. 3. QUEST XVII Of the ends of the institution of matrimonie NOw the ends wherefore Matrimonie was ordained are these 1. In respect of the parties themselves there are three ends 1. That they should be a mutuall helpe one unto another both in divine and humane duties as the Lord when hee made woman said I will make an helpe meet for him Gen. 2.18 which helpe is partly in humane affaires as in domesticall duties in governing and ordering the familie in the bringing up and education of children and in personall duties one in helping and releeving another in sicknesse and in health as also in divine one in comforting another in praying one for another and such like 2. Mariage is ordained to bee a remedie against incontinencie and vagrant lust 1. Cor. 7.2 3. For procreation of children which should continue their parents name and succeed in his inheritance as the Lord said unto them Gen. 1.28 Increase and multiplie 2. In respect of the Church and Common-wealth Matrimonie was appointed as a meane to increase them both with profitable members and instruments and therefore parents are charged to bring up their children in the instruction and information of the Lord Ephes. 6.4 that they may bee fit to bee employed in the Church and Common-wealth 3. In respect of God Matrimonie was instituted principally for the setting forth of his glorie that the married parties should together better learne to serve and worship God and to bring up
rule of the Gospell is not observed to tell our neighbour his faults privately first before we make them publike therein we also offend and that two wayes first Quia transgreditur ordinem quem Christus posuit in corrigendo because he transgresseth the order set by Christ in correcting of offenders Matth. 18.11 And againe Quia ex mala intentione agit because he doth it of a bad intention to hurt his brother Tostat. quaest 25. 3. But two cases are excepted wherein this private admonition is to be omitted first Si judicialiter inquiratur if the offence be judicially inquired of then one is not to conceale the faults which he knoweth by another for in this case he need not tell it to the Church that is to the Judges and Governours because it is knowne to them already Another case is where the offence though not yet acted but intended only concerneth the whole State wherein there is danger in concealing in such offences complaint may bee first made to authority for of such trespasses our blessed Saviour speaketh not but only of those which are private and particular If thy brother trespasse against thee QUEST IX Of the divers kindes of false testimonies BUt now let us proceed to examine the particular kindes of false testimonies which are of two sorts 1. In doctrine which either concerneth God and religion or the knowledge of humane Arts. 2. In the affaires of the life and that either publike in judgement and making of covenants or private which is either in testifying falsly against others or giving a false testimony of our selves Marbach Simler Of these now in their order QUEST X. Of a false testimony in matters of religion FIrst a false testimony is in doctrine 1. In matters of religion as Cum in religione à vera fide discâ—â—â—â—tur when as in religion any depart from the analogy of faith Marbach As they which maintaine heresie and false doctrine or which for feare in time of persecution deny the truth or such as handle the word of God impurely and mingle with it their owne traditions and fables all these are false wâ—â—nesses against God and his truth And therefore Augustine inferreth well Si mendacium quod adversus vitam cujusquam temporalem dicitur detestabile est c. If a lye which is made against any ones temporall life he detestable much more if it be against life eternall as every lye is that is made in doctrine of reâ—â—gion c. And to this purpose Augustine produceth that saying of S. Paul 1. Cor. 15.15 We are found faâ—se witnesses against God namely if the dead rise not againe for we have testified of God that he hath raised up Christ August de mâ—â—dâ—c ad 〈◊〉 cap. 12. But because this kinde of lying in causes of religion is a transgression of our duty toward God it more properly belongeth to the first Table being a breach of the first Commandement Simler QUEST XI Of falshood and errour in 〈◊〉 ANother kinde of falshood in doctrine is 〈…〉 artibus vel 〈◊〉 à vero 〈◊〉 when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in arts and disciplines Marâ—â—ch As when 〈◊〉 and false opinions are maintained in 〈◊〉 Physicke or any other 〈◊〉 and profession as Anaxagâ—â—◠〈…〉 that the 〈◊〉 was blacke Now these errours are dangerous in three respects 〈◊〉 Because of the 〈◊〉 Error 〈…〉 turpis errour of it selfe is a beastly and filthy thing 2. The cause thereof is arrogancy and pride Sophisters to shew their wit will take upon them to defend errours and strange opinions 3. But the greatest 〈◊〉 regard of the inconvenience that often ensueth for by such errour in opinion many 〈…〉 seduced also to 〈◊〉 in action and which is worst of all such Sophistry from 〈…〉 oftentimes into Theology and Divinity Simler QUEST XII How falshood is committed in judgement FAlshood in judiciall acts is diversly committed 1. By the false and unjust accusâ—â— therefore the Law saith Levit. 19.16 Thou shalt not stand against the bloud of thy neighbour that is accuse him wrongfully and being his life in danger 2. The Judge offendeth in giving false judgement 〈◊〉 19.15 Thou 〈◊〉 not the â—â—justly in judgement 3. The actuaries also and ministers of unjust Judges and guilty of the same offence Isay 10.1 Wâ— unto them that decree wicked decrees and write grievous things 4. The Advocates and patrons of causes that defend false titles and set a faire shew on bad causes as 〈◊〉 abused his eloquence in disgracing of Paul Act. 24.1 5. False witnesses especially transgresse this Commandement because upon their testimony resteth the whole proceeding in judgement QUEST XIII Of the danger of bearing false witnesse in judgement COncerning false witnesses 1. He is not only a false witnesse that testifieth that which is false against his brother as such were the false witnesses against Naboth but hee also which concealeth the truth of feare hatred or malice whereby the truth is overthrowne 2. Yet there are divers degrees in bearing of false witnesse for a false testimony is more hainous in causes criminall and in those which are capitall and concerne ones life than in civill and such as bring not the life in danger and those which are brought to effect are more odious than where they faâ—â—e of the effect as when the Judge suspecteth such witnesses and giveth no credit unto them Simler 3. But generally to be a false witnesse is a grievous sinne for he sinneth against God whose name he taketh in vaine he abuseth the Judge oppresseth the innocent condemneth his owne soule Simler And three wayes doth a false witnesse commit great impiety ex violâ—tione justitiae because by his meanes justice is violated ex persurio by being perjured ex mendacio by his lying so in every false testimony there is a treble sinne Thom. Aquin. 2.2 qu. 70. art 4.4 The punishment of a false witnesse by the Law of God is retaliation Deut. 19.19 You shall doe unto him 〈◊〉 he thought to have done unto his brother So Haman was hanged upon the same gibbet which he had made for Mardoche and Daniels accusers were cast into the Lions den whither he was condemned before By the Roman Lawes which were contained in the 12. Tables a false witnesse was condemned to be throwne downe headlong from the mount Tarpeye QUEST XIV Of the detorting and wresting of words to another senseâ— another kinde of false testimony NEither are they onely false witnesses which doe bring in a false record against any of such things as were neither said nor done but he also is a false witnesse Qui non eodem sensu dicta intelligit quo dicuntur which understandeth ones sayings in another sense than they are spoken as they are said in the Gospell to be false witnesses against our blessed Saviour that detorted and depraved his words as though he had spoken of the destruction of the materiall Temple whereas he spake only of the dissolution of the Temple of his body which he would raise
as here Contra. 1. By neighbour any man whosoever is understood 2. And expresse mention is made here of the will and intention because it is an explanation of the former law Simler 3. Iunius thinketh that not he onely which killeth sed qui conatus est occidere but went about to kill is comprehended in this law as Deut. 19.19 Ye shall doe unto him as he had thought to doe unto his brother Contra. 1. It seemeth by the generall law vers 12. that this constitution is onely for murther committed and not intended onely for such smiting the law speaketh of whereupon death followeth 2. That law given in instance Deut. 19. is touching false witnesses whose false testimonie breaketh out into action into false witnesse bearing so that there is not an intention onely for the false witnesse by his false testimonie acteth as much as in him lieth to take away the life of his brother that place therefore is impertinent to this purpose I approve here rather the judgement of Cajetane Nec describuntur haec intus in animo sed prodeuntia extra in actiones Neither are these things described onely in the minde but proceeding without into action QUEST XLI Of the difference betweene voluntarie and involuntarie murther and the divers kinds of each HEre then there is a manifest distinction of involuntarie and voluntarie murther or killing grounded upon the law of Moses· 1. Involuntarie killing is of two sorts there are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chances unlooked for and sudden events as when one shooteth an arrow and killeth one unawares as Peleus killed his sonne being in hunting with him There are beside these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 errors and oversights as the father beateth his childe purposing onely to chastise him and hee dieth of that beating a Physition ministreth physick to his patient intending to cure him and doe him good and he dieth of it Borrh. 2. There are likewise two kinds of voluntarie or wilfull murther ex proposito of purpose ex impetu animi in heat or rage These kinde of murthers are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iniquities one may be slaine ex proposito purposely either per insidias by lying in wait when one watcheth for the life of a man and taketh him at advantage as Ioab killed Abner and afterward Amasa they suspecting no such thing so Ismael killed Gedoliah Ierem. 41. Or els per industriam when one of set purpose picketh quarrels and seeketh occasions to provoke a man that he may kill him both these kinds are touched here Tostat. quaest 16. Then one may bee killed in heat and rage when there was no purpose before as Alexander the Great killed Clitus Pelarg. This kinde though not so grievous as the other yet is a kinde of voluntarie killing So there is extant a constitution of Hadrian the Emperour against him qui per lasciviam causam mortis praebuisset which was the cause of anothers death through wantonnesse and riot though there were no enmitie before that such an one should be banished five yeeres Simler QUEST XLII Why the wilfull murtherer was to be taken from the Altar Vers. 14. THou shalt take him from mine Altar 1. This may bee understood either of the Altar of incense which was in the holy place or of the Altar of burnt offring rather which was without the Tabernacle in the Court for thither every one might easily flee that had committed any such offence but to the Arke no escape could be made because there was no entrance thither 2. R. Salomon saith that this is meant even of the Priest that sacrificed at the Altar who after he had finished his service at the Altar might be taken thence and judged by the law as other malefactors and murtherers Which collection of his may be received saving that it is not like they would suffer a murtherous Priest to minister at the Altar 3. But that other conceit of R. Salomon whom Lyranus followeth hath no good ground that he that had killed an Hebrew wilfully might be taken from the Altar as Ioab was but if he had onely killed a Gentile as a Moabite or Ammonite though of set purpose he was not to be taken thence but was privileged by the Altar But the contrarie appeareth that this law forbiddeth all voluntarie and wilfull murther whether of Hebrew or Gentile for it was more to kill a Gentile being free then a Gentile that was a servant or bondman but the master was to die for it if he beat his servant to death so that he died under his hand vers 20. which law must be understood of strangers and aliens that were servants not of Hebrewes for they were not to deale so cruelly with them Levit. 25.38 Iun. much more therefore were they to die if they of purpose killed any free stranger Tostat. 4. If therefore the wilfull murther as well of strangers as Hebrewes be here forbidden then both for the one murther and for the other might they be taken even from the Altar 5. And the reason thereof was this because they which did flee to Gods Altar eum tanquam patronum judicem innocentiae suae implorabani did sue unto God as the patron and Judge of their innocency therefore they therein abusing Gods name were to be expelled thence Gallas QUEST XLIII What manner of smiting of parents is forbidden Vers. 15. HE that smiteth his father and mother c. 1. The very smiting of the father or mother deserveth death although they die not of such smiting Cajetan Iun. as may appeare vers 12. where is directly expressed concerning the smiting of another if hee die then the smiter shall bee put to death Piscator 2. R. Salomon understandeth that this is not meant of every smiting but when upon the smiting â—he effusion of bloud followeth or some scarre or wound is caused But the very smiting of either of the parents sheweth the malice and disobedience of the childe for the which he is worthie to die as Deut. 21.18 the sonne for his stubbornnesse and disobedience was to be stoned to death Indeed for every blow or smiting the childe was not to die if it were done unwittingly or unawares but if it were done of purpose he deserved death 3. And the reason is because of the authoritie of the parents which is the next unto God Simler Deo parentibus non possumus reddere aequalia c. Wee can never make amends unto God and our parents Cajetan As also they seeme not to be worthie of life which are injurious to those by whom they received their life Gallas QUEST XLIV Of the grievous sinne of paricide THough there be no expresse mention here of those that kill their parents yet it followeth necessarily that if it be a sinne worthie of death to smite them much more to kill them 1. This even among the Heathen was counted so hainous a sinne that they thought none so wicked that would commit paricide and therefore Solon
permitted Deut. 24.1 if there seemed unto him cause after put her away and the reason of this difference may be this he that taketh a wife willingly will not put her away without cause but he that taketh her against his minde never loved her and so upon every occasion would be ready to send her away whether there were cause or not if he were not by Law restrained of his liberty Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XXIV What was to be done if the fornicatour were not sufficient to pay the dowrie HE shall endow her c. But what if the man which had committed this wrong to a maid were not able to endow her the question is what course was then to be taken 1. If he were a free man and an Hebrew he was to be sold as in the case of theft vers 3. and to serve so many yeeres as might raise this stocke or dowry for the maid but longer than for six yeeres he could not be sold for all Hebrewes were to be set free in the seventh 2. If he were a free Gentile he might be sold for his life or for so many yeeres as sufficed to make up the dowry 3. If he were an Hebrew servant if his master refused to pay so much money as might serve for the dowry then he was to deliver up his servant to be sold over for so many yeeres as might recompence the dowry before the yeere of remission came and if the yeeres which remained were not sufficient he might be sold over againe 4. If he were a stranger or Gentile being a servant then he might be set over to serve his whole life Tostat. quaest 12. QUEST XXV What if the fornicatour refused to take the maid to wife BUt yet further it will be enquired what if the maids father would consent and yet the party will neither take her nor endow her 1. By the Civill lawes if he be a noble person he should be banished that had defloured a virgin if of base condition he should be whipped and if they ravished a maid against her will in that case they were to suffer death By the Canon lawes if one refused to marry her whom he had defiled he was to be throughly whipped and excommunicate and enjoyned penance till he had fully satisfied 2. And though this be omitted in Moses Law yet so much may be inferred and collected by the letter of the Law that as he was necessarily to endow her for the future of the Indicative moode semper inducit dispositionem necessariam doth alwayes imply a necessary disposition so he was of necessity to marry her like as in another case of forcing a maid he was to be compelled to take her to wife and never to put her away Deut. 22.30 Tostat. quaest 11. QUEST XXVI Whether this Law were generall without any exception NOw although this Law be propounded generally if a man entice a maid he was to endow her and marry her yet there were some exceptions to be made 1. For whereas the Israelites were charged to take them wives out of their owne tribe Numb 36. it is evident that if the maid were of another tribe then the man could not take her to wife but because this case was very rare and unusuall seeing the tribes after they were setled in Canaan when these Lawes were to take place dwelt every one apart by themselves and so there was no feare of such unlawfull entercourse and commixtion betweene a man and maid of divers tribes the Law therefore is silent in this point for ad ea qua raro accidunt jura non adaptantur lawes are not applied to those cases which fall out seldome 2. If he were a Gentile and a stranger of another religion which committed this sinne with a maid neither could she in this case bee given him to wife because they were forbidden to make marriages with such Deut. 7.3 And the Israelitish women were to match in their owne tribe and therefore not with strangers 3. If an Hebrew servant had trespassed herein neither could he have the maid to wife whom he had abused for he was first to endow her which a servant could not doe for either he had fold himselfe into servitude because he was poore or was sold by the Magistrate to make satisfaction for some offence which he had committed and therefore being poore he had not wherewithall to endow her and so could not take her to wife 4. Beside if it were the Priests daughter with whom he had wrought this folly she could not become his wife for she was in this case to be burned Levit. 21. And the man likewise by equity of the same Law being guilty of the same offence 5. Yea if the high Priest himselfe had defloured a maid he could not take her to wife because he was forbidden by the Law to marry any polluted or an harlot Levit. 21. vers 14. 6. If also one had defiled a maid neere of his kin being within the degrees of marriage forbidden they were both to suffer death for it Levit. 20. and therefore could not marry together This Law therefore being generally propounded must yet be interpreted and expounded according to other Lawes for they must all be made to agree together Tostat. qu. 12. QUEST XXVII How farre this positive Law against fornication doth binde Christians now ANd as this Law did not hold generally in the old Testament so neither is it now necessary that whosoever hath committed fornication should be compelled to marry the maid so abused 1. For though it were admitted that this Judiciall and positive Law of Moses were in force still yet some exceptions must needs be admitted as if they are to neere of kin for no such marriage can be allowed within the limited degrees As Saint Paul willed the young man that had committed fornication with his fathers wife to be excommunicate for that fact 1 Cor. 5. he was not suffered to marry her Againe if a Christian maid should commit fornication with an Infidell with a Turke Jew or Heretike in this case the rule of the Gospell will not allow marriage for Christians must marry only in the Lord 1 Cor. 7.39 therefore not with those which are blasphemers of God and enemies to true religion and the Apostle saith Be not unequally yoked with Infidels 2 Cor. 6.14 2. But Tostatus bringeth in two other exceptions as if the maid defiled be either a professed Nunne and so devoted to Monasticall and single life or the man entred into orders unto the which the vow of single life is annexed in neither of these cases can saith he marriage be admitted after fornication committed Tostat. quaest 12. Contra. But against both these exceptions I will oppose the holy judgement of the Apostle and touching the first I urge that Apostolicall saying It is better to marrie than to burne 1 Cor. 7.9 If then Nunnes are subject to this burning as it appeareth they are by their secret
the absence of another for commonly then many tales are devised Lyran. Or that the Judge should not give care to the accuser before he have heard the partie accused also Borrh. Or this some make to be the meaning Non suscipias vocem testium quos scis mentiri Receive not the voice of witnesses whom thou knowest to lie Tostat. quaest 1. But it is better generally understood of all as well private men as Judges Vetat falsum rumorem de ullo homine vel spargi vel admitti It forbiddeth any false rumour to be spread of any or admitted Gallas Praecipue tamen lex haec ad judicia pertinet And yet principally this law belongeth to judgements Simler because false reports may there doe most harme yet because it is also a fault in private men to raise false reports and to be too credulous to beleeve them it is better here to retaine a generall sense QUEST II. What it is to put to the hand to be a false witnesse NEither shalt put thy hand with the wicked to be a false witnesse 1. Calvins joyneth this to the former clause and saith they are here understood to be false witnesses qui proximos traducunt which joyne their hand with the wicked in traducing of their neighbours So also Oleaster But the manner of the phrase here used of putting to the hand that is of binding and combining themselves importeth a greater matter than onely in carying or spreading of a false report 2. Some referring this law unto publike testimonie in judgement understand it of the person of the Judge that he should not be a meane to procure false witnesses as the Elders of the Citie to whom Iezâ—bel sent did against Naboth R. Salomon Marbach But the words In being a false witnesse which is more than procuring will not beare that sense 3. Some by putting to the hand understand thou shalt not sweare to be a false witnesse because they used to lift up their hand when they did sweare Lyran. Tostat. But this doth make the sense too particular for what if he doe not sweare but onely promise or give his hand to be a false witnesse it is directly against this law therefore by putting the hand is signified hee shall not aid or assist him he shall not consociate himselfe vel conferre operam or promise his helpe or consent unto evill Iun. 4. And withall here is forbidden that wicked confederacie and mutuall ayding one of another in bearing false witnesse as it is a common practice Da mihi mutuum testimonium Witnesse for me and I will bee witnesse for thee Gallas 5. And two things are forbidden Non adjuvabis causam improbi falso testimonio c. Thou shalt not helpe the cause of the wicked by a false testimonie not make a covenant with him to doe it for him Lippomaâ— QUEST III. How great a sinne it is to be a false witnesse Vers. 2. TO be a false witnesse 1. Falsum testimonium habet tripliceus deformitatem A false testimonie hath a threefold deformitie ex perjurie first by perjurie because witnesses are not admitted but upon their oath ali◠〈…〉 justitiae another way by violating of justice tertio ex ipsa falâ—tate thirdly by the falsenesse of his testimonie Thomas These three evils and mischiefes then do accompanie a false witnesse perjurie injustice falsenesse and lying 2. And in three other respects is this sinne of false witnesse bearing odious and abominable 1. In respect of the author thereof who is the divell for when he telleth a lie he speaketh of his owne 2. The inconveniences are great which ensue the perverting of justice and the condemning of the innocent 3. There is also nominis divini contaminatio the polluting and prophaning of the name of God Borrh. QUEST IV. Whether in this law we are to understand the mightie or the many Vers. 2. THou shalt not follow the mightie 1. The most doe read many or the multitude as before is shewed in the divers readings and they make two parts of this law the first to concerne all in â—enerall that they shall not follow a multitude to doe evill the second Judges in particular not to folâ—ow a multitude in judgement Cajetan Oleaster Whether it be to respect the multitude of the parties â—riends that sentence is to be given upon Marbach or the multitude of Judges that consent in a wrong judgement Simler And then the meaning is that in neither case a multitude is to be followed si â—it manifestè iniquum vel falsum if it be manifestly false or unjust which the multitude holdeth for if it be manifeste verum either manifestly true vel dubium or doubtfull which many doe affirme one must not of singularitie depart from their judgement Tostat. quaest 2. 2. Some in the former clause interpret rabbim many Thou shalt not follow many to doe evill but in the other branch of the law they understand it not of the quantitie and number but of the qualitie neither decline after the mightie c. that is where there are many Judges to give sentence the inferiour should not be overruled by the opinion of the Superiour Judges and mightie and therefore among the Jewes this wise course was used in giving of sentence in the assemblie of Judges that the punies and inferiour Judges should deliver their opinion first lest if the greatest began the other might bee swayed by them this is also the use among the Divines in the Vniversitie of Paris the Juniours and Inferiours begin first Lyran. This also is the honourable use of the Star-chamber with us 3. But seeing the same word rabbim is used in both sentences it is taken in the same sense in both places and is better interpreted the mightie than the many for these reasons 1. Because of the opposition of the poore man in the next verse the mightie and the poore are better compared and set together than the many and the poore 2. So Levit. 19.15 gadhol the great and dal the poore are set one against the other that neither the one nor the other should be respected in judgement 3. This interpretation of the mightie comprehendeth also the other whether they be mightie in number or in power Iun. 4. And as respect is not to bee had of the multitude so neither of the paucitie and fewnesse as the Donatists in times past and the Anabaptists in these dayes doe brag of their small number as therefore the best Gallas QUEST V. How the poore is not to be esteemed in judgement Vers. 3. THou shalt not esteeme a poore man c. 1. The word hadar signifieth honour beautie comelinesse Prohibet blandis sermonibus ornari causam pauperis He forbiddeth that the poore mans cause should be set forth with glosing words and so be made better than it is Cajetan Oleaster Therefore Aristotle giveth a good rule that in matters of judgement causa simplicibus sermonibus propeneuda erat that the cause should be laid
forth and opened in simple and plaine speeches not in eloquent passionate or affected words 2. And as passions may be procured in Judges by speech so also by the sight of the persons as if when the poore suiter lamenteth and complaineth and appeare to be very miserable though he say nothing Tostat. quaest 3. 3. The word dal signifieth not onely one which is poore in substance but any other kinde of way as they which are sicke and pined away are called dallim as Ammon was thus poore and pined with love toward Thamar 2 Sam. 13. Oleaster So not onely the poore but all other miserable and forlorne persons are here understood as the widow fatherlesse strangers and such like Tostat. quaest 3. 4. Simplie it is not forbidden to respect a poore man but in his cause in matter of judgement nothing must be done either for rich or poore praeter merita causae beside the merit and desert of the cause Tostat. Cum agitur paupertas sublevandus est When his povertie is pleaded the poore is to be helped Cum agiturjus publicum deponenda est persona pauperis When the publike right is in question the poore person must be laid aside Borrh. 5. And the reason is because it is better praehonorare veritatem to preferre and more honour the truth Lyranus 6. Although it be not often seene that a poore man is preferred before a rich in his cause yet sometime it falleth out ut ambitio impellat Iudicem c. that the Judge through ambition that he may be spoken of will respect the poore major interdum est pauperum aâ—dacia temeritas c. and sometime the poore are more bold rash and readie to move suits than the rich Calvin And therefore this law provideth for such clamorous poore QUEST VI. How persons are accepted in judgement and how farre the poore may be respected IN his cause c. 1. The person of the poore is not to be accepted in regard of his cause depending in judgement Persons are accepted two wayes in judgement 1. When as the Judge aliter distribuit quà m lex mandat doth determine otherwise than the law commandeth but where no certaine law is set prescribing the manner and forme which is to be followed in that behalfe there can bee no acception of persons And therefore though God in the beginning did elect some and not others quia non cogitur aliqualege because he had no law to compell him hee therein accepted no mans person as a man giving almes having no rule set him how much he shal give may distribute unto one more than unto another and yet be no accepter of persons 2. Another way ones person is accepted in judgement when more is given to one than to another either of a benefit or punishment otherwise than is due As if a man sue for an hundred pound wherein he can prove but 80. due of just debt if the Judge shall give him 90. pound he taketh ten from the one and giveth it to the other more than is due and so he is an accepter of the person of the one more than of the other And thus a poore man is not to be respected in judgement 2. Two waies is mercie shewed unto the poore in his cause when one facit illi bonum quod non habet doth for him or giveth him that good which he hath not or when the Judge so defendeth the poore ut nemoâ—ollat e◠〈◊〉 quod haber that no bodie take from him that good which he hath the first way the Judge cannot have respect unto the poore without partialitie and perverting of justice to give unto him that which of right doth not belong unto him but the other way he may to see that the poore be not oppressed in judgement as it followeth afterward vers â— Thou shalt not overthrow the right of the poore in his suit And unto this kinde of commisâ—ration it belongeth that the Judge is willing to heare the cause of the poore man and to receive his complaint for how otherwise should he doe him right and defend him from wrong if he should stop his eares against the crie of the poore Tostat. qu. 4. QUEST VII Why mercie is to be shewed toward the enemies oxe and asse Vers. 4. IF thou maâ—â— thine enemies oxe c. 1. Because civill suits and controversies for the most part proceed of evill will and enmitie therefore unto the former lawes are annexed these two caveats to cut off enmitie and to maintaine love and friendship Simler 2. Though an instance be onely given of the enemies oxe or asse yet it must be understood de omni domestico animali of every domesticall beast in like manner Lyran. And of whatsoever belongeth unto our neighbour Lippoman 3. Neither is this law made concerning oxen or asses as the Apostle saith in another case Doth God take care for oxen 1 Cor. 9. But the speciall intendment of this law is that there might be reconciliation among men It was some pleasure to the beast which might otherwise be devoured of some wilde beast if it were not brought home and to the owner which might also lose his beast Tostatus But the speciall scope of this law is First because the Jewes were cruell to teach them to shew and exercise mercie toward bruit beasts Vt eo facilius inducerentur c. That they might more easily bee induced to shew it toward men Lippoman Et ut hac ratione odientis animum sibi conciliet And that by this meanes hee might winne the heart of his enemie if he were not altogether implacable Isidor 4. There are two words here used aâ—ab which signifieth to be an enemie and shana to hate one may hate not being hated but an enemie is said to be where there is mutuall enmitie on both sides It is an easier matter to doe good to one that hateth where there is no hatred shewed againe than to an enemie that is hated againe therefore both words are used that wee should shew kindnesse as well where there is a mutuall and reciprocall hatred and enmitie as where one is hated and hateth not againe Tostat. quaest 3. 5. God by this law doth not either command or permit that men should bee enemies but being imperfect of themselves and subject to enmitie hee sheweth how they should become friends as when it is said in the Psalme Be angrie and sinne not we are not willed to be angrie but if we chance to be angrie we are taught how to moderate it that wee sinne not in our immoderate anger Tostatus quaest 3. 6. By this law we learne that there are two kinds of injustice one of them qui inferunt injuriam which offer wrong unto their neighbours the other of them qui non propulsant injuriam which doe not keepe wrong from them when it is in their power Borrh. 7. And further this law sheweth the agreement betweene Christ and Moses and betweene the new and old
Testament which both command us to love our enemies Therefore Chrysostome is deceived who thinketh that those precepts Thou shalt love thy friend and hate thine enemie terrenâ— carnali populo secundùm tempus datae sunt were given unto the earthly minded and carnall people according to the time and that Christ gave another rule in the Gospell to love our enemies for it is evident that this law commandeth us even to love our enemies And the Wise-man more evidently in the Proverbs sheweth the same chap. 25.21 If thine enemie be hungrie give him bread to eat if he be thirstie give him water to drinke c. Therefore we see that Christ in the Gospell non ferat novam legem sed veterem tantum exponat doth not make a new law but onely expoundeth the old Lippoman That therefore was no precept of the law but the Pharisies glosse That they should love their friends and hate their enemies QUEST VIII Whether it is to be read Thou shalt helpe him or lay it aside with him Vers. 5. THou shalt lay it aside with him 1. The most doe here reade Thou shalt helpe him up with it This sense followeth Calvine Cajetane Osiander Paguine as the like law is extant Deut. 22.4 Thou shalt lift them up with him But the word ghazab is seldome found in that sense but signifieth ordinarily and properly to leave or forsake 2. Therefore it is best translated Thou shalt leave or lay aside the burthen that the asse which cannot rise under his burthen it being put aside may the better stand up upon his legges But this sense being retained there are divers readings used and interpretations given 1. Some reade it with an interrogation Wilt thou indeed leave it with him Vatablus Oleaster and so understand here a negative to answer the interrogation Nequaquam No thou shalt not 2. Some reading this clause without an interrogation and understand it of the leaving or laying aside of his hatred or enmitie So the Chalde 3. But the best reading is to pronounce it without an interrogation as Montanuâ— and to referre it to the burthen of the beast as is before shewed omnino depâ—nito cum eo put it aside together with him that is thine enemie Iunius 4. And though mention be made onely of easing the asse under his burthen yet all other the like kinde of helpe is understood as if the beast be otherwise in danger as like to bee strangled or drowned whether hee have a burthen or not in these cases 〈…〉 QUEST IX How the poore mans cause is perverted in judgement QUEST IX Against lying in judgement and how it may be committed QUEST XI Who are meant here by the just and innocent Vers. 7. THou shalt not slay the innocent and the righteous 1. This is to be understood of slaying by giving sentence against such judicially for out of judgement neither is the guiltie and unrighteous person to be slaine Cajetane 2. R. Salomon by the innocent understandeth him that is cleere in his owne conscience but yet condemned by false witnesses that the Judges in this case when an innocent partie goeth from them condemned if any doe stand up to cleere them as Daniel did for Susanna they should be heard By the just he would have understood him that is indeed guiltie but yet freed in publike judgement that in this case if any doe appeare to prove him guiltie hee should not be admitted c. But the righteous and innnocent are here taken for all one as it may appeare by the opposite part I will not justifie a wicked man the innocent and righteous is set against the wicked And beside it is as acceptable to God to punish the wicked man as to cleere and set free the innocent 3. Cajetane and Tostatus make this difference Mundus est qui non commisit hòmicidium c. Hee is the cleane and innocent man which hath not committed murther adulterie or any such crime he is the just and righteous man which hath done some just thing or some good worke But this distinction is here too curious and unnecessarie for men use not to bee brought in question for their good works but for evill whereof they are either justly or wrongfully accused and so David taketh both these for the same Psal. 4.8 Iudge me O Lord according to my righteousnesse and according to mine innocencie that is in me 4. God therefore here forbiddeth Judges to condemne the innocent for guiltie as Naboth was Susanna and Ieremie with the rest of the Prophets Gallas 5. Judges are not to condemne the innocent Etiam si à superiori Iudice jubâ—â—mur c. Though they should be commanded by the superiour Judge as the Elders of Israel put Naboth to death at the commandement of Iezabel Lippoman QUEST XII In what sense God is said not to justifie the wicked FOr I will not justifie the wicked 1. Some make this to be the meaning of this reason that God would have Judges looke unto him in whose place they are that as God doth not justifie the wicked nor condemne the righteous so neither should Judges Marbach Pelarg. 2. R. Salomon maketh this the sense according to his former exposition taking the just for him which is so in the triall of mans judgement yet guiltie in his conscience and before God that yet the Judge should not put such an one to death for though he be freed by the judgement of man yet he cannot escape the hands of God he will not justifie him But this exposition is overthrowne before that a just man is not here taken in that sense 3. Therefore this rather is a menacing speech that God will be avenged even of the unrighteous Judge Iun. Quicunque impie facit sive suo sive alieno arbitrio c. Whosoever doth wickedly either of his owne minde or following anothers direction the Lord will punish it Lippoman QUEST XIII Whether a Iudge ought alwayes to follow the evidence when he himselfe knoweth the contrarie BUt here ariseth a great and weightie question whether a Judge knowing in his owne conscience that the man which is accused before him is innocent and yet he is by the witnesses and other evidence found guiltie whether he is bound to give sentence according to the evidence against his owne knowledge and whether in so doing he sinneth not 1. The affirmative part is maintained by Thomas Paulus Burgens Tostatus who putteth in these cautions that the Judge knowing the partie to bee innocent as a private person yet is to use all meanes to have the truth come to light as by giving some secret intimation to the partie accused how to defend himselfe by fifting and examining the witnesses narrowly to see if he can make them to disagree and so overthrow their testimonie and if all this will not serve to referre the matter to the superiour Judge but if he have no superiour then hee is bound to give sentence secundum allegata according to
which although it be much to be desired yet we must commit and commend the successe thereof unto God who seeth just cause though it be not revealed to us why it pleaseth not him at once herein to satisfie our desire Gallas QUEST XLIX Of the bounds and limits of the land of promise Vers. 31. I Will make thy coasts from the red sea c. 1. This Sea called the red or reedy Sea in Hebrew Suph cannot be the dead sea as Pellican thinketh into the which Jordan did runne for no where in the Scripture is the name of the sea Suph the reedy or red Sea given unto it but onely to that sea which lieth upon Egypt which was divided before the Israelites 2. Here foure bounds are set of the Land of promise the East bound which is the red sea Mare rubrum quod ab orients intellige c. The red sea understand to be on the East Gloss. interlinear Not that it boundeth all the East side Sed frous orientalis terrae Canaan tangit in aliquo mare rubrum c. But because the East side of the land of Canaan confronteth in some part upon the red sea The sea of the Philistims which is the great Ocean called the Mediterranean sea did bound it on the West the desert toward Egypt which was the wildernesse of Shur on the South and the river Euphrates on the North. 3. But in other places of the Scripture the land of Canaan is otherwise bounded as Gen. 15.18 two bounds only are described one the South from the river of Egypt which was a little river on the North end of Egypt where it is joyned to the countrey of the Philistims the other on the North the great river Euphrates So Deut. 11. vers 24. these limits are described the desert on the South and Lebanon which is on the North Euphrates on the East and the uttermost sea on the West Tostat. So Iosh. 1.4 From the wildernesse and Lebanon unto the great river Perah here Euphrates in Hebrew called Perah is the bound on the East and so it is pertenditur tamen versus Aquilonem yet it extendeth toward the North Oleaster And therefore in this place it is set downe as the bound Northward But this divers description limiting and bounding of Canaan is all one in effect 4. Yet the Israelites enjoyed not all this countrey till the time of David and Salomon as 1 King 4 21. it is said that Salomon reigned over all Kingdomes from the river Euphrates unto the land of the Philistims Iun. And the reason why they obtained the whole land no sooner was because of their sinne Simler 5. Now this bounding and confining of the land of Canaan was profitable for these two ends first that the Israelites might know against whom they might lawfully fight for to those countries which were not within the said limits and bounds they could pretend no right nor title Secondly it was necessary to know the compasse and circuit of the land for the more equall distributing and dividing of it among the tribes Tostat. quaest 85. QUEST L. Whether it be lawfull to make a league with nations which are enemies to true religion Vers. 32. THou shalt make no covenant with them Here this question will be moved whether it be altogether unlawfull to make any league or covenant with Infidels or such as are enemies unto true religion as the Israelites were forbidden to have any society with the Canaanites 1. The affirmative part that it is lawfull may seeme to be confirmed by the examples of Abraham that was in league with Aner Eshcol and Mamre Genes 14. of Isaack that made a covenant with Abimelech Salomon with Hiram the Macchabees with the Romans Answ. 1. Particular examples cannot infringe a generall Law Legibus vivendum est non exemplis We must live by Lawes and not by examples 2. Aner Eshcol and Mamre were not Idolaters there might be some true worshippers of God among the Canaanites in those dayes as appeareth in Melchisedech that dwelt among them 3. Abraham and Isaack made no covenant of mutuall helpe but only compounded a peace concerning their limits and bounds which was not unlawfull for Paul willeth us as much as in us lieth to have peace with all men 4. Of the same kinde was the league which Salomon made with Hiram which was a bond of peace and amity not of mutuall helpe and society 5. The example of the Macchabees doth not move us much for their facts cannot simply be approved and they had no good successe of that league which they made with the Romans 2. Wherefore the negative is more agreeable to the Scriptures that no covenant is to be contracted or made with the wicked 1. Iehosaphat is reproved by Iohn the Prophet for joyning in league and friendship with Aba◠the idolatrous King of Israel 2 Chron. 19. 2. The Prophet Isay rebuketh the Jewes because they sought unto the Egyptians for helpe Wee 〈◊〉 the rebellious children c. which walke forth to goe downe unto Egypt and have not asked at my mouth c. chap. 30.2 3. For the same cause the Prophet also reproveth the Israelites They are gone up to Asshur c. Ephraim hath hired lovers Hosea 8.9 4. Paul forbiddeth the Corinthians to flee for helpe unto the tribunals of Heathen Judges but rather willeth them to suffer wrong among themselves 1 Cor. 6. And he biddeth Not to be unequally yoked with Infidels 2 Cor. 6.14 5. For all such leagues are unprofitable and in vaine for how should they keepe faith with men who are unfaithfull to God 3. But yet all kinde of entercourse is not forbidden betweene Christians and Infidels and such as are of contrary religion For then as the Apostle saith in the like case wee must goe out of the world yet these conditions must be observed in such leagues 1. Wee must not promise to aid and assist the wicked or binde our selves unto mutuall helpe for therefore was Iehosaphat blamed Wouldest thou helpe the wicked and love them that hate the Lord 2 Chron. 19.2 2. Neither must we sue unto Infidels for helpe for that were to distrust the Lord if they offer their helpe upon good conditions it is lawfull to use it as sent of God but we must not seeke for it 3. Ancient leagues which have beene made in former times with such are not to be broken for the Gospell condemneth truce-breakers 4. A league for removing of hostilitie for entercourse of merchandise and continuance of peace may be made with nations of strange religion Simler QUEST LI. What it is to sinne against God Vers. 33. LEst they make thee sinne against me Every sinne indeed is against God because it is a breach of his Law but idolatry in a more speciall regard is committed against God 1. Like as a double offence may be done toward the Magistrate and Lawgiver either in generall when his Law is transgressed though anothers person is touched as
doctrine Osiander Marbath 4. Cyprian also maketh this morall use hereby to shew the utilitie of fasting Quoties aliquid à Deo obtinere conati sunt jejuniis inâ—â—huere lachryâ—â—iâ— c. Holy men when they would obtaine any thing of God gave themselves to fasting 5. Curiously to search out any other cause of this fortie dayes fast were a vaine labour as Cajetane well saith Non est 〈…〉 quis divini miraculi opus fuit c. A reason must not bee sought of the number it being a worke of a divine miracle Cajetan QUEST XXV What Moses did in the mount these 40. dayes and 40. nights NOw if it be asked what Moses did in the mountaine these 40. dayes and 40. nights it may be answered 1. That the Lord did all this time instruct Moses concerning the Tabernacle and the things thereto belonging and touching the sacrifices and rites thereof as they are set forth in Leviticus And therefore Moses descending is not mentioned till the description of the Tabernacle and every part thereof is finished And Levit. 27.24 it is evidently expressed that the Lord taught Moses all those ordinances in mount Sinai 2. Now Moses fasted 40. dayes and nights the second time but then he was wholly occupied in humbling himselfe by prayer Deut. 9.25 thâ— first time of 40. dayes then was spent in Moses instruction rather than the other Tostat. cap. 25. qu. 1. 3. God could have dispatched Moses in a moment but this was 〈◊〉 give authoritie to him and his law B. Babingâ— 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of the distinction of the persons of the Trinitie Vers. 1. HE said to Moses come up to the Lord. Both he that speaketh and he whereof he speaketh is the Lord. Hence appeareth the distinction of the persons in the Trinitie the like place wee reade Psal. 110.1 The Lord said unto my Lord c. Marbach 2. Doct. The word and Sacraments must goe together Vers. 7. HE tooke the booke and read it c. Before Moses sprinkled the people with bloud the signe of the covenant he first readeth the booke of the covenant whereby we are taught the right use of the Sacraments that the doctrine ought to goe before the signe Aliter insoria erunt signe c. Otherwise the signes are but trifling and vaine Calvin The word must be joyned with the element This course the Apostle taketh with the Corinthians teaching them the right use of the Sacrament that they might come together with profit and not with hurt 3. Doct. Nothing to be taught beside Gods word Vers. 12. THe law and commandements which I have written for to teach them This sheweth Nihil docendum praeter oracula Dei That nothing should be taught beside the word of God Borrh. Which Bedae before him noted well that no man must teach the people of God other precepts quam quae ipse Dominus docuit than those which the Lord himselfe hath taught as S. Paul saith I have received of the Lord that which I have delivered unto you 1 Cor. 11.23 5. Places of Controversie 1. Controv. Against the Romanists that the whole institution serveth to consecrate the Sacraments Vers. 7. HE read in the audience c. Moses first readeth the summe of the covenant before he addeth the signe of the covenant which was the sprinkling of bloud by the which we learne that the Sacraments are not consecrated by a certaine forme of words to bee used over them but by reading and rehearsing of the whole institution such a cleare and distinct voice must be used Quae ad homines dirigitur ad fidem gignendam valet Which is directed to men and is availeable to beget faith Calvin Contrarie to the doctrine and practice of the Romanists who denie the elements to be consecrated by all the words of institution but by a certaine forme of speech to be used over the Sacraments as in the Eucharist This is my bodie this is my bloud c. whereas the whole action of rehearsing the institution invocation receiving thanksgiving do helpe to consecrate the Sacrament See more hereof Synops. Centur. 2. err 90. pag. 454. 2. Controv. Against the reading of Scriptures in a strange tongue FUrther Oleaster here observeth beside Hominem paciscentaâ— debere cognoscere ea ad qua se obligat That a man making a covenant ought to know those things whereunto he hindeth himselfe c. which annotation doth evidently convince the Romanists of great error who doe not cause â—he people to understand those things which they binde themselves to keepe seeing neither the Scriptures are read nor the Sacraments administred in such a tongue as they doe understand for the Apostle saith If I come unto you speaking tongues what shall I profit you See more hereof also Synops. Centur. 1. err 3.4 3. Confut. Against Cajetan that this place is not misallâ—â—ged Heb. 9.19 Vers. 8. BEhold the bloud of the covenant Cajetane among other exceptions which he taketh to the authoritie of the Epistle to the Hebrewes urgeth this that the Author of that Epistle chap. 9.19 alluding unto this place translateth this word berith here used which signifieth a covenant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 testament now betweene a covenant and testament there is great difference Contra. The author in no other sense useth thâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than S. Paul elsewhere who by the same word expresseth the Hebrew berith 〈…〉 signifieth either covenant or a testament And Hierome testifieth that the 〈…〉 for the 〈◊〉 doe turne the word 〈◊〉 by that Greeke word But 〈…〉 signifie a testament shewing the true effect and substance of that ceremoniall covenant consumed by the sprinkling of the bloud of beasts in this covenant and testament made betweene God and us in Christ and ratified in his bloud 4. Controv. Whether the Divine substance of God can be seene Vers. 10. ANd they saw the God of Israel c. Here we must take heed of two errors one which Hierome imputeth to Origen who did thinke the Godhead of the. Father to bee so invisible as that it could not be comprehended of the Sonne the other was of the Anomeans whose heresie was this Naturam Dei non esse invisibilem That the nature of God was not invisible in this place they saw God not 〈…〉 Divine essence and substance which is invisible and incomprehensible but they saw some evident 〈◊〉 of his glorious presence and Majestie as Gregorie saith Vidiri 〈…〉 ipsam naturae suae speciem non potest God may be seene by certaine representations but according 〈…〉 shew of his nature he cannot c. The faithfull have both in this world a sight of God as our bleâ—â—â—â— saith Blessed are the pure in heart for they shall see God and they shall see him more fully in 〈…〉 as the Apostle saith We know when he shall appeare we shall be like him for we shall see him as he is But yet this must be understood with
three conditions the first is touched by Hierome Non solum Divinitutem Patris c. posse oculos carnis aspicere sed mentis That not onely the Divinitie of the Father but neither of the Sonne or holy Ghost can the eyes of the bodie see but of the minde c. So also Athanasius as he is cited by Augustine Deum omnino esse invisibilem c. nisi in quantum Spiritu mente nosci potest That God is altogether invisible but as he may be knowne in the Spirit and minde c. These then at this time saw not with their bodily eyes the essence of God but certaine visible signes onely and demonstrations of his presence Secondly we shall have a more full sight of God in the next world than in this as Augustine saith Nemo potest in hac vita videre sicuti est No man can see him in this life as he is Eâ— promittitur sanctis in alia vita To see God in his nature is promised in the next life c. So also Gregorie Quamdiu hic mortaliter vivitur c. As long as we live in this mortall life God cannot be seene in his nature c. Thirdly yet fully the Divine nature shall not be comprehended of the Saints no not in the next life as Augustine to this purpose citeth Ambrose interpreting that place of the Apostle Who onely hath immortaliter c. whom never man saw neither can see c. Si natura ipsim est invisibilitas sicut incorruptibilitas c. If it appertaine to the nature of God to be invisible as well as to be incorruptible that nature shall not be changed in the next world of invisible to become visible because he cannot of incorruptible become corruptible c. And againe upon those words of the same Apostle To the King everlasting immortall invisible c. hee writeth thus Vnde ego non audeo ista distinguere c. Therefore I dare not divide or distinguish these things which the Apostle hath joyned together to say To him that is incorruptible for ever in this world and the next but invisible not in the next world but onely in this Contrarie then to this orthodoxall doctrine of the Fathers agreeable to the Scriptures are these ventrous and bold positions That wee shall in the next life participate with Christs Godhead and be made capable of his Divine substance That there is not any thing of Gods which his Saints shall not see In which assertion Augustine doth directly oppose himselfe to all such Dogmatists and Novelists in these words Non quia Dei plenitudinem quisquam non solum oculis corporis sed vel ipsa mente aliquando comprehendit Not because the fulnesse of God any can comprehend at any time not onely with the eyes of the bodie but with the minde it selfe c. for it is one thing to see another to comprehend the whole in seeing c. Totum comprehenditur videndo quod ita videtur ut nihil ejus lateat videntem c. The whole is comprehended in seeing which it so seene that no part thereof is hid from the seer c. Here Augustine evidently testifieth that God cannot wholly be seene unlesse nothing in the Godhead should be hid unto us which here he manifestly denieth 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. Honour in this life no signe of Gods favour Vers. 1. COme up thou and Aaron Nadab and Abihu c. These two which are bidden to come up with Moses and Aaron afterward were slaine with fire from heaven which sheweth that preferment in this life is not alwayes a signe of Gods favour but that the wicked are often exalted and lifted up that they may have the greater fall as the Lord said he 〈◊〉 appointed Pharaoh to shew his power in him Ferus 2. Observ. We must 〈◊〉 upon the Lord 〈◊〉 patience Vers. 16. THe seventh day the Lord called to Moses God would not at the first call unto Moses but maketh him to wait six daye Ne 〈◊〉 familiaritate superâ—iret Lest he should was proud by too much familiaritie Oleaster Vt discamus patienter ferre c. And that we may learne to beare it patiently if God at the first doe not answer to our desire Lippoman As S. Paul therefore be sought the Lord thrice that the temptation of his flesh whereby he was buffered might depart from him 2 Cor. â—â— 8 3. Observ. Sufficient deputies to be left in the Magistrate or Ministers 〈◊〉 absence Vers. 14. IN that Moses leaveth Aaron and Hur in his place It sheweth that the like 〈◊〉 in Ministers God would blesse to leave able deputies in their place when they have just cause to be absent and the contrarie fault he will severely punish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. Observ. The 〈◊〉 of fasting and prayer CHAP. XXV 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter Moses beginneth to set forth such generall ceremonies as belonged to the Tabernacle then instituted for the publike service of God there are two parts thereof the preparation to vers 10. the description to vers 40. 1. In the preparation these things are expressed in the charge which God giveth to Moses 1. Who shall offer the things required namely the people vers 2. 2. What they shall offer vers 3 4 5 6. 3. To what end vers 8. 4. After what manner vers 9. 2. In the description First the Arke is appointed to be made both the bodie thereof 1. Of what matter vers 10. 2. Of what measure vers 10. 3. With what ornaments it must be overlaid with gold vers 11. 4. What adjuncts and appendants both of rings and barres vers 13 14 15. 5. And of the use thereof vers 16. As also the cover of the Arke 1. The matter vers 18. 2. Measure vers 18. 3. The fashion with Cherubims how to be made vers 19. and how to be placed vers 20. 4. The place of the cover vers 21. 5. The use vers 22. Secondly the Table is described 1. The matter 2. The measure and forme vers 23. 3. The parts thereof the crowne vers 24. The border vers 25. The rings vers 26. 4. The appendants the barres v. 28. 5. The appertenants the dishes cups goblets vers 29. 6. The use to set the Shew-bread upon vers 30. Thirdly the Candlesticke is appointed to bee made 1. The matter and after what manner to bee wrought of gold beaten with the hammer vers 31. 2. The parts six branches three on the one side and three on the other vers 32. 3. The forme and fashion with boules almonds knops and flowers to v. 37. 4. The use thereof vers 37. 5. The appertenances the snuffers and snuffe-dishes vers 37. 6. The quantitie of a talent of gold all this must be made vers 39. 2. The divers readings Vers. 4. Fine linnen G. rather than cotten or bombasine I. or silke caeter shas H. Vers. 5. Badgers skinnes I.V.A.P.C. or skinnes of
8. QUEST XII Whether the high Priest did well in meeting Alexander in his Priestly attire BUt if it were not lawfull to carrie the Priestly garments out of the Tabernacle it will be objected that Iaddua the high Priest being apparelled in his Priestly robes met Alexander the Great without the gates of Jerusalem and by the sight of him Alexanders wrath was appeased and the Citie delivered from the danger which was feared 1. Here it may be answered that as wee receive this part of Iosephus narration how Alexander meeting the high Priest reverenced him and adored that God whose name hee carried written in his forehead so if we give credit to the rest how that after publike supplication made before unto God and solemne sacrifice for their deliverance the Lord appeared in a dreame the next night unto the high Priest appointing him to go forth to meet Alexander in his Priestly attire this being admitted for truth this question is at an end for by Gods extraordinarie direction the Priest might do that which ordinarily was not lawfull as though they had a strait charge to offer their sacrifices at the doore of the Tabernacle yet the Prophets as Samuel David Elias built Altars in other places and there offered their sacrifices Tostat. quaest 17. 2. But though there had beene no such vision shewed to the high Priest which it is not necessarie to beleeve seeing Iosephus is found to be very forward in setting downe such things as might tend to the credit of his nation yet this act of the high Priest might be justified in respect of that necessitie whereunto they were then brought for the ceremoniall lawes were to give way in such cases as David to satisfie his hunger might lawfully eat of the shew-bread which otherwise none were to eat of but the Priests So likewise they might upon the Sabbath lead their oxe or asse to water or helpe them out being fallen into a ditch and yet not transgresse against the rest of the Sabbath If these ceremonies were dispensed with for the safegard and preservation of one man or of a few cattell much more for the deliverance of the whole Citie which was then in danger might the high Priest without any extraordinarie direction have put on his Priestly apparell to meet that victorious King QUEST XIII Of the matter whereof the holy garment should be made Vers. 5. THey shall take gold and blew silke 1. By gold is here understood Aurum in massa aurum in filis Gold in the lumpe or masse and golden threed for the garments were made of golden threed the precious stones were set into gold and thereof was made the golden plate in the high Priests miter Tostat. qu. 8. 2. And under the name of gold are comprehended also the precious stones because they were inclosed and set into the gold Simler 3. And these five are named gold blew silke purple skarlet fine linen not that all these concurred to the making of every garment Sed quia nullum ornamentum erat quod non ex istorum aliquo c. But because there was not any of the ornaments which was not made of some of them Cajetan 4. The blew colour was like unto the skie or violet the purple was like to the rose colour which was made of the liquor or bloud of a certaine shell-fish called the purple the skarlet was died with certaine graines growing in a tree whereof Plinie writeth and to make the colour deeper it was twice died in the wooll and afterward when it was spun the fine linen was made of a most fine and white kinde of flax or linen Ribera 5. These foure colours represented the foure elements two of them in colour the skarlet the fire the blew the skie or ayre the other in their originall the purple the water the linen the earth out of the which they came and hereby as Iosephus noteth was signified Sacerdotem illum esse summi rerum omnium conditoris That he was the Priest of the high Creator of all things because the colours of his garments did represent the whole world 6. Beda also thus collecteth that because all things were prescribed to be made of gold and precious colours Nihil vile vel sordidum in Sacerdotis ore vel opere debet apparere There should no vile thing appeare either in the Priests words or works c. Ribera QUEST XIV Of the name of the Ephod and the divers kinds thereof Vers. 6. ANd they shall make the Ephod 1. The Latine Interpreter calleth it superhumerale following the Septuagint which interpret it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the shoulder garment Iunius translateth it amiculum a short cloake but the Hebrew word is better retained Ephod because it was a peculiar garment belonging to the high Priest so called of the word aphad which signifieth to close or compasse or gird about as chap. 39.5 Thou shalt close them to him with embroidered gard of the Ephod Oleaster 2. There were two kinds of the Ephod one was common made of linen onely both to the inferiour Priests as Saul put to the sword 85. Priests that did weare a linen Ephod as also to the Levits as Samuel ministred before the Lord girded with a linen Ephod 1 Sam. 2.18 Some thinke that this kinde was also permitted unto lay men in generall Ribera Some that the Kings had a privilege to weare it because David danced before the Arke in a linen Ephod 2 Sam. 6. But R. Salomon thinketh more probably that none were girded with the Ephod but colentes Deum aut servientes ei They which worshipped God or were specially addicted to his service Other then beside the Priests might weare the linen Ephod but onely insacred actions as David at that time danced before the Arke Gallas Oleaster The other kinde of Ephod was peculiar to the high Priest which was made of gold and of the foure colours before named Hierome ad Fabielam And this Ephod it was not lawfull for any other to imitate which was the cause of the fall of Gedeons house because he made an Ephod like unto that used in the Tabernacle Gallas QUEST XV. How Gedeon offended in making an Ephod BUt whereas Gedeon made that Ephod of 1700. sicles of gold Iudg. 8.26 1. Augustine moveth a question how so much gold could be put into one Ephod and thinketh that by the Ephod are understood as the whole by the part Omnia qua constituit Gedeon in civitate ad colendum Deum All the other things which Gedeon made in his City to worship God by as in the Tabernacle And he thinketh further that all Israel is said to go a whoring after it although Gedeon made no image Quia extra Tabernaculum fieri aliquid simile fas non erat Because it was not lawful to make any like thing out of the Tabernacle 2. But it need not seeme strange that so much gold was put into one vesture for the
worthily bee left 4. And will they have us to follow them in manners also The Pope and his Cardinals no marvell give such good example of life that it is pitie that they are not imitated They that know Rome and the generall prophanesse and licentious living there though never so much addicted to the Popish religion I think would be ashamed to follow their conversation 5. This ramme signifieth Christ by whose blood only we are purged our eares hands and all other parts sanctified of whom the Prophet speaketh Isai. 50.4 He will waken mine eare as the learned it is blaspemie therefore to applie it to Peter he sanctifieth not the eare Christ indeed healed the eare which Peter cut off I hope they will not say that Peters bloud doth sanctifie them 6. Oleaster giveth a better sense of this place Nihil aliud hujusmodi sanguinis respersione adumbrari video quam Sacerdotum punitionem c. I see nothing else shadowed forth by this sprinkling of bloud than the punishment of the Priests Si negligentiores in audiendis ejus mandatis c. If they should be negligent in hearing Gods Commandements and in the executing of their ministery c. Let the Pope and popelings therefore looke unto it that they smart not for it one day in neglecting Gods Commandements in respect of their owne traditions 4. Controv. Of the elevation of the host and of the signe of the crosse Sa. Vers. 24. THou shalt shake them to and fro The Latine text readeth Thou shalt sanctifie them elevating or lifting them up Whereupon Sa in his annotations would ground the elevation of the host in the Sacrament and Lyranus and Tostatus observe that the Priest shaking them to and fro and lifting them up and downe in this motion made as it were a signe of the crosse in the aire Contra. 1. Who taught them to borrow their ceremonies from the figures and types of the Law If such rites as shadowed forth Christ be still to be used to what end died Christ The Jewes that thinke Christ not yet to be come have some colour in retaining their legall ceremonies but seeing Christians doe beleeve that Christ the body and substance of the Law is come in him all those shadowes are determined 2. Neither was it yet revealed unto them how Christ should suffer and whereon hee should bee offered therefore it is not like that the moving of those things up and downe and to and fro had any such signification 3. Neither was the crosse of Christ of that fashion that as much should be left above the crossing in the head as under it in the feet so that the upright peece should be crossed in the middest after which similitude this motion of the Priests hands seemed to be up and downe and then sidewayes to and fro 5. Controv. Against the burying of Bishops in their Pontificials Vers. 29. ANd the holy garments which are Aarons shall be his sonnes after him It was not the fashion then among the Hebrewes as it is now among the Romanists for their high Priest to be buried in his priestly robes as now their Bishops are intombed in their pontificials Lippoman one of their owne Writers giveth this note hereupon Lest any should say Aaron shall use the pontificall vestures all his life time and when he dieth ipse eisdem indutus tumulabitur he shall be buried in them c. He seemeth closely to glance at that superstitious use practised among them Simlerus ghesseth well at the cause of this ridiculous usage I cannot tell saith he why they should doe so nisi fortè ut mortui fungantur munere suo quod vivi nunquam fecêre unlesse it be that they might exercise their function when they are dead which they never did being alive 6. Controv. Of the lawfulnesse of Ministers marriage and the legitimation of their children Vers. 29. SHall be his sonnes after him c. Tostatus here thus noteth that because in the old Testament the Priests had wives the sonnes succeeded their fathers as others did in civill principalities but now in the new Testament sacerdotes non habent uxores the Priests have no wives and therefore their sonnes succeed them not because they have no sonnes and if they have sometime sonnes illegitimi sunt they are illegitimate c. Tostat. qu. 16. Contra. 1. If the Priests of the Law had their wives of whom was exacted a greater legall purity in outward observations than now why should the Ministers of the new Testament be restrained in the times of the Gospell which hath given us liberty that were in bondage under the Law 2. Then the sonnes succeeded the fathers in the priesthood both because the tribes were distinguished and their families and kinreds divided that Christs line of Iudah might be continued and then the service of the Tabernacle consisting chiefly in externall observations required no such exactnesse but that the sonne might be fit to succeed his father in the priesthood especially God giving an extraordinary blessing unto that lineal succession but now it is not fit that children should alwayes succeed their fathers because the Gospell requireth a greater sufficiencie and the childe is not alwayes heire of his fathers gifts but where the sonne is endued with sufficient parts to take upon him his fathers charge there is no reason why he should be barred We see in these dayes that divers learned men Ministers and Professors under the Gospell have left behind them their sonnes men of worthy parts as Iosias Simlerus had a sonne of the same name who writ the Dedicatory Epistle to his fathers learned Commentaries upon Exodus David Pareus that learned man hath likewise his sonne Philip Pareus who hath written of Logike Kicherman the Author of his Logike and politike Systemata succeeded his father in Gymnasio patrio in his fathers schoole And divers such beside might be named 3. And doth he thinke indeed that the sonnes of Priests are illegitimate and unfit to succeed their fathers What thinketh he of divers Popes that were Priest sonnes as Bonifacius the first Felix the third Agapetus the first Sylvester Theodorus Hadrianus Benedict the 8. Iohn the 12. all which were the sonnes of Priests and Gratian addeth further Quà m plures etiam alii inveniuntur de sacerdotibus nati and divers beside are found to have beene borne of Priests 4. Indeed they which have sonnes and are not married which is no rare thing in the Popish Clergy doe leave an illegitimate seed behind them but such as are borne in lawfull matrimony are an holy seed of what calling soever their parents be for both marriage among all men is honourable Hebr. 13.4 and so consequently among Ministers and their children are holy 1 Cor. 7.14 They therefore that condemne their marriage and make their children illegitimate and so unholy doe contradict the holy Apostle and in a manner give him the lye See more Synops. Câ—ntur 1. â—â—r 77. 7. Controv. That
upward because they begin at twentie yeares to be fit for service in the Common-wealth at home and abroad in warre Tostat. qu. 9. 2. The children then and women are not counted but the one were reckoned with their fathers the other went under the account of their husbands Simler 3. It is not here expressed as they began at twentie so at what age they ended the account It is not like that the aged men were here reckoned but such only as were fit for warre Numb 1.3 which Iosephus saith was from twentie untill the age of fiftie Cajetan And this may be gathered by the like because the Levites after fiftie gave over their service in the Tabernacle Numb 8.25 as to beare burthens and to remove the Tabernacle much more at that age were they to be freed from the service of warre which was much more painfull and cumbersome 4. The Levites were accounted after another manner they were numbred from a moneth old Numb 3.39 Oleaster who here affirmeth that David offended God in numbring the people because hee would have all numbred and not onely from twentie and above But that was not the cause of the offence for it is evident out of the text that they onely were numbred which were strong men and able to draw swords 2 Sam. 24.9 See before quest 15. QUEST XXII Why the poore pay as much as the rich Vers. 15. THe rich shall not passe and the poore shall not diminish c. Divers reasons may bee yeelded hereof why the same portion was required as well of the poore as rich 1. It was done concordiae causa for concord and unitie for otherwise there might have growne contention the poore being unwilling to pay as much as the rich Tostat. qu. 10. 2. And by this meanes also the poore were not despised and ne divites se sanctiores reputarent pauperibus lest that the rich might have thought themselves holier than the poore in giving more unto the Tabernacle the Lord would have an equall rate set Lyran. 3. And this was prescribed ut numeri ratio constaret that the number of the people might bee certainly knowne which had beene uncertaine if they had not all paid alike 4. This was jus personale a personall right Calvin ad testandum obedientiam impositum and imposed to testifie their obedience that hereby everie one should acknowledge that they belonged unto God Simler 5. It was for the redemption of their soules quae unicuique aequalis fuit which was equall to all Gallas 6. And to shew that God is no accepter of persons but that the poore and rich if they bee faithfull are alike accepted before him Osiander 7. Hereby also is spiritually signified that the spirituall price of our redemption by the bloud of Christ doth belong equally unto all Simler QUEST XXIII Whether all these things were declared to Moses at once Vers. 17. ALso the Lord spake unto Moses 1. It appeareth by this that all these things before rehearsed from chap. 25. concerning the Tabernacle and things thereunto belonging were not delivered by one continued speech from the Lord unto Moses but that there were certaine breakings off as is evident in this place and likewise vers 11. afterward the Lord spake 2. It also may bee gathered that all these things were not delivered in one day unto Moses but in the space of fortie dayes as is shewed chap. 31.18 that after the Lord had made an end of communing with Moses hee delivered him the tables of stone which was in the end of fortie dayes as is declared Deut. 9.10 Tostat. qu. 11. The Lord could have delivered all these things at once unto Moses and have made him capable thereof to understand and remember But as the world was created in six dayes which the Lord in his great power could have finished all in one day yea in a moment yet it pleased him for our better understanding and for the establishing of a perpetuall order to be observed while the world endureth in giving six dayes for worke and one for rest to sort out all his workes into six dayes so likewise he divided the narration of these things unto Moses into the conference of many dayes QUEST XXIV Of the fashion of the brazen laver Vers. 18. THou shalt make a laver of brasse and his foot of brasse 1. By this description it may be gathered that this laver did not stand flat upon the ground but was reared upon his foot and consequently it being so lifted up upon the foot or base the Priests could not put their feet therein to wash them 2. R. Salomon therefore thinketh that this laver was made broad and large below and narrow above and that it had two spouts of each side for the water to issue forth and at the foot or bottome there was some place to receive the water which otherwise would have run along upon the ground This description followeth Lyranus Tostat. Montan. Genevens And Cajetan doth inferre thus much out of the text because it is said vers 19. Aaron and his sonnes shall wash their hands and feet mimmenu ex ipsa out of it not as the Latine whom Beda followeth in ea in it 3. This laver was set in the outward court betweene the Altar of burnt offering and the Tabernacle but not directly for then it would have somewhat hindred the â—ight of the Tabernacle but it was placed toward the South side which though it be not here expressed may be 〈…〉 sea which Salomon made in stead thereof which was so placed in the Temple 1 King 7.39 Simler QUEST XXV Of the use of this brazen laver Vers. 20. WHen they go into the Tabernacle 1. The Latine Interpreter readeth When they go into the Tabernacle c. and when they go vnto the altar to offer incense c. which Tostatus understandeth of the altar of incense but that was included in the former clause When they go into the Tabernacle and the word is ishah which signifieth a sacrifice made with fire he meaneth the altar of burnâ— offering that when they want in to doe my service in the Tabernacle or 〈…〉 without they should wash both their hands and feet 2. These parts above the rest must bee washed because they were apâ—est to gather soile the feet with dust and the hands with touching and handling of other things Tostat. 3. It is evident then that at the least twice everie day they washed their hands and feet at morning and even for then without in the Court they offered the morning and evening sacrifice and in the Tabernacle they burned incense and dressed the candlesticks Lippoman also thinketh that they ministred at the Altar barefoot as Moses was bid to put off his shooes when the Lord appeared unto him Exod. 3. But it is more like that they were shod with a kinde of light shooes called sandals as Tostatus inferreth out of Iosephus for as they washed their feet from soile when they began
consumitur amissis membris suis so the Devill is devoured his members being lost and taken from him So doth Rupertus understand by this image beaâ—en to powder Eos qui ex parte diaboli per poenitentiam confracti c. Those which having beene as of the body of the Devill are broken by repentance 8. Gregorie maketh this action propheticall to signifie the generall destruction of idols thorow the world Cernas oculis qui huiâ— vanitati erant prius dediti templa sua diruentes c. You may see with your eyes that they which trusted before in their idols doe now pull downe their temples And Procopius by the drinking thereof with the mouth understandeth the true confession of the faith quae ore fit which is done with the mouth whereby idolatrie is overthrowne But the other historicall reasons are rather to be insisted upon And this drinking of the water mixed with this powder was rather an evill signe unto them as the bitter water was unto the adulterous woman Numb 5. than a signification of any good QUEST LIX Whether by the drinking of the water any visible signe of difference was made among the people who had most deeply offended about the golden Calfe BUt some further affirme that this drinking of the water served to another end than that thereby some signe of difference might be made betweene the Ring-leaders unto this idolatrie and the rest that they might easily bee discerned of the Levites when they went up and downe in the host killing those whom they met 1. Therefore R. Salomon thinketh that this bitter water did cause their bellies to swell that were guiltie of this great sinne but to the rest it was pleasant and wholsome water like as the water of jealousie Numb 5. did cause the adulterous womans belly to swell and her thigh to rot but if shee were not guiltie it made her fruitfull 2. Others thinke that the signe was this everie ones beard that consented unto this idolatrie was coloured yellow like unto gold and by this marke the Levites knew them from others But if there had beene any such visible marke set upon them seeing most of the camp consented unto this sinne there should have beene more found guiltie and more slaine than three thousand vers 28. 3. Tostatus thinketh that there was some externall and visible signe caused by drinking of the water though he will not determine what it was because it was not like that the Levites would hand over head slay one with another And he thinketh that Aaron drinking of the water had not that marke because the Lord pardoned his sinne because hee was thereunto drawne by compulsion This instance of Aaron sheweth that the drinking of the water did make no such signe for then Aaron should have had it whose sin was not yet pardoned neither had Moses yet intreated for him having not yet examined him The Levites might know to make difference among the people some other way than by any such visible signe See more of this quest 70. following QUEST LX. How farre Moses fact herein is to be imitated BUt whereas Moses did not onely put downe this abominable idoll but made it altogether unprofitable for any use burning and beating it to powder the question is how farre Moses herein is to be imitated 1. Neither is their opinion to be approved which take this example of Moses to be extraordinarie in demolishing this golden Calfe for as Moses did take away this publike stumbling blocke so it belongeth unto Princes è mâ—dio tollere to remove out of the way whatsoever is done against the worship of God as Hesekiah did likewise breake downe the brazen Serpent after it began to bee abused to idolatrie Ferus Who addeth further I would we had now some Moses to take away the evils which are in the Church Non enim unum tantùm vitulum habemus sed multos For we have not one golden calfe but many Thus Ferus complaineth of the Papall Church 2. But this is extraordinarie in Moses example that he converteth not this golden idoll unto any use but consumeth it to powder Herein Christian Magistrates are not bound to follow Moses example for Moses fact herein was singular ad majorem detestationem c. for the greater detestation of idolatrie Now it is lawfull to convert things consecrate to idolatrie to some profitable use ut juventur membra Christi that the members of Christ may be helped and releeved Gallas 3. And in that Moses doth remove this idoll which none else attempted to doe yet it may bee thought that many in Israel were offended with it so magistratus officium est non privatorum hominum it is the office of the magistrate not of private men to take away idolatrous images Osiander QUEST LXI How Moses maketh Aaron the author and cause of this sinne Vers. 21. WHat did this people vnto thee that thou hast brought c. 1. Moses layeth this sinne upon Aaron though he were not the first author of it because hee being left in Moses place stayed not the people by his authoritie therefore he is worthily reproved tanquam author sceleris quod passus est admitti as the author of this sinne which he suffered to be committed Calvin so that permissio peccati aeque in vitio sit atque commissio the permitting of sinne is as well in fault as the committing Pelarg. 2. Here then the Hebrewes in seeking to excuse Aaron and the people as seduced by the Egyptians doe labour in vaine seeing Moses doth so straitly charge Aaron as a principall doer in it for if he had not grievously sinned why should Moses here make him the cause of this sinne and the Lord be so offended with him that he purposed to slay him if Moses had not intreated for him Deut. 9.20 And in these three things Aaron sinned 1. In not staying the people and stilling them 2. In that besides consenting unto them hee is an agent in making a Calfe for them 3. And being made hee approved it and set up an altar before it So that Aaron is no more here to be excused than Peter in the Gospell which denied his Master Oleaster 3. Yet Aaron sinned not as the people did but as there were degrees of offenders among the people some incouraged and perswaded others some only gave consent and were seduced by others perswasion to commit idolatrie and some did neither but onely went with the multitude for company to desire a Calfe to be made So Aarons sin differed from the rest timore ductus fabricavit vitulum hee made a Calfe being drawne by feare Tostat. qu. 33. And therefore Moses dealeth otherwise with Aaron than with the people Aaronem verbis redarguit populum cecîdit gladio Hee rebukes Aaron in words the people he slayeth with the sword Ferus 4. But yet Aarons sinne cannot bee so much extenuated as to free him from the sinne of idolatrie as Tostatus confesseth that he sinned Nec
himselfe excusable because hee was urged and compelled through the importunitie of the people to doe it Importunitas populi eos levare non potest c. The importunitie of the people cannot ease them any thing who should have beene more prudent and circumspect in their government Gallâ—s 4. In excusing hee accuseth himselfe for in that the people were bent to mischiefe hee ought to have beene so much the more vigilant over them And whereas they asked to have gods made to goe before them and alleaged they knew not what was become of Moses he should have told them that the Lord was their guide and have declared where Moses was Simler 5. In saying thereof came this calfe frigida exili narratione culpam tegere c. he goeth about by a cold and slender narration to hide his fault Calvin QUEST LXV Whether Aaron dissembled in not confessing plainly that he made the Calfe Vers. 24. I Did cast it into the fire and thereof came this Calfe 1. The Hebrewes seeking to excuse Aarons fault what they may say that he intended not to make a Calfe but cast in the golden eare-rings into the fire to consume them but by the operation of Satan working by certaine Egyptian Magicians in the camp the forme of a Calfe came forth But that Aaron had an intention to make a Calfe appeareth by the former narration vers 4. how Aaron after it was molten and cast caused it to be fashioned with a graving toole See more hereof quest 17. before 2. Some thinke that Aaron mentitur timâ—re perterritus maketh a plaine lie being overcome of feare Oleaster So also Lyranus But Aaron would have beene ashamed publikely to make a lye as though he had purposed to make a Calfe seeing it was not well knowne to all the people to be his doing 3. Tostatus is of opinion that Aaron herein is not faultie at all but that he simply confessed that hee made the Calfe being through feare of the people thereunto compelled Sed Scriptura qua breviloquâ— est c. hic eum breviter tangit But the Sripture which is compendious because the narration hereof was set downe before doth but briefly touch it here But it might as briefly have beene set downe that Aaron made the molten Calfe as it is expressed before vers 4. therefore the brevitie of speech is not the cause 4. Augustine thinketh that Aaron himselfe compendio locutâ—â— est used this compendious speech and that he lied not at all because Moses eum de mendacio non arguit doth not reprove him for lying But as Aaron is not convinced here of a manifest lye yet some colouring and dissimulation appeareth in his speech because he doth not plainly confesse hee did it Substantia facti narratur tantummodo faciendi He confesseth only the substance of the fact concealing the manner Moses reproveth him not for this dissembling no more he doth for any other infirmitie here shewed because he replieth not againe 5. Hugo de S. Victor would have the meaning of Aarons words to be this Thereouâ— came this Calfe opere scilicet hominis non miraculo by the worke of man not by any miracle But the manner of his speech sheweth that Aaron sought to extenuate his sinne 6. I therefore here rather consent to those which thinke that Aaron coloured his fault by this speech Râ—m ita refert ac si praeter ipsius intentionem formatus sic vitulus He so reporteth the matter as though the Calfe were formed beside his intention Marbach Iejune simpliciter narrat Hee maketh a drie and slender narration Simler Exili narratione culpam tegere c. By a slender report he would cover his sinne Calvin Quicquid sit attenâ—at quantum potest culpam Whatsoever it is in these words he extenuateth his sinne what he may Lippoman And this seemeth to be more likely because Aaron maketh a colourable defence and excuse of his fault thorowout as is shewed before quest 64. QUEST LXVI In what sense the people are said to be naked Vers. 24. MOses saw therefore that the people were naked c. 1. Some understand it of their jewels of gold which they were deprived of being bestowed upon the idoll Lyran. Hugo de S. Victor But we read in the next chapter that they were splendidè ornati they had goodly ornaments Calvin Marbach Therefore they were not stripped of all 2. Some thinke that they were disarmed for Aaron fearing some mutinie and rising among the people had taken away their armour Cajetan But in that it is said afterward that the Levites girded their swords to them vers 27. it appeareth that their weapons were not taken from them Simler 3. Some expound it of the manifestation of their sinne that whereas hitherto they were counted the true worshippers of God now they should bee knowne to be idolaters and so defamed among the Heathen R. D. Kimbi Oleaster Vatab. 4. Some giue this sense Aaron had made them naked that is laid all the fault upon the people 5. Or they were naked because they went about obstinately to defend their sinne but in this sense Aaron could not bee said to have made them naked for he would not have encouraged them to stand in defence of their sinne having himselfe confessed it 6. The Chalde translateth Moses saw the people were idle that is gave themselves to eating and drinking and playing and neglected the feares of warre which would have beene unto their shame if their enemies should encounter with them 7. But beyond the rest this is the most proper interpretation that they were naked gratia prasiâ—lio Dei of the favour help and assistance of God Iunius Nudatus erat gratia protectione they were naked of his favour and protection Ferus Therefore Si tunc corruissent hostes proculdubio eos ignomiâ—iosè delevissent If then the enemie had fallen upon them they had most shamefully foiled them Gallas As the Canaanites overcame the Israelites when they set upon them wilfully God being not among them Tostat. qu. 34. So also Calvin Significat rejectos esse à Deo Hee signifieth they were rejected of God under whose protection they were To the same purpose Osiander Borrhaius Lippoman Simlerus QUEST LXVII Why Moses stood in the gate and what gate it was Vers. 26. MOses stood in the gate of the camp 1. Cajetan thinketh that the camp had gates to enter in by Quia castra munita eranâ— tanquam civitas because the camp was fenced about like a citie and Simlerus thinketh that the camp was compassed about with a ditch and by the same there were certaine passages and entrances into the camp But that is not like that they alwayes entrenched themselves seeing they were to remove at all times as the cloud before them removed which was sometime the same day sometime within two dayes Numb 9.22 so that they could have no time to make any such ditch or trench Tostat. qu. 34. 2. Who
de justitia sua gloriantibus aterna exprobratio est This iteration of these precepts is an eternall exprobration to the carnall Jewes which doe glory in their righteousnesse c. Seeing Moses still insisteth in the first principles and rudiments and carnall observations wherein Moses is unlike unto the Apostle thus writing Therefore leaving the doctrine of the beginning of Christ let us goe forward unto perfection Hebr. 6.1 4. Againe another principall cause of the institution first and now the renovation of those festivals was ut futura mysteria saltem sub umbra veneretur that the people as under the shadow might in these festivals reverence the mysteries which should be revealed in time to come Lippoman QUEST XXXVII Why some feasts and not all are here rehearsed ANd it pleased God to appoint these festivals unto the Israelites 1. That although all our life time should be consecrate to Gods praise yet quia non valet humana infirmitas because humane infirmity is not able so to doe this continuall praising of God being reserved for the next life it pleased him to content himselfe with certaine times appointed to that end Tostat. qu. 14. And this God doth also that mans dulnesse might by such solemnities be whetted and stirred up to a thankfull commemoration of his benefits Marbach 2. Here are the three principall morall feasts only mentioned the Passeover the feast of weekes and the feast of gathering fruits though they had more feasts as they are rehearsed because in these three only the people were bound to assemble together before the Lord Tostat. 3. And the Lord beginneth with the Passeover which was the first instituted and brought to their remembrance the greatest benefit of their deliverance out of Egypt And hereby was mystically signified that fine fide passioniâ— Christi c. that without faith in the passion and resurrection of Christ which was shadowed forth in the passeover none could be saved Lippoman QUEST XXXVIII Of the passeover the rites end and use thereof Vers. 18. SEven dayes shalt thou observe In the feast of the Passeover there are foure things to be observed the rite and ceremonie the end the morall use the type and figure 1. There are three things here prescribed concerning the rite and manner First they must eat unleavened bread because at that time when they came out of Egypt the Egyptians urged them to come out in haste so that they could not leaven their bread therefore in remembrance of their affliction in Egypt and their deliverance therefrom they must keepe this feast with unleavened bread and that for seven dayes from the 14. day at even untill the 21. day at even as is prescribed Exodus 12.18 the moneth also is prescribed wherein they should observe this feast in the moneth Abib which the Latine Septuagint Chalde interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the moneth of new fruits quando spica è culmis prodibant when the eares began to shoot out of the hose Vatabl. Not because the corne began then first to grow but then first began to be ripe and the â—ickle to be put unto it Tostat. This moneth fell out sometime in the moneth of March as if the new moone were before the 25. of March about which time the equinoctiall was then when the dayes and nights are alike sometime in Aprill when the aquinoctium fell out afterward for the Hebrewes began their moneths with the new moone And this moneth Abib was the first in the yeere from the which they counted the rest as the Romans did begin their moneths at March and so they called July and August Quintilis and Sextâ—lis the fift and sixt moneths this moneth Abib was also called Nisaâ— that is Nisiâ—â— the moneth of wonders because many wondrous things were done in this moneth Simler The other rites belonging to this feast are set forth at large Exod. 12. thorowout the chapter 2. The end of this feast was to call to minde the benefit of their deliverance out of Egypt and the preservation of their first borne when all the first borne in Egypt were slaine 3. The morall signification is this by leaven is understood false doctrine as our blessed Saviour giveth his Disciples warning to take heed of the leaven of the Scribes and Pharisees that is their corrupt doctrine likewise it signifieth the leaven of maliciousnesse as the Apostle sheweth 1 Cor. 5. both which by the unleavened bread they were admonished to take heed of 4. This Passeover was a type of our Saviour 1. He suffered about the same time of the yeere wherein they used to kill the Passeover 2. The paschall Lambe was without blemish and Christ was without sinne 3. It was rosted with fire to signifie the burning love of Christ. 4. The bloud of that Lambe was a signe of their corporall deliverance out of Egypt and by the bloud of Christ we obtaine spirituall deliverance Simler See more of the spirituall application of the passeover qu. 39. chap. 12. QUEST XXXIX Why the first borne males were only due unto the Lord. Vers. 19. EVery male that first openeth the wombe 1. These words male and first are not here in the text but must be inserted to explaine the text as may be gathered Exod. 13.12 The males only of the first borne were the Lords 2. And the reason hereof was 1. Because the males in their kinde were the perfitest and therefore they were only to be offered in such sacrifices as were of necessity as in their burnt offerings and vowes in their free offerings they might bring their female 2. The first borne which were slaine in Egypt both of men and beasts were males in liew whereof the Lord required the first borne And that the first borne males were only slaine in Egypt it may thus appeare 1. Because the punishment was answerable to their sinne that as they commanded all the males of the Hebrewes to be killed so the males only of the Egyptians should be destroyed 2. Though in many houses in Egypt the first borne of the house were not males yet the first borne of the maid servants must also be counted as is evident chap. 11.5 and if neither they nor the masters of the house had any first borne that were males then either the master himselfe or the servant of the house if he were the first borne was taken and so it was true that there was not an house in Egypt where there was not one dead Exod. 12.30 And as the first borne of men onely were slaine so it is like the same proportion was observed in their cattell Tostat. qu. 15 16. 3. The first borne were of two sorts of men and they were to be redeemed because their service unto God was performed when they were living not by their death the beasts were either cleane and they were to be offered their best service unto God was by their death in being sacrificed or uncleane which might either be redeemed by exchange as an asse
Whether the keeping of the Passeover were the cause of their deliverance or that the cause of the other 7. qu. How these things should be as signets upon their hands and of the superstition of the Iewes in their fringes and frontlets 8. qu. Of the redeeming of the firâ—â— borne of uncleane beasts 9. qu. Of the conditions required in the first borne of cleane beasts 10. qu. Of the law of the redeeming of the first borne of men 11. qu. Of the spirituall application of the law of the first borne unto Christ. 12. qu. Whether the neerest way from Egypt to Canaan were thorow the Philistims country 13. qu. Why the Lord counselleth to prevent dangers 14. qu. Whether the like danger of warre feared with the Philistims did not befall the Israelites with Amilek 15. qu. Of the reasons why the Lord led his people about by the wildernesse 16. qu. Whether the Israelites came up armed out of Egypt or five in a ranke 17. qu. Whether the rest of the Patriarks bones were remoued with Josephs 18. qu. Who it was that appeared in the cloud and how 19. qu. Of the divers properties of the cloud 20. qu. How this cloud differed from other clouds 21. qu. When the cloud began first to appeare 22. qu. When the cloud and fierie pillar ceased 23. qu. Of the foure great miracles which the Lord wrought for his people in the desart 24. qu. Whether the cloud also served to shelter them from the heat of the Sunne 25. qu. Whether the cloud and fierie pillar were two iâ— substance or but one 26. qu. Whether it were a true naturall fire that gave them light by night 27. qu. Whether the pillar of the cloud were moved by any naturall motion 28. qu. Of the times of removing and staying of the cloud Questions upon the fourteenth Chapter 1. QUest Of the place where they are commanded to pitch 2. qu. Why the Lord would have them pitch in so discommodious a place 3. qu. How Pharaoh had word where the Israelites camped 4. qu. Of Pharaohs chariots and horse-men and whether there were any foot-men in this host 5. qu. How the Isaelites are said to come out with a strong hand 6. qu. Whether the Israelites cried unto God in faith 7. qu. Of the great sinne of the people in expostulating with Moses 8. qu. Whether Moses did suffer the people at this time to passe without reproofe for their murmuring 9. qu. When the Lord spake these words mentioned to Moses 10. qu. VVhen Moses cried unto God and how and for what 11. qu. How the Angell is said to remove 12. qu. VVhat winde it was which did blow upon the red sea 13. qu. At what time of the night the sea was divided where Pererius is confuted which thinketh that the Israelites staied five or six houres upon the sea shore before they entered 14. qu. VVhether one way were made in the sea or twelve wayes for every tribe one 15. qu. VVhich of the tribes first entred into the red sea 16. qu. VVhether the Israelites went thorow the midst of the red sea or onely a part of it 17. qu. Of the division of the red sea not the worke of nature but altogether miraculous where Josephus report of the Pamphylian sea giving way to Alexander the great is examined 18. qu. The division of the red sea and of the river Iordan compared together 19. qu. Of the blindnesse of the Egyptians running headlong upon their owne destruction 20. qu. VVhy the Lord looked in the morning toward the Egyptians 21. qu. By what degrees the finall subversion of the Egyptians was wrought in the red sea 22. qu. Of the number of the Egyptians that perished 23. qu. VVhether Pharaoh himselfe were drowned in the sea 24. qu. Whether the Israelites were all gone over when the Egyptians were drowned 25. qu. Why the Egyptians dead bodies were cast upon the shore 26 qu. Of the red sea whence it is so called 27. qu. Of the fabulous reports of the Heathen writers concerning the causes of the departure of the Hebrewes out of Egypt 28. qu. Of the comparison betweene the red sea and Baptisme 29. qu. How the people are said to beleeve Moses or in Moses Questions upon the fifteenth Chapter 1. QUest Of the authoritie and excellencie of Moses song 2. qu. In what order Moses the children of Israel and Miriam sang this song 3. qu. The end of the song of Moses 4. qu. Why the Scripture speaketh so much against horse used in battell 5. qu. How the Lord is said to be the strength and song of his King 6. qu. Whether God appeared in any visible shape unto the Israelites at the red sea 7. qu. In what sense Moses saith hee would build the Lord a Tabernacle 8. qu. How the Lord is said to be high 9. qu. In what sense the Lord is said to be a man of warre 10. qu. Why now it is said his name is Jehovah 11. qu. Of the names of the Captaines set over threes 12. qu. What is meant by the blast of his nostrils 13. qu. Of the vaine boasting of the Egyptians 14. qu. What are the strong before whom the Lord is preferred 15. qu. How the Lord is said to bee fearefull in prayses 16. qu. Wherein the Egyptians are compared unto lead 17. qu. How the earth is said to have swallowed them 18. qu. How the Lord will lead and carrie his people 19. qu. What is meant here by Gods holy habitation 20. qu. What nations should be afraid of the Israelites 21. qu. Why the Lord is said to plant his people 22. qu. In what sense the Tabernacle of the Iewes was called a firme and sure Tabernacle and how long the Temple continued at Ierusalem 23. qu. Of the meaning of these words For ever and ever 24. qu. Whether the 19. verse be a part of Moses song 25. qu. Whether the Israelites went straight over the red sea 26. qu. Of the divers kinds of women-singers mentioned in the Scripture 27. qu. Whether women did at any time publikely prophesie 28. qu. Why Miriam is said to be the sister of Aaron and not of Moses 29. qu. Why Miriam taketh a timbrell 30. qu. Whether the women came with pipes beside timbrels or with dancing 31. qu. Of the lawfulnesse of Instruments of musike 32. qu. Of dancing 33. qu. Whether Miriam did sing the whole song or repeated onely the beginning 34. qu. Whether the desart were simplie a desart and barren place 35. qu. The desart of Shur and Etham were all one 36. qu. Of the place of Marah 37. qu. Of the grievous sin of murmuring 38. qu. Of the divers murmurings of the children of Israel 39. qu. Whether the wood had any vertue that Moses cast into the water 40 qu. Whereon the miracle consisted of hâ—aling the waters 41. qu. Why the Lord used this meanes in healâ—â—g the waters 42. qu. Of the mysticall signification of this tree 43. qu. What lawes and ordinances the Lord
powder of the Idoll 59. qu. Whether by the drinking of the water any visible signe of difference was made among the people who had most deepely offended about the golden Calfe 60. qu. How farre Moses fact herein is to bee imitated 61. qu. How Moses maketh Aaron the author and cause of his sinne 62. qu. Why Idolatrie is called a great sinne 63. qu. Why Moses onely rebuked Aaron and forbeareth further punishment 64. qu. What things are to be commended in Aarons confession what not 65. qu. Whether Aaron dissembled in not confessing plainely that he made the Calfe 66. qu. In what sense the people are said to be naked 67. qu. Why Moses stood in the gate and what gate it was 68. qu. VVhether all the Levites were free from consenting unto this idolatrie 69. qu. Of the authoritie which the Levites had to doe execution upon the idolaters and the rules prescribed them 70. qu. VVhether the Levites did not make some difference among the people as they went and killed 71. qu. VVhy none came unto Moses but onely of the tribe of Levi. 72. qu. Of the number of them which were slaine whether they were three thousand or twentie three thousand as the vulgar Latine readeth 73. qu. How the Levites are said to consecrate their hands 74. qu. Of the time when Moses came downe from the mount and when he returned againe 75. qu. VVhy Moses urgeth the greatnesse of their sinne 76. qu. Why Moses speaketh as it were doubtfully If I may pacifie him c. 77. qu. Why Moses againe intreateth the Lord seeing he was pacified before vers 14. 78. qu. What booke it was out of the which Moses wished to be raced 79. qu. How the Lord is said to have a booke 80. qu. VVhether any can indeed be raced out of the booke of life 81. qu. Of the two wayes whereby we are said to bee written in the booke of life 82. qu. VVhether Moses did well in wishing to bee raced out of the booke of life 83. qu. In what sense the Lord saith I will put out of my booke 84. qu. What day of visitation the Lord meaneth here 85. qu. When the Lord plagued the people for the Calfe 86. qu. Of the difference betweene the act of sinne the fault staine and guilt 87. qu. How God may justly punish twice for one sinne Questions upon the three and thirtieth Chapter 1. QUest At what time the Lord uttered his commination 2. qu. Whether the narration of Moses Tabernacle in this Chapter be transposed 3. qu. How God saith he will send his Angell and yet not himselfe goe with them 4. qu. Why the Lord saith hee will not goe with them himselfe lest he should consume them 5. qu. What ornaments they were which the people laid aside 6. qu. Why in publike repentance they used to change their habit 7. qu. Why the Lord thus spake unto Moses 8. qu. In what sense the Lord saith I will come upon thee 9. qu. VVhether the people put off their ornaments twice 10. qu. In what sense the Lord saith That I may know 11. qu. Why it is said They laid aside their good rayment From the mount Horeb. 12. qu. What Tabernacle Moses removed out of the campe 13. qu. Why Moses pitched his Tabernacle without the host 14. qu. How farre from the campe this Tent was removed 15. qu. VVhat is called the Tent of the Congregation 16. qu. Why the people stood up unto Moses and looked after him 17. qu. Whether there were two clouds or one to cover and conduct the host 18. qu. Why the Lord spake to Moses in a cloud 19. qu. How the Lord spake to Moses face to face 20. qu. Why Joshua is here called a young man 21. qu. Whether is here understood Joshua not to have departed from the Tabernacle 22. qu. When the Lord thus said to Moses 23. qu. How Moses desireth to know whom the Lord would send with them seeing hee had promised before to send his Angell 24. qu. Whether the sole government and leading of the people were here given to Moses without the administration of Angels as Burgensis thinketh 25. qu. When and where God thus said to Moses 26. qu. How the Lord is said to know Moses by name 27. qu. What Moses meaneth saying Shew me the way 28. qu. In what sense Moses saith That I may finde grace c. which he was assured of 29. qu. What is understood by Gods presence 30. qu. What rest the Lord promised to Moses 31. qu. Whether Moses here rested in Gods answer or begged any thing further 32. qu. Why Moses addeth Carrie us not hence seeing even in that place they had need of Gods protection 33. qu. Why it is added people upon the earth People upon the earth Gen. 25. 34. qu. Whether Moses desired to see the very divine essence of God 35. qu. VVhat imboldned Moses to make this request 36. qu. Whether Moses shewed any infirmitie in this request to see Gods glorie 37. qu. What the Lord meaneth by All my good 38. qu. How the Lord is said to passe by and why 39. qu. How the Lord is said to proclaime his name 40. qu. Why these words are added I will shew mercie c. 41. qu. Why the Lord is here doubled 42. qu. Of the divers kinds of mercie which the Lord sheweth 43. qu. Of the divers visions and sights of God 44. qu. Whether God may be seene with the eyes of the bodie in this life 45. qu. Whether wee shall see the divine nature with the eyes of our bodies in the next life 46. qu. Whether the divine essence can bee seene and comprehended by the minde of man in this life 47. qu. VVhether the Angels now or the soules of men shall fully see the divine substance in the next life 48. qu. VVhether Moses had a sight of the divine essence 49. qu. Of the meaning of these words No man shall see me and live 50. qu. VVhat place this was in the rocke which the Lord here speaketh of 51. qu. How the Lord is said to cover Moses with his hand 52. qu. VVhy the Lord covered Moses with his hand 53. qu. VVhy the Lord put Moses in the cleft of the rocke 54. qu. VVhat is here understood by the Lords back-parts 55. qu. VVhat manner of visible demonstration this was here shewed unto Moses 56. qu. VVhere the Lord promised that Moses should see his back-parts Questions upon the foure and thirtieth Chapter 1. QUest VVherefore the second tables were given 2. qu. VVhy the Lord saith to Moses Hew thee 3. qu. VVhether the Lord or Moses wrote in these tables and why 4. qu. VVhether Moses was to bee readie the next morning and why 5. qu. VVhy none are suffered to come up now with Moses 6. qu. VVhy their cattell are forbidden to come neere the mount 7. qu. VVho is said here to descend and how 8. qu. VVho proclaimed the name Jehovah God or Moses 9. qu. VVhy the name
c. left they behind c. 1. The Egyptians did not stay their cattell as now beginning to oppresse them as the Hebrewes for they were not yet so hardly used 2. But they left these things which might be cumbersome unto them because they purposed to returne againe both for that Ioseph so promised upon whom they depended who was not to forsake his calling and for that their time of returne was not yet come and therefore the sonnes of Ephraim had but hard successe because they prevented the time 1 Chron. 7.21 Mercer 3. Although no mention be made of their women and servants yet it is like that they stayed behind likewise the one to attend their children the other their cattell Muscul. 4. The charets and horsemen were for their defense QUEST VII The corne flower of Atad why so called and whether on this side or beyond Iordan Vers. 10. THey came to Goren Atad 1. Atad signifieth a thorne or bramble bush of the greater sort which brancheth out and is of the bignesse of a laurell tree so it is taken Psal. 58.10 Before your thornes are felt as great brambles that is before your power increase the Lord shall destroy you Iun. This place then was beset with such brambles so that Goren Atad is here rather a name appellative than proper Iun. 2. This place was not beyond Jordan as the most translate H. B. G.P. S. and therefore some thinke that Ioseph brought them about by the desarts of Idumaea and so to Jordan the same way which afterward Iosua did conduct the people by into Canaan for feare of the Canaanites lest they might have troubled them in the way But Ioseph being so well accompanied needed not to feare the Canaanites and the Egyptians at that time were feared of other nations and seeing they going the neerest way might be as soone and sooner at Mamre than at Jordan which lay Eastward out of the way Ioseph had no reason to fetch a circuit about Augustine thinketh they came first to Mamre and from thence went over Jordan to this place where they mourned which was 50. miles off from the place of buriall and returned againe the same way over Jordan to Mamre quest 171. in Gen. But there is small reason for it that they should goe 50. miles beyond the place of buriall which was the utmost period of their journey and goe backe againe Wherefore Mercerus thinketh it is to be read rather on this side of Jordan or as Iunius ad vadum Iordanis at the passage of Jordan for so the word begnâ—ber signifieth that is not farre from Jordan for as Mercerus well noteth and Luther beth signifieth cis on this side mem trans beyond or on the other side Hierome also giveth witnesse hereunto that this field of thistles was about three stones cast from Jerico two miles from Jordan called Betagla that is the maze or circle because there the Egyptians went about circle wise when they mourned for Iacob Now Jerico is on the West side of Jordan not beyond Hierome saith it was trans Iordanem beyond Jordan in respect of some other place as France which the Romans call Transalpina beyond the Alpes is to them in France Cisalpina on this side the Alpes Mercer QUEST VIII Why they mourned in Atad before the place of buriall Vers. 10. THere he mourned for his father seven dayes 1. This mourning then of Ioseph and the Egyptians in this place was not for the great slaughter of the Israelites which afterward fell out in that place when the Lord sent a fire amongst them for their murmuring as Histor. scholasti noteth for neither was that fire sent forth in this place which is mentioned Numb 11. or Numb 16. and the text saith directly that they mourned for Iacob 2. Whereupon of their mourning it was called Abel which signifieth mourning not a plaine which is so called because it mourneth for barrennesse as Ramban thinketh and Mercerus following him 3. They mourned before they came to the place of buriall Mercer not after as some thinke and not for feare lest they should have beene interrupted by the Canaanites if they had deferred this solemnity till they came to Mambre as Pererius but this being a fit place for them to rest their weary cattell that had gone a long way thorow the solitary and sandy desart in the meane time they used this solemnity Muscul. QUEST IX How Iacobs sonnes carried him and in what order Vers. 13. HIs sonnes carried him into the land of Canaan The Hebrewes here have certaine curious observations 1. That Iacob gave charge that his sonnes only not his nephewes should carry his body because most of them were borne of Canaanitish women 2. That Levi should not beare him whose posterity was afterward to beare the Arke nor Ioseph because he was a governour but Ephraim and Manasseh should be in their stead 3. That Iacob appointed them their places three on the East side of the coffin three on the West three toward the North three toward the South it is like they carried the coffin after a seemely and orderly manner but whether in this forme it is uncertaine ex Mercer QUEST X. By whom the message was sent to Ioseph and whether indeed Iacob dying gave any such charge Vers. 16. THey sent unto Ioseph saying c. 1. This message was not sent by any of the Egyptians to whom they would not impart that secret neither is it like that Dan and Nepthali the sonnes of Bilha carried it because Ioseph did keepe sheepe with them Genes 37.2 as the Hebrewes thinke but it is most like that some of their domesticall and trusty servants went with this message in the name of all the brethren Mercer 2. Neither did they come in watching their time while the message was in delivering as some thinke but they stayed till they knew Iosephs minde by the messenger Calvin 3. They use three perswasions to move Ioseph vers 17. because they were brethren servants of the same God it was their fathers will Iun. 4. Yet all this seemeth to be fained for it is like that Iacob would have spoken to Ioseph himselfe if there had beene any such matter and Ramban thinketh that Iacob never knew of his sonnes offence against Ioseph for he himselfe did forbeare to tell his father because he had remitted it and his sonnes would not accuse themselves Calvin Mercer 5. The cause of their suspition was not as the Hebrewes imagine because Ioseph being in the land of Canaan went to see the pit into the which he was let downe and there gave thankes whereby they thought his mind was altered toward them but their owne timorous heart misgiveth them and they measured Ioseph by themselves thinking that he had but dissembled his malice toward them hitherto for feare of their father as Esau purposed to doe toward Iacob while Isaack lived Mercer 6. Ioseph wept for griefe that without cause they so hardly conceived of
him 7. Iosephus is here deceived that Iosephs brethren refused to returne into Egypt with him but that hee gently intreated them for all this was done after that they were returned QUEST XI In what sense Ioseph saith am I God Vers. 19. AM I in Gods stead c. 1. Some doe read Am not I under God and make this sense if God be ready to forgive much more I. 2. Some I doe feare God or I am Gods S.C. therefore I will not seeke to revenge 3. But the best reading is Am I in Gods stead with an interrogation not without as Cajetane readeth I am in Gods stead that is I follow Gods will and sentence I looke not to your evill intent the word thacath signifieth both pro for and sometime it is a note of subjection but here it is taken in the first sense 4. The meaning then of these words Am I God is not 1. either that they should aske God forgivenesse and not him 2. or that he committed his revenge to God for hee thought of no revenge 3. or that he would not have them to worship him as God for he had divers times before received that reverence at their hands 4. neither doth he by this meanes excuse their fault because he referreth all to Gods will 5. But the meaning is that seeing God had turned their evill counsell against him to his good and theirs and of many beside he would not for his part be the man that should turne it to revenge Calvin Mercer and so the Latine Interpreter doth hit the sense though not the words can I resist Gods will Iacob after the same manner said to Rachel that said give me children am I God Gen. 30.2 that is it is not in my power to give thee children so here Ioseph saith am I God it is not in my power to hurt you whom the Lord intendeth by this meanes to blesse Iun. QUEST XII The computation of Iosephs age Vers. 22. IOseph lived an hundred and ten yeeres 1. Thus God recompenced Iosephs short affliction which endured 13. yeeres from the 17. yeere not from the 16. as Pererius saith following the corrupt Latine text of his age to the 30. when he stood before Pharaoh with a long time of prosperity for the space of 80. yeeres that is from the 30. yeere to the 110. yeares for so long he lived 2. Yet attained not Ioseph to the yeeres of his father which were 147. and some of his brethren overlived him as Levi who lived 137. yeares Exod. 6.16 nhether Ioseph dyed first of all his brethren as Pererius thinketh it is uncertaine the great affliction and hard imprisonment in his youth the cares and troubles of the government and administration of the kingdome might be some reason of the shortning of his dayes Perer. 3. This then was the age of Ioseph hee was 17. yeares old when he was sold into Egypt Gen. 37.2 at 30. yeares he stood before Pharaoh Gen. 41.46 he was 49. yeares old when Iacob came into Egypt for the seven yeares of plenty were then past and two of famine Gen. 45.6 at Iacobs death who lived 17. yeares in Egypt Gen. 47.28 he was 56. yeares old and 54. yeares he lived after which make 110. in all 4. By this age of Ioseph it may appeare how long hee dyed before Moses was borne namely 64. yeares and 144. yeares before the departure of Israel out of Egypt as may be thus gathered from the promise made to Abraham to the going out of Israel are 430. yeares Exod. 12.40 Galat. 3.17 of this time 215. yeares were run when Iacob came downe to Egypt for Abraham was 75. yeares old when the promise was first made Gen. 12.4 Isaack was borne when Abraham was 100. yeares old Gen. 17.17 Isaack at 60. had Esau and Iacob borne Gen. 25.26 Iacob at 130. came downe to Egypt Gen. 48.9 these yeares put together 25. of Abrahams age 60. of Isaacks 130. of Iacobs make 215. exactly there remaineth then the other halfe of 215. of the which time Ioseph lived 71. yeares for he was 49. when Iacob came downe to Egypt and lived 110. yeares there remaineth then 144. yeares take from this 80. yeares for so old was Moses when Israel went out of Egypt and the remnant is 64. from Iosephs death to Moses birth 5. Here appeareth Tostatus errour that would have 66. yeares from the death of Ioseph till Moses and 146. from thence to Israels departure wherein he faileth in 2. yeares But Iustinus the historiographer is in a greater error who would have Moses to be Iosephs son lib. 36. and in the same place he hath other untruths as that Ioseph was his fathers youngest sonne that his brethren sold him for the excellency of his wit whereas they did it of malice that he got his skill of interpreting dreames by art magicke whereas the Magitians and wise-men of Egypt could not do it but he by the spirit of God was enabled thereunto ex Perer. QUEST XIII How many generations Ioseph saw of Ephraim Vers. 23. IOseph saw Ephraims children to the third generation 1. Thus most doe read that Ioseph onely saw Ephraims childrens childrens children in the third descent from Ephraims proâ—epotes his grand-nephewes which were abâ—epotes to Ioseph nephewes in the fourth degree but of Manasseh he saw onely his childrens children so that Manasseh was only a grand-father Ephraim a great grand-father while Ioseph lived so that Ephraim was forwarder in his posterity than Manasseh by one descent 2. But I rather thinke that Ioseph saw Ephraims children in the fourth generation from Ephraim in the fift from himselfe 1. Because they are called in the originall the sonnes of the third namely from Ephraim the sons of the third are in the fourth generation and so Iunius translateth well abnepotes that is nephewes in the fourth descent 2. Because we finde that Ephraim though younger than Manasseh exceeded him by two descents for Iosuah was the seventh from Ephraim who was the sonne of Nun the son of Elishama of Ammihud of Hadan of Shutelah of Ephraim 1 Chron. 7.26 27. But Zelophehad who lived with Iosua and dyed in the wildernesse of Hepher of Gilead of Machir of Manasseh was but the fift from Manasseh Numb 29.1 Therefore when Ioseph saw the sonnes of Machir of Manasseh in the second degree from Manasseh he might see Elishama in the fourth descent from Ephraim and thus Iacobs prophecie more fully tooke effect even in Iacobs time that Ephraim should be greater in number than Manasseh QUEST XIV The meaning of this phrase to be brought up upon the knee Vers. 23. WEre brought up on Iosephs knees The Scripture useth three phrases of this kinde 1. As to come from betweene the feet which is taken for education and bringing up Genâ—s 49.10 though sometime it be specially applied to the birth of women Deuter. 28.57 2. They are said to beare upon his knees that is to receive the children newly borne and to
so doubtfully as not knowing what was befallen him Lyranus And beside God would not have suffered Satan in the same place where hee gave them signes of his glorious presence in the clouds to have practised his cosening and counterfeit tricks 2. They shew their contempt not vouchsafing to call him by his name Contemptim virum illum appellabant c. They in contempt call him the man c. Lippoman 3. They also bewray their infidelitie that having daily experience how the Lord fed them with manna could not conceive how the Lord should preserve Moses alive also fortie dayes without any supplie of food from them Simler 4. They shew their oblivion and forgetfulnesse that having seene Moses goe up into the mountaine and entring into the thicke cloud talking with God they now begin to imagine that he might be consumed and devoured in those flames Osiander 5. This their apostasie and falling away from God and despising of his Prophet did prefigure their falling away afterward from Christ Ferus QUEST XII Why Aaron bad them pull off their earings Vers. 2. THen Aaron said plucke off the golden earings c. 1. Some thinke because the people made great account of their jewels and earings that Aaron by this meanes did thinke to have turned them from their purpose So Augustine Intelligitur illis difficilia pracipere voluisse ut isto modo ab illa intentione revocaret He may be thought to have commanded them hard things to revoke them from their intention c. So also Tostatus Lyranus 2. And Calvin further addeth that he required this lest they might have spoiled the Tabernacle to finde gold for this idoll and he might thinke the people would have beene more hardly drawne unto it because they had given so liberally unto the Tabernacle alreadie But Calvin is herein deceived for the Tabernacle was not yet made Moses being not come downe from the mount where he received instruction for the making of the Tabernacle 3. Further Aaron might thinke that the women would hardly have parted with their jewels and that there might have risen by this meanes some tumults and stirres in their families by which meanes this attempt should have beene stayed Siml Oleast And this is very like that Aaron used all meanes secretly to have put off the people but herein was his great fault that he dissembled in so weightie a matter and did not plainly and openly stay the people QUEST XIII Whether Aarons sin here is to be excused SOme goe about to excuse or extenuate Aarons offence here 1. Bernard alleageth that Aaron was forced thereunto Sceleratis tumultuantis populi contra volunt atem suam cessit clamoribus Hee gave way unto the wicked clamours of the people against his owne minde So also Theodoret Vitulum formaré necessario coactus est He was forced of necessitie to frame a calfe And so he excuseth himselfe afterward by the peoples outrage vers 22. But nothing should have compelled Aaron to doe evill he should have feared God rather than man and chosen to die before he would see God dishonoured 2. Ambrose saith Neque excusare tantum Sacerdotem possumus neque condemnare audemus We can neither excuse so great a Priest nor yet dare condemne him But seeing Moses did afterward sharply reprove him and the Lord would for this have slaine him Deut. 9. there is no question but that he most grievously sinned 3. Some alleage by way of excuse that all Aarons courses tended to have sought delayes till Moses comming in that he called for their earings which he thought would have beene gathered with much trouble and businesse then he casteth them altogether and melteth them and then caused it to bee fashioned with a graving toole after that he made an Altar and deferred the solemnitie till the next day Oleaster But all this being granted it is so farre from excusing Aaron that perfidiosior est assensus c. his consent is so much the more treacherous dissembling his conscience when he saw idolatrie so grounded and rooted in the people than if he had given a simple assent Iun. in Analys 4. Procopius saith Quasi convitienda exprobrat c. Aaron doth as it were upbraid them and scoffingly say unto them These are thy gods c. but neither were these the words of Aaron the people so said neither is it like that Aaron being afraid of them would have scoffed with them wherefore that Aaronâ— sinne was very grievous and inexcusable doth now follow to be shewed in the next question 5. Theodoret addeth Primo populi impetum verbis compâ—scere tentavit c. That first he tried to pacifie the heat of the people with words But this is not expressed in the text it may be he would have disswaded them but that he saw them so violently carried that there was no speaking unto them QUEST XIV Of the greatnesse of Aarons sinne AArons sin then is made manifest set forth by these circumstances 1. In respect of his person he had often conference with God and by him the Lord had wrought great works and miracles in Egypt therefore his example was so much the more dangerous and his fall the greater 2. The thing that hee consented unto was a breach of the first table it was not theft or adulterie or such like but wicked idolatrie for Spiritualia peccata graviora sunt Spirituall evils are more grievous Ferus 3. Quod propriis manibus accipit signum est effoeminati servilis animi In that he taketh their earings with his owne hands it was a signe of an effeminate and servile minde Calvin 4. He sinned also grievously in his dissimulation when for feare hee against his owne conscience dissembled and so betrayed the truth Iun. 5. Borrhaius addeth that he sinned two wayes beside in usurping a lawgivers office which belonged unto Moses and in bringing in new ripes and worship which God had not commanded But Aaron offended not in the first because Moses had left him governour in his place till he returned but in the latter his presumption was great 6. Aarons fall also appeareth in this that after he made a golden calfe seeing it to be pleasing unto the people he was so forward afterward both in making an Altar and proclaiming a solemnitie Pelarg. QUEST XV. Why it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall NOw it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall 1. Vt humiliaretur that he might be humbled lest hee might afterward have beene too much lifted up being called to bee high Priest Ferus 2. By this example we doe see Sanctissimos interdum faede labi c. that holy men may sometime grossely fall Borrh. 3. This sheweth that Aarons Priesthood was not perfect nor able fully to reconcile men unto God seeing he himselfe was a sinner Marb Quomodo unus captivus alium liberaret How should one captive deliver another Ferus Or one sinner make reconciliation for another 4. And for this
cause also it pleased God to suffer Aaron to fall Vt nemo de gratia sua praesumat that no man should presume of his gifts or strength but let him that standeth as the Apostle saith take heed lest he fall Ferus 5. And by Aarons presumption we see how dangerous a thing it is to bring any thing into Gods service without his warrant Borrh. QUEST XVI How the golden calfe is said to be fashioned with a graving toole Vers. 4. ANd fashioned it with a graving toole and made thereof a molten calfe 1. The word here translated a graving toole is chereth which is sometime taken for a bag or purse as 2 King 5.22 where it is said that Naaman bound two talents of silver in two bags gave them to Gehezi and so some thinke that Aaron put all the peoples jewels and earings in a bag together lest they might thinke he had converted any part thereof to his owne use Cajetan but the other word vajatâ—ar he fashioned is against this sense 2. But most usually chereth is taken for a penny style or graving toole and so some thinke that Aaron with this instrument did draw a patterne making the proportion of a calfe which the workmen should follow in their casting So R. Salom. Osiand Lyran. 3. Others thinke that with this instrument Aaron made a mould in clay or such like matter and the mettall cast into it received that forme Tost q. 10. Oleast 4. Simlerus maketh a double use of this graving toole Vnum in formandâ— typo alterum in perpoliendo operefuso One in making the mould the other in polishing the worke after it was cast 5. But I rather subscribe to Gallasius that thinketh here is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a transposing of the words putting the latter first for the golden calfe was first cast and melted and then polished and trimmed with a graving toole as workmen use to doe 6. This calfe was made by Founders worke there are three wayes to make and frame things of mettall either by hammering and beating them to some fashion as the Cherubs upon the Arke were made or by joyning the peeces and joints together which are sunderly made or by casting and melting it in a mould and so was this golden calfe made Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XVII Why Aaron caused the likenesse of a calfe to be made rather than of any other thing Vers. 4. A Molten calfe 1. Some of the Hebrewes give this ridiculous reason why the image of a calfe was made rather than of any other thing when the Israelites were comming out of Egypt and intended to bring out Iosephs bones with them as they did they say Nilus had overflowen the place where his bones were and so Moses did make the picture of a calfe in a certaine golden plate which floting upon the water shewed the place where Iosephs bones lay which plate they say was brought among other jewels to Aaron here and cast into the fire by vertue whereof the whole masse of gold was turned into the shape of a calfe But here are many fables couched together 1. It is a very tale that Iosephs bones were found out by any such meanes 2. The people onely brought their golden earings therefore no such plate 3. Neither was there any such vertue in that golden plate if there had beene any such to convert or change the whole masse 4. Neither was there any such cause seeing the molten calfe was cast in a mould Opere fusario by Founders worke as the Latine translator readeth 2. R. Abraham seemeth to thinke that this figure of a calfe was made rather than any other as apâ—est at that time to receive some divine and celestiall influence but though Aaron were at this present grossely blinded and deceived yet it were impietie to thinke that he was given to such superstitious astrologicall observations as to make figures to derive some secret supernaturall influence and vertue into by the celestiall constellations 3. Some thinke that Aaron caused a calfe to be made to deride them as Helias did Baals Priests supposing they would not be so absurd as to ascribe divine vertue unto a calfe Procopius But it seemeth that Aaron was in good earnest by that which followeth in that he set up an Altar and proclaimed an holy day 4. It is further alleaged by some that Aaron intended not to make any thing of the gold thinking that the fire might consume it but that the Egyptians which were in the campe by their art Magike and by the operation of the devill caused the image of a calfe to come forth Ex Fero. But it may appeare vers 24. by Aarons confession unto Moses that he intended to make them an image when he cast the mettall into the fire and to what end else served the graving toole but to fashion it he would not have polished and trimmed the devils worke 5. Some further thinke they would have a calfe made because the sacrifices of bullocks are the chiefest and thereby they thought the better to please God But it is not like that they had any such purpose at this time to doe that which was pleasing unto God seeing they had heard not long before the Lord by his owne mouth forbidding them to make any kinde of image to worship 6. It is therefore most like that Aaron according to the desire of the people made a Calfe like unto the Egyptian god Apis which they had seene the Egyptians to worship and therefore they were drawne by the corrupt imitation of them to have the image of a Calfe made Lyran. Calvin Simler Gallas Augustine addeth further that the Egyptians had set up the image of an oxe or bullocke by Iosephs tombe which they worshipped So the Interlinâ—â—ry glosse giveth this reason Quia bovem adoraverunt in Aegypto Because they had used to worship a bullocke in Egypt And the Egyptians used to worship their King being dead under the forme of a live bullocke Plin. lib. 8. cap. 46. QUEST XVIII Whether the Israelites thought indeed the golden Calfe to be the God that delivered them THen they said These be thy gods O Israel which brought thee out of Egypt 1. Procopius thinketh that these words were uttered by Aaron and that hereby he would have brought them to remember that God which had brought them out of Egypt But it is evident by the text that these were the acclamations of the people 2. Lyranus thinketh that the people attribuebat idolo did attribute unto this idoll it selfe those great wonders which God had wrought for their deliverance and therefore for honour of this idoll they speake in the plurall number as men used to doe to great persons But it is not like they were so mad as to thinke the golden Calfe brought them out of Egypt cum res esset inanimata it being a thing without life Ferus And men use to speake for more honour sake in the plurall number in the first and second
it selfe But as Abraham in the like temptation when Gods former promise and his present commandement seemed to bee contrarie yet shewed his obedience not doubting of the truth of Gods promise So Moses relieth upon the same ground and foundation of Gods promise though the Lord seemed for the present to be otherwise minded Simler 2. He prayeth therefore first directus spiritu being guided by Gods Spirit so to doe Gallas and God moved Moses to pray two wayes primò interius incitando first by stirring him inwardly to pray then movebatur exterius verbis Dei outwardly he was moved by Gods words though not directly Tostatus for the Lord in saying Let me alone as he did not directly bid him pray so secretly thereby he did insinate that by prayer his judgement might be staied Iunius 3. Moses prayeth with a vehement interrogation Why doth thy wrath wax hot which is not an expostulating with Gods justice but rather admonentis de benignitate of one admonishing God of his clemencie and gracious promise Borrhaius Neither doth Moses thus speake why c. as though God had no cause to bee angrie for it was well knowne to Moses that God had but too just cause at this time against his people but though God had just cause his meaning is Non debere irasci quia redundaret in ipsius dedecus That he ought not now to be angrie because it would redound to Gods dishonour Tostat. 4. Further it is said that Moses intreated the face of God as the Hebrew phrase is whereby is signified the earnestnesse of Moses in his prayer Et magnamentis elevatio usque ad faciem Dei And the great elevation of his minde even unto Gods face and presence And in that it is said Elohai to his God whom he calleth also Iehovah Magna describitur fiducia orantis Hereby is shewed the great confidence of Moses in his prayer Cajetan 5. And whereas Moses regardeth not the personall promise made to him that the Lord would make a great nation of him therein he sheweth his great charitie and love to his people as Chrysostom well noteth Ne id audire sustinuit He endured not to heare any such thing Sed potius una cum his qui sibi crediti erant perire quà m sine illis salvus esse ad majorem dignitatem assumi praetulit But rather chose to perish together with those which were committed to his trust than without them to bee advanced to greater honour QUEST XXXIII How the Lord is said to be angrie WHy doth thy wrath wax hot God is not subject to wrath and anger and other humane passions as man is But he is said to be angrie when he taketh revenge of sinners 1. Vltio divina furor vel ira dicitur The divine revenge is called rage or anger Hierom. And this is spoken to our understanding and after the manner of men Quia homines non puniunt nisi irati Because men use not to punish but when they are angrie therefore God is said to be angrie when he punisheth because he so seemeth to be unto us Tostat. qu. 16. 2. Another reason why God is said to be angrie is in respect of us Quod nos qui delinquimus nisi irascentem audicrimus Dominum non timeamus Because we when we sinne unlesse wee heare that God is angrie will not feare and stand in awe of him 3. Againe God is said to be angrie for the more ample commendation and setting forth of his mercie Facillimus enim ad deponendam iram For he is most readie to lay aside his anger not like unto earthly Princes that being angrie will admit no reconciliation Cyril This therefore doth more set forth the mercie and clemencie of God that being as it were inflamed with anger is so soone turned unto mercie as in this place his anger is mitigated by the prayer of Moses QUEST XXXIV Of the reasons which Moses useth in his prayer AGainst thy people c. Moses useth divers forcible and effectuall reasons to perswade the Lord in this his earnest and zealous prayer 1. Non excusat peccatum c. He doth not excuse their sinne but acknowledgeth and confesseth it Ferus 2. His second reason is à peculâ—o haereditate from the peculiar inheritance of God he calleth them thy people Pelarg. Occurrit sermoni Domini piè corrigit c. He doth as it were correct the Lords speech in a pious and dutifull manner the Lord had called them Moses people but Moses returneth that speech unto the Lord and calleth them his people Lippom. Not therein contradicting the Lord but relying upon his promise 3. From the memorie of Gods benefits which thou hast brought out of the land of Egypt all which should have beene in vaine if the Lord would now destroy his people Pelarg. Iun. 4. From the inconvenience that would ensue that while he thought to take revenge upon his enemies saviret in se he should in a manner rage against himselfe the hurt would redound unto God his name would thereby bee blasphemed Oleaster So praetendit gloriam Dei hee pretendeth the glory of God which was like to bee obscured and hindered by this meanes for the Egyptians would take occasion hereby to blaspheme and to accuse the Lord of malice against his people and of weaknesse and impotencie Iunius Pelarg. This argument is most forcible and therefore our blessed Saviour teacheth us to pray Hallowed be thy name Ferus 5. Lastly he putteth God in minde of his promises made to Abraham Izaak and Iacob which promise the Lord bound with an oath and two things the Lord promised the multiplying of their seed and the inheritance of Canaan And so Moses saith in effect if thou change in these things Nemo tibi amplius credet No man will give credit unto thee hereafter Ferus QUEST XXXV Why the Egyptians were more like thus to object than any other nation Vers. 12. WHerefore shall the Egyptians speake c. 1. Other nations likewise might so object as the Amalekites Moabites Edomites Canaanites which were all enemies unto Israel and were afraid of them as Moses saith in his song of thanksgiving chap. 15.15 Then the Dukes of Edom shall be amazed and trembling shall come upon the great men of Moab all the inhabitants of Canaan shall wax faint-hearted and therefore they would have rejoyced likewise in the destruction of Israel 2. But instance is specially given of the Egyptians in this place and yet Numb 14.14 both the Egyptians and other the inhabitants of Canaan are brought in thus speaking for these causes 1. Because they had endured more for oppressing the Israelites than any other nation even those ten grievous plagues sent upon Egypt 2. They had lost more than any other people in a manner halfe their substance when they gave unto the Israelites at their departure jewels of gold and silver 3. They for Israels cause were overthrowne and drowned in the red sea
Therefore they had a greater spite at Israel than otâ—er nations and would have beene most readie thus to have objected Tostat. qu. 17. QUEST XXXVI In what sense the Egyptians would say The Lord brought them out to slay them Vers. 12. HE hath brought them out maliciously or of an evill minde Iun. Or for a mischiefe rather Vatab. Oleast To slay them in the mountaines 1. Not because the Egyptians might imagine that God could not slay them in Egypt the constellations of heaven and aspects of the planets hindring the destruction of the Hebrewes there and serving fitly in the wildernesse and mountaines for seeing no such constellation could hinder the servitude of the Israelites but that the Egyptians most cruelly oppressed them much lesse could it prevent Gods judgements And if the constellation had beene against the Hebrewes after they were come out of Egypt into the desert how came it to passe that the red sea gave way unto them the Egyptians there were drowned Manna from heaven was given and water out of the rocke all these things were for Israel in the desert and against the Egyptians Tostat. quast 18. 2. Neither doe the Egyptians so say because some of their Astrologers by calculating the time of the Hebrewes departure as some Hebrewes affirme did prognosticate because they went malo sydere in an evill signe that much bloud should be shed in Israel and that many of them should die in the wildernesse and therefore when Ioshua had circumcised the Israelites in Gilgal the Lord said he had taken away the shame of Egypt Iosh. 5.9 because that which the Egyptians had foretold was now turned ad sanctitatem non opprobrium not to their shame but their holinesse and honour Contra. 1. By shame is there meant no such thing but onely that their uncircumcision was then taken away which is called the shame of Egypt because therein they were like unto the uncircumcised Philistimâ— 2. And if it had beene spoken in any such sense this had beene to confirme and justifie the superstitious calculations and prognostications of the Egyptians 3. The Israelites indeed perished in the desert but not all onely those which were above twentie yeare old and they died not by any naturall death which onely may be foreseene and in some sort by prognostication ghessed at but their death was procured by their sinne then as their sinne being an act of their will could not by any such constellation bee foretold so neither could their extraordinarie death caused by their sinne be foreseene by any such meanes And this being an act of Gods justice like as mans will and the acts thereof are not wrought upon nor ruled by constellations much lesse are the Lords judgements which he worketh most freely Tostat. qu. 19. 3. Neither could the Egyptians say thus as though the Lord could not have destroyed the Israelites in Egypt seeing he plagued both the Egyptians and their gods or that he could not for want of power have brought them into the land of Canaan as the heathen would have objected Numb 14.16 For he that was able to overthrow Pharaoh and his host and all the power of Egypt and that wrought such great wonders for them in the desert was of power sufficient to plant them in the land of Canaan casting out their enemies before them Tostat. qu. 17. 4. But the Egyptians of malice onely without any ground nay against their owne knowledge Occasione saltem levissima licèt omnìa falsa cognoscerent quaecunque tamen possent in Deum Hebraeorum probra conjicerent Upon a light occasion although they knew all to be false would upbraid what they could the God of the Hebrewes Tostat. qu. 18. QUEST XXXVII Why Moses maketh mention in his prayer of Abraham Isaak and Iacob Vers. 13. REmember Abraham c. 1. The Hebrewes thinke that mention is made of these three to escape a treble punishment as if the Lord were to bring downe fire from heaven upon them Abraham was cast into the fire in Hur of the Chaldees if the Lord would punish with the sword Isaak had offered himselfe to be slaine in sacrifice by his father if with exile and banishment Iacob had before indured it and therefore these three are mentioned that by their merits and deserts the people might escape these three judgements Sic Lyran. Lippom. But Tostatus well refuteth this conceit 1. Because these three are mentioned as well when any blessing is craved of God as when any judgement is prayed against 2. God hath other judgements beside these whereby to punish his people therefore in other eases the mentioning of these had beene insufficient Tostat. qu. 20. 2. Yet Tostatus also misseth the marke saying that Iâ— meritis istorum fiebat salus posteris eorum For the merits of these their posteritie were preserved for Abraham himselfe was not justified by merits but by faith as the Apostle sheweth Rom. 4. Abraham believed God and it was counted to him for righteousnesse therefore much lesse was his posteritie saved by his merits 3. Therefore Moses in bringing in Abraham Isaak and Iacob only putteth God in minde of the promises made unto them which proceeded onely of the meere grace and favour of God toward them as the Lord himselfe saith Because the Lord loved you and because he would keepe the oath which hee had sworne to your fathers the Lord hath brought you out with a mightie hand Deut. 7.8 Simler Osiander QUEST XXXVIII How the Israelites are promised to possesse the land of Canaan for ever Vers 13. THey shall inherit it for ever 1. This promise that the Israelites should inhabit the land of Canaan for ever may diversly be understood 1. It is taken for a long time not limited nor determined and so they enjoyed that land many yeares about 1400. Tostat. qu. 20. 2. Or it may bee likewise understood during the time of the Law and ceremonies which were to continue but untill Christ as Aarons Priesthood is said to be for ever chap. 28.43 and the keeping of the Passeover is said to be an ordinance for ever Exod. 12.17 Tostat. 3. Or it may be applyed to the spirituall seed of Abraham which are the heires of the true Canaan Genevens aâ— not Gen. 13. vers 14. 4. But in these temporall promises a secret condition rather must be supplyed that if they had continued in obedience to Gods Commandements then they should have had a perpetuall inheritance in Canaan And this is the best interpretation as appeareth by the like Psal. 132.10 If thy sonnes keepe my covenant and my testimonies which I shall teach them thy sonnes also shall sit upon thy throne for ever Tostat. qu. 20. See this question handled more at large Hexapl. in Genes cap. 13. vers 12. QUEST XXXIX How the Lord is said to repent Vers. 14. THen the Lord repented of the evill 1. This is spoken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the passions and affections of men yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉