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A48446 The temple, especially as it stood in the dayes of Our Saviovr described by John Lightfoote. Lightfoot, John, 1602-1675. 1650 (1650) Wing L2071; ESTC R15998 245,293 304

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finished Ezra cometh up Ezra 7.8 and thirteen yeares after namely in the twentieth yeare of this Darius called also Artaxerxes Nehemiah cometh up to Jerusalem Neh. 1.1 and both help to repair settle and rectifie Temple City and people as their story is at large in their owne bookes In the two and thirtieth year of this Darius Nehemiah having finished what he had to doe about the building beautifying and settling of City Temple and people he returneth againe unto the King Neh. 13.6 and here ends Daniels first parcell of his seventy weekes namely seven weekes in which street and wall should be built and that in troublous times Dan. 9.25 By seven weeks he meaneth seven times seven yeares which amounts to nine and forty and so there were hitherto namely 3 of Cyrus 14 of Ahashuerosh and 32 of Darius After Darius there reigned Artaxerxes commonly known in heathen stories by the name of Xerxes the invader of Greece with his huge army c. He was a favourer of the Jews at the lest for a while as it appeareth by that passage in Ezra 6.14 They builded and finished according to the commandment of the Lord and according to the commandement of Cyrus and Darius and Artaxerxes where this Artaxerxes is set in parallel equipage with Cyrus and Darius for favouring the Temple It is true indeed the work was finished in the time of Darius as to the very building of the house yet were the buildings about it still coming on and encreasing and this Xerxes did favour the work as well as those Princes had done before him Yet did there an unhappy occurrence befall in this Kings time in the Temple it selfe which if it did not alienate and change his affection from well-willing to it yet did it prejudice the Temple in the affection of him that was chiefe Commander under this King in those parts whose name was Bagoses The occasion was this [a] Ioseph Ant. lib. 11. cap. 7. Iochanan who was then High-priest upon some displeasure against his owne brother Jesus did fall upon him and slay him in the very Temple Bagoses favoured this Iesus and intended to have made him High-priest and it is like that Iochanan smelt the designe and out of jealousie of such a thing thought to prevent it by his brothers dispatch whatsoever was the cause of this his murder the fruit of it was this that Bagoses violently presseth into the Temple which he might not have done and layeth a mulct upon the people namely 40 drachmes upon every Lamb that was to be sacrificed Ezra and Nehemiah were both now alive and do but imagine how their piety would digest a thing so impious The next in the Throne after this Artaxerxes mentioned in Scripture was Darius Neh. 12.22 the man with whom the Empire fell under the victorious sword of Alexander the great In his time another occasion from another brother of an High-priest occurreth which accrewed not a little to the prejudice of the Temple and the Nation and that was this [b] Ibid. cap. 8 Neh 13.28 Manasseh one of the sons of Ioiada the son of Eliashib the High-priest had married Nicasso the daughter of Sanballat for which being driven from the Altar and Priesthood he betaketh himselfe to his father-in-law to Samaria and they betwixt them obtaine a Commission from Darius and get it confirmed also by Alexander the great to build a Temple upon Mout Geri●im Iohn 4.20 which being built in affront to the Temple of Ierusalem it proved no small disadvantage to it and the service there for it not onely caused a faction and defection in the Nation but also it became the common refuge and shelter of all lawless and irregular despisers of discipline and government In this Darius was the end of the Persian state and Kingdom having continue for the succession of these Kings but whether any more and how many precise years is not easily determinable what times went over the Temple in their reignes besides what is mentioned here may be observed in the books of Nehemiah Ezra Haggai Zachary and Malachi SECT II. The occurrences of the Temple under Alexander [a] Ioseph ubi supra ALexander the great the Conquerour of Darius and overthrower of the Persian Kingdom did in his own person visit Ierusalem and the Temple coming towards it like a Lion but he came into it like a Lamb. He had taken indignation at Iaddua the High-priest Neh. 12.22 because he denyed him assistance at the siege of Tyrus for Jaddua had sworn fealty to Darius Hereupon he cometh up towards Jerusalem breathing fire and fury against it till he came within the sight of the City There he was met by Jaddua in the High-priests garments and by all the Priests in their vestments and the people in white whom when he came neare in stead of offering them violence he shewed reverence to the High-priest and curteously saluted all the people When his Commanders wondred at such a change he told them that in a dream in Macedon he saw one in the very same attire that the High-priest was in who encouraged him to invade the Persian empire and promised to lead his Army and to make him victorious So he goeth with them into the City offereth at the Temple is shewed Daniels prophesie concerning himselfe granteth favourable priviledges to the Jewes about their religion and so departeth [b] Vid. Juch fol. 15. It is held by some of the Jewes that in the very yeare that Alexander came to Ierusalem Ezra Haggai Zechary and Malachi died and the spirit of Prophesie departed from Israel which if we follow the computation of Heathen stories is a thing of utter improbability they prolong the Persian Monarchy to so large a time but if we follow the account of Scripture it makes the improbability a great deale lesse as might be shewed if we were following the pursuit of Chronology And if it be questioned how it should be possible that all Heathen stories that handle the succession of the Persian Kings should be so farre wide as to double nay almost to treble the number of the Kings more then they were these three things may be produced as those that either severally or rather jointly might be the reasons of such a mistake 1 Because every one of the Persian Kings had a double nay some a treble name and this multiplicity of names might deceive the heedlesse Historian into an assertion of numerousness of persons 2 The Persian Kingdome was a double Kingdome Media and Persia the two armes and shoulders in Dan. 2. now the King of Persia and the Viceroy of Media might be likewise misconceived in after-times for two differing Persian Monarchs 3 It was the manner of the Persian Kings when they went into the warres to create a King to rule at home while they were absent and this might cause the accounting of so many Kings and of so long a time And so Herodotus beareth witnesse that [c] Herod
Tower Antonia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 27. CHAP. VIII Cloisters along the outmost wall within 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 29. CHAP. IX Tabernae Shops The great Sanhedrin sitting thereabout p. 33. CHAP. X. The dimensions and forme of Solomons Temple And of that built by the returned out of captivity p. 37. CHAP. XI The measures and platforme of the Temple as it stood in the time of our Saviour p. 45. CHAP. XII The breadth chamhers and staires of the Temple p. 52. CHAP. XIII The Porch Sect. 1. The steps up to it p. 58. Sect. 2. The two pillars Jachin and Boaz. p. 60. Sect. 3. Closets for the butchering instruments 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 71. Sect. 4. A golden vine in the porch and a golden candlestick and a golden and marble table p. 73. CHAP. XIV The holy place Sect. 1. The Temple doore pag. 75. Sect. 2. The vaile p. 78. Sect. 3. The holy place it selfe p. 79. Sect. 4. The Candlestick p. 82. Sect. 5. The Shewbread table p. 84. Sect. 6. The Altar of Incense p. 85. CHAP. XV. The most holy place Sect. 1. The partion space 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 86. Sect. 2. The Vaile p. 88. Sect. 3. The most holy place it selfe p. 89. Sect. 4. The Cherubims and Arke p. 39. againe CHAP. XVI The Courts of the Temple p. 93. CHAP. XVII The Inclosure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 95. CHAP. XVIII The Court of the women p. 99. CHAP. XIX Of the Gazophylacia or Treasuries p. 110. CHAP. XX. The gate of Nicanor or the East gate of the Court p. 117. Sect. 1. A credible wonder of the brazen gate p. 125. Sect. 2. A Sanhedrin sitting in this Gate p. 126. CHAP. XXI Of the gates and buildings in the Court wall on the East and South sides p 131. CHAP. XXII The chamber or roome Gazith the seat of the great Sanhedrin p. 135. Sect. 1. The Presidents of the Sanhedrin from the captivity till its dissolution p. 140. CHAP. XXIII The Draw-well-roome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 144. CHAP. XXIV The Water-gate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the roome of Abhtines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 149. CHAP. XXV The Woodroome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the roome Parhedrin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 153. CHAP. XXVI The gate of the firstlings p. 156. CHAP. XXVII The Gate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hadlak or of kindling or of the burning fire p. 159. CHAP. XXVIII The gates and buildings in the Court wall on the North side p. 163. CHAP. XXIX Beth Mokadh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 166. CHAP. XXX Of the gate Beth Mokadh called the gate of Corban And of the other gate of Corban called also the gate of the women p. 170. CHAP. XXXI The roome of Salt of Parvah and of the washing p. 175. CHAP. XXXII The gate and house Nitsots 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the house of stone vessels p. 178. CHAP. XXXIII The Court of Israel and of the Priests and the Levites deskes where they sung p. 180. CHAP. XXXIV Of the Altar of burnt-offering p. 189. CHAP. XXXV The Contents of the Court betwixt the Altar and the North side of it and betwixt the Altar and the South side p. 209. CHAP. XXXVI The space between the Altar and the Porch p. 215. CHAP. XXXVII Concerning the vessels and utensils of the Temple Sect. 1. The laver 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 219. Sect. 2. Solomons ten Lavers p. 223. Sect. 3. The molten Sea p. 230. Sect. 4. Basins Chargers Dishes c. King Ptolemies and Queene Helens Tables p. 233. Sect. 5. The Priests garments p. 237. Sect. 6. The anointing oile p. 240. CHAP. XXXVIII The Embleme of the divine glory at the Temple Ezek. 1. Esay 6. Rev. 4. c. explained pag. 242. CHAP. XXXIX The motions and stations of the Arke and Tabernacle p. 261. CHAP. XL. The state and fate of the first Temple p. 267. Sect. 1. The state of the second Temple under the Persian Monarchy p. 270. Sect. 2. The occurrences of the Temple under Alexander p. 274. Sect. 3. A briefe of the state of the Temple in the times of these Kings p. 277. Sect. 4. The state of the Temple under the Romans p. 284. Bookes published by Mr. Lightfoote 1 Miscellanies octavo 2 Observations on Genesis quart 3 Observations on Exodus quart 4 Commentary on Acts quart 5 The Harmony of the foure Evangelists the first part quart 6 The second part quart 7 The third part quart 8 Three Sermons preached before the Parliament quart 9 The Temple Service and the Temple quart ERRATA PAg. 3. lin 24. for sink read s●●k lin 28. for an abysse of uncle annesse r. an abysse uncleannesses p. 13. l. 10. for Ophila r Ophla l. 11. leave that out p. 17. l. 26 for admitted r. admitteth l. 29. for Parbar r Parvar p. 2 ● l 19 for stand wide r. stand void p. 30. last l. but one for 15 cubits high r. 25 cubits high p. 31. l. 16. for godliest r. goodliest p. 34.19 10. for Tsipp●ris r. Tsipporis 1 8. r. Iabneh and so 1. 15 16. l. 2 r. for Antonius r. Antoninus p. 44. l. 3. for the next verse r. the next year p. 49. l. 4 for about it r. above it p. 60. l. 16. r. then the floure and in the middle of the line blot then out p. 61. l 20. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 81. l. 18. for Angels r. Ministe●s p. 83. l. 14. for carried in either of them in a golden r. carried either of them a golden p. 84. l 9. for hallow r. ballow p. 90. l. 8. for where r. were l. 19. for them from r. from them p. 91. l. 24 for Joah r. Iosiah p. 95. l. 3.7 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 98. l. 3 for pa●●● r. panes p 110. l. 17. for captivity r. capacity 119. l. 28. for pets r. petters p. 122. l. 21. for but names r. been names p. 125. l. 31. for thy best r. thy lot p. 134. l. 13. for of the wood-r●●m● r. and the wood-rooms p. 145. l. 4. for wrought r. raught p. 152. l. 1. for mad r. made p. 155. l. 9. r. this sec●ety p. 156. l. 28. for the Lord loosed r. they loosed p. 159. l. 7. for relieved r. redeemed p 199. l. 13. for we not r. we may not p. 223. l. 6. for arowe r. as once A PROSPECT OF THE TEMPLE ESPECIALLY As it stood in the dayes of our SAVIOVR CHAP. I. Of the Situation of Mount MORIAH 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 MORIAH * 2 Chron. 3.1 Is 2.2 The Mountaine of the Lords House from whence soever it had its denomination about which there are various conjectures it is certain it had its designation for that use and honour to which it was imployed * 1 Chron. 21.26 22.1 by fire from Heaven and of old time * Gen 22.2 c. by Abrahams offering up his son
for the booke of Kings saith it was 30 cubits but the booke of Chronicles nameth no summe at all onely it saith that the Porch was 120 cubits high Now [b] Kunch in les allegat David Kimchi doth dispute it whether this was the height of the Porch onely or of the whole house throughout and he shews how it maybe construed of the whole house namely that the height of it to the first floore was thirty cubits according to the reckoning of the booke of Kings and then the chambers over in severall stories did rise to 90 cubits more Yet both he and [c] Ralbag in 1 Kings 6. Aben. Ez● in Ezr. 6. R. Levi Gershom could well be perswaded to thinke that the Temple it selfe was but 30 cubits high but are somewhat swayed by the opinion of some of their Rabbins which runneth another way For from their words it appeareth say they that there were chambers over the Temple and over the Porch and this they hold from 1 Chron 28.11 The words of that Text are these David gave to Solomon his sonne the Patterne of the Porch and the houses thereof and the Treasuries thereof and the upper chambers thereof and the Parlours thereof and the place of the mercy seat where all these particulars are so couched together except the last as if they were all within the Porch But the holy Ghost speaketh of the Porch as the first part in sight as you came up it being the front of all and the rest of the parcels mentioned are to be conceived of not as all crowded in it but as distributed and disposed in other parts of the fabrick as the Holy Ghost relateth and layeth downe elsewhere And as for the upper chambers here spoken of we need not to confine them so as to set them all either over the porch though there were some nor over the body of the Temple but to place them also as the Text doth elsewhere round about the house without in severall stories The carefull considering the measures of the Temple built by the Children of the Captivity will reasonably help to put us out of doubt about the matter that we have in dispute The measures they brought along with them out of Persia in Cyrus his Commission [d] Ezr. 6.3 4. The foundations to be strongly laid the height sixty cubits and the breadth sixty cubits with three rowes of great stones and a row of new timber and the expences to be given out of the Kings house Where wee may observe [e] Aben Ezr. in loc 1 That the length is not mentioned because that was to be of the former measure 2 That the breadth doubled the breadth of Solomons building the side chambers and all taken in And 3 That the height was double to the height of Solomons as it is expressed in the booke of Kings and as indeed the height of the Temple was though the porch were higher For it seemeth utterly against reason that Cyrus should offer to build the house as broad again as it was before and yet not so high as it was before by halfe It is no doubt but Cyrus had consultation with some of the Jews about the building and that either they counselling him should advise the abatement of so much of the height or he inlarging the breadth and the house one way should cut it short of the height and lessen it the other way is exceeding improbable the length could not be doubled because that would have lessened the measure of the Courts before it which might not be indured but the two other waies of dimension which could be allowed he allowed double to what they were before Therefore the two Texts in Kings and Chronicles are to be taken properly as they there lie before us namely that the Porch was 120 cubits high and that the rest of the Temple was but 30 and the form of the whole house was thus It stood East and West the most Holy place Westward and the Porch or entrie Eastward and the length of all from East to West was 70 cubits the breadth 20 cubits besides the breadth of the side chambers The height of the holy and most holy place 30 cubits and the porch stood at the East end like one of our high steeples 120 cubits high And indeed Solomons Temple did very truely resemble one of our Churches but onely that it differed in this that the Steeple of it which was the porch stood at the East end Now round about the sides thereof North and South and the West end Solomon built chambers of three stories high and five cubits was the height of every story the whole being 15 cubits high in all and they joined to the wall of the house without The highest story was a cubit wider then the middle and the middle a cubit wider then the lowest and yet the outmost wall of them was even and straight and jutted not over at one story or other any whit at all But the reason of this different breadth of the Stories was this the wall of the Temple for five cubits from the ground upward was thicker by a cubit then it was from thence above At the height therefore of those five cubits there was a bench of the wall of a cubit breadth left outerly round about the house on which they laid one end of the beams and timber which was the roofe of the lowest roomes or the floore of the second Story And then againe for five cubits above that the wall was thicker by a cubit then it was above and at the height of those five cubits there was such another bench left again and on that they laid the beams for the roofe of the second story which was the floore of the third And so likewise for five cubits above that the wall was yet thicker by a cubit then it was above and there the like bench was left againe and there were laid the beams of the roofe of the third story and of the whole building And this is the meaning of that verse 1 Kings 6.6 The neather most chamber was five cubits broad the middlemost sixe cubits broad and the third was seven cubits broad for he made abatings to the house on the outside round about that the beames should not have hold of the very walls of the house And thus did these chambers take up halfe the height of the house being as the lower leads of our Churches to the higher the use of the chambers we shall observe hereafter Now above these chambers in the wall of the Temple and in the outer wall of these chambers themselves there were windowes to let in light which the Text saith were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 open and shut or broad and narrow which [f] Chald par in 1 Kings 6.4 the Chaldee Paraphrast and [g] Vid. Nobil in LXX in loc Theodoret have well interpreted wide within and narrow without namely narrow without to receive the light and wide
was halfe a cubit and the breadth of it to stand upon a cubit it comes on and saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which applyed to the steps and their rising I should translate to this sense At every cubits rise there was a halfe pace of three cubits broad and at the highest cubits rise there was a halfe pace of four cubits broad The meaning this that as you had gone up two 〈◊〉 which being halfe a cubit high a peece made but a cubit 〈◊〉 ●he third step the space you tread upon was enlarged and was three cubits broad whereas the steps themselves that you had come up were but one cubit breadth And so from this inlarged breadth or half pace step two steps further and there was another and after two steps more another and after two steps yet more there was the highest which was an halfe pace or inlargement of four cubits breadth And so every third step of the twelve was an halfe pace or such an inlargement which made the ascent exceeding beautifull and stately And this helpeth to understand a passage in the treatise Joma which at the first reading is not easy to bee understood Where relating how when the high P●●est on the day of Expiation had slain his own bullock he gave the blood to one to 〈◊〉 it to keep it from congealing it saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [d] Ioma per. 4. That he stirred it about upon 〈…〉 of the Temple which Maymony expresseth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [e] Maym. in Ioma habbech per. 5. be first it about that it 〈…〉 upon the fourth halfe pace of the Temple without that is upon the very top of these twelve steps that went up into the Porch The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [f] Ar. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baal Aruch after the production of many examples of it renders by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 standings or pillars or 〈◊〉 find not a 〈◊〉 word for it here to expresse it by then 〈◊〉 Now [g] Per. 4. versus finem Maymony in B●●h habbiebirah or in his 〈◊〉 of the Temple having to deale with these words of the Tahund that we have been speaking of doth utter them thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Round about the walls of the Porch from below upward they were thus One cubit plain and then an halfe pace of three cubits one cubit plaine or an ordinary rising of steps and then another halfe pace of three cubits and so up so that the halfe 〈◊〉 go about the walls of the Porch His meaning is the same with what was said before but he addeth somewhat more and that is that these twelve steps thus beautifully spreding every third step into an halfe pace did not only go up to the entrance into the Porch but also there were such steps all along the front of the Porch Eastward 〈◊〉 such steps at either end of it North and South and 〈…〉 of this was because the floor of the Porch was higher 〈…〉 the floore of the Court and there then were dores in the building besides the great dore that gave passage into the Temple and into these dores you could not get without such steps Sect. II. The two Pillars Jachin and Boa● OF the gate or enmance into the Porch and so into the Temple and of its dimensions and beauty hath been spoken before and therefore as to that particular we need say no more here but may be silent but one maine part of the ornament and beauty of it was there omitted and reserved to this place and that is the two famous pillars that in Salom●●● Temple stood at the cheeks of the entrance or passage in Liebin and Boa● I find not indeed mention among the Jews Antiquities of any such pillars set at the entrance of the Temple that we are surveying which was the Temple built by Herod the Temple that was in the dayes of our Saviour though E●●kiel speak of such pillars at the doore of his Temple 〈…〉 yet because we desire to give account 〈◊〉 of wh●● wee finde recorded in Scripture concerning the Temple in 〈◊〉 wee cannot passe over two such memorable monuments as these two pillars of whom the story and relation is 〈◊〉 by the Scripture so largely and exactly 1. These two pillars which were of brasse consisted either of them of two parts the pillar it self 〈◊〉 the boll and 〈◊〉 that was set on the head of it The pillar it selfe was hollow the circle incompassing the the hollow four fingers thick and the compasse of that circling twelve cubits about Jer. 〈…〉 1 King 7.15 [a] R. Sol. in 1 Kin. 7. R. Le. Gers ibid. the whole thicknesse or diameter of either pillar 4 cubits or 3 cubits and 4 fifth parts of a cubit as is the reckonng of Levi Gersom The chapter or boll likewise of either pillar was hollow and was a huge piece of brasse bowse or ovall fashion which had a very large hole in it into which the top of the pillar was let and so this chapiter sate upon it 2. The length or height of either Pillar was eighteen cubits besides the Chapiter for the Text doth cleerly rockon the height of pillar and chapiter distinctly Now the booke of Chronicles summeth the length of both pillars together and saith they were five and thirty cubits high 2 Chro. 3.15 in which it commeth short a cubit of that account and 〈◊〉 that is given in the booke of Kings and Jeremy which say that 〈◊〉 pillar was eighteen cubits and so the whole of both was 〈◊〉 and thirty But halfe a cubit of either pillar was taken up and bid in the hole of the chapiter that fate upon it and so 〈…〉 in the booke of Chronicles measures them as they stood with the chapiters upon them two and twenty cubits and 〈…〉 high pillar and chapiter and all 3. The chapiter or ovall on the head of either pillar it ●●●led in the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Rabbi Solo●●● tenders in the vulgar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pamells Kimchi A Crowne who which 〈◊〉 Chal●●● agrees who expresseth it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cor●●● but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more exactly saith is was like two Gro●●nes 〈◊〉 together It was a huge great ovall of five cubits high and did not only sit upon the head of the pillars but also flow●ed or 〈◊〉 over them being larger about a great deale then the pillars themselves 4. Wherein it is said both in King 7.16 〈…〉 that the height of either chapiter was five cubits and 〈…〉 〈…〉 17. is said 〈…〉 height of the chapiter was 〈…〉 it is 〈◊〉 and well answered by the Jews that the lowest two cubits of the chapiter were plaine and without any graving or imbroide●●g but the three upper cubits were of such imbroidery To which may be added and some of them do adde it that the two lower cubits were but the rising into the spreading or belly of the chapiter and that they there are not reckoned
Western wall of the house but more downeward towards the dore and that the staves raught down to the dore and on the day of Expiation when the high priest went into the Holy place he went up to the Arke between these staves and could not go off to one hand or other But that that hath strained them from this conception is 1. Because they have strictly taken the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the text in the book of Kings for the Holy place without the vail whereas the booke of Chronicles doth expresly render it by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Arke for whereas the one place saith that the beads of the staves were seen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other hath it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meaneth not the whole roome either of the Holy or most Holy place but that singularly Holy place that was under the wings of the Cherubims for of that place had the text spoken immediately before when it said The Priests brought the Arke into the most holy place under the wings of the Cherubims For the Cherubims spread forth their wings over the place of the Ark c. and then he comes on and saith And they drew out the staves so that the ends of the staves appeared out of that holy place meaning under the wings of the Cherubims And 2. The authors alledged have strictly taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to mean so as one standing at the dore betwixt the Holy and most Holy place had the most Holy place before him whereas it signifieth in the same sense that it doth in that clause in Gen. 1.20 Let the fowl flie upon the earth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which our English hath wel rendred in the open firmament of beaven And so is it to be taken here and the verse in hand may be properly understood thus And they drew out the staves at length so that the ends of the staves were seen from that holy place in the open face of the Oracle but they were not seen without The staves were the same that were made by Moses and their length not great but only so much as to fit a mans shoulder on either side of the Arke and now when they had set the Ark between the two standing Cherubims on the floore the Cherubims inner wings covered the Ark and the staves that were above at the ends of the Ark but the rest of the staves drawn out downward toward the Oracle dore shot out from under the Cherubims wings and appeared in the open face of the most Holy place and the high Priest when he came to offer incense at the Arke on the day of Expiation he stood before the Arke between the staves [d] Maym. ubi sup It is fancied by the Jews that Solomon when hee built the Temple foreseeing that the Temple should be destroyed he caused very obscure and intricate vaults under ground to bee made wherein to hide the Ark when any such danger came that howsoever it went with the Temple yet the Arke which was as the very life of the Temple might be safe And they understand that passage in 2 Chron. 35.3 Iosiah said unto the Levites Put the Holy Arke in the house which Solomon the son of David did build c. [e] Kimch in 2 Chron. 35. as if Ioab having heard by the reading of Moses his Manuscript and by Huldabs prophecy of the danger that hung over Ierusalem he commanded to convey the Arke into this vault that it might be secured and with it say they they laid up Aarons rod the pot of Manna and the annointing oile For while the Arke stood in its place upon the stone mentioned they hold that Aarons rod and the pot of Manna stood before it but now were all conveyed into obscurity and the stone upon which the Arke stood lay over the mouth of the vault But Rabbi Solomon which useth not ordinarily to forsake such traditions hath given a more serious glosse upon the place namely whereas that Manasseb and Amon had removed the Arke out of its habitation and set up images and abominations there of their own Josiah speaketh to the Priests to restore it to its place againe what became of the Arke at the burning of the Temple by Nebucadnezzar we read not it is most like it went to the fire also How ever it sped it was not in the second Temple and is one of the five choice things that the Jews reckon wanting there Yet had they an Ark there also of their own making as they had a breast-plate of Judgement which though they both wanted the glory of the former which was giving of Oracles yet did they stand current as to the other matters of their worship as the former breast-plate and Arke had done And so having thus gone through the many parts and particulars of the Temple it selfe let us but take account of the severall parcell measures that made up the length of it an hundred cubits and so wee will turne our eye and survey upon the Courts [f] Mid. per. 4. 1. The wall of the porch was five cubits thick 2. The Porch it self eleven cubits broad 3. The wall of the Temple six cubits thick 4. The Holy place forty cubits long 5. The space between Holy and most Holy place one cubit 6. The length of the most Holy place twenty cubits 7. The Temple wall six cubits thick 8. The breadth of the chambers at the end six cubits 9. The wall of the chambers five cubits thick CHAP. XVI The Courts of the Temple THe dimensions and platform of the Temple it selfe being thus laid out we may now the better observe the forme and situation of the Courts that were before it or about it Where in the first place it will bee needfull to remember that againe which was spoken before which was that the Temple and the Courts about it were not pitched so just in the middle of the Mount of the house as that they lay in an equall distance from the four sides of the incompassing wall [a] Mid. per. 2. but they were situate more towards the North side and West in such manner as that they left lesse space betwixt them and the West then betwixt them and the North and lesse betwixt them and the North then between them and the East and lesse betwixt them and the East then betwixt them and the South There were three which we may call Courts belonging to the Temple besides that space in the mountaine of the house without them which was very large and which is ordinarily called by Christian writers Atrium Gentium or the Court of the Gemiles And these three were The Court of Israel and the Priests the Court of the women and The Chel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but properly and ordinarily the two former are only called Courts That word in Hebrew is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the text
both so that the Temple service may have its due attendance as well as the Kings coronation And therefore ver 5. of 2 King 11. is necessarily to be rendred thus A third part of you shall be those that come in on the Sabbath that is a third part of you shall be as those that come in on the Sabbath to attend the service as at other times And so is 2 Chron. 23.4 to be translated A third part of you shall be those that come in on the Sabbath for Priests and Levites and Porters that is to attend the Altar song and gates as in the constant service 2. Another third part for keepers of the watch at the Kings house 3. And another third part at the gate Sur which is also called the gate of the foundation Thus the tents in the two bookes laid together doe plainly distribute the course that was to come in on the Sabbath as he will see that will carefully compare them together in the originall The course that was going out on the Sabbath was disposed 1. One third part of them to the gate behinde the guard 2. Two third parts to keepe the watch of the house of the Lord for the safety of the Kings Now the very disposall of these guards will help us to judge concerning the gates that we have in mention and will resolve us that they were not any gates of the Temple at all but that they stood in some place else For the gates of the Temple were guarded by the Porters of the course that came in as in the ordinary manner and there was an extraordinary guard added besides throughout all the mountaine of the house and in the Court of that course that was going out 2 King 11.7 8.11 Therefore the gate Sur or the gate of the foundation which was guarded by a third part of those that come in on the Sabbath cannot be supposed for any gate of the Temple since the Temple was guarded by two parts of those that went out So that were I to describe the city as I am now about describing the Temple I should place the gate Sur somewhere in Sion and there also should I place the gate behinde the guard and it would not be very hard to gather up faire probability of their situation there Now though so strong guards were set both in the Temple and in Zion yet Athaliah for whom all this adoe is made comes up into the Temple so far as to see the young King at his pillar in the Court before the East gate and no man interrupts her partly because she was Queene partly because she came alone and chiefly because they knew not Jehoiadas minde concerning her But when he bids have her out of the ranges they laid hold upon her and spared her till she was downe the causey Shalletheth and then they slew her If by the ranges the rankes of men that stood round about the mountaine of the house be not to be understood I should then thinke they meane either the ranks of trees that grew on either side that causey or the railes that were set on either side it for the stay and safety of those that passed upon it And to this sense Levi Gershom doth not unproperly expound those words in 1 King 10.12 Of the Al●●g trees the King made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the house of the Lord and for the Kings house The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth properly signifie a Prop or Support yet is expressed in 2 Chron. 9.11 The King made of the Algum trees 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 high waies to the house of the Lord And [q] Ralbag in 1 King 10. I think saith the Rabbin that in the ascent that he made to gee up to the house of the Lord from the Kings house he made as it were battlements that is railes on either side of the Almug trees that a man might stay himselfe by them as he went along the highway of that ascent And so in other ascents of the house of the Lord or of the Kings house where there were not steps at the rise of the Altar c. SECT I. Aeredible wonder of the brazen gate VVE will leave the belief of that wonder that hath been mentioned about the brazen doore of Niconer in its shipwrack to those that record it but wee may not passe over another wondrous occurence related by Josephus of the brazen gate whether this of Nicanor or the other which hee calleth the brazen gate as by its proper name wee will not be curious to examine which is a great deale more worthy of belief and very well deserving consideration Hee treating of the prodiges and wonders that presaged the destruction of Jerusalem amongst others hee relateth this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Eastgate of the inner Temple being of brasse and extream heavy [a] los de bell lib. 6. cap 31. and which could hardly bee shut by twenty men being barred and bolted exceeding strong and sure yet was it seene by night to open of its owne accord which the simpler and more foolish people did interpret as a very good Omen as if it denoted to them that God would open to them the gate of all good things But those of a deeper reach and sounder judgement did suspect that it presaged the decay and ruine of the strength of the Temple And with this relation of his doe other writers of his owne nation concurre who report [b] Iuchasm sol 21. That forty years before the destruction of the City the doores of the Temple opened of their owne accord Whereupon Rabban Jochanan ben Zaceai afterward chiese of the Sanhedrin cryed out Open thy doores O Lebanon that the fire may devoure And from that time the great Sanhedrin fitted from the room Gazith and so removed from place to place The like saith Rabbi Solomon on Zeob 11.1 Open thy doores O Lebanon [e] R. Sol. in Zech. 11. Hee prophecieth saith hee of the destruction of the second Temple and forty yeares before the destruction the Temple doores opened of their own accord Rabban Iochanan ben Zaccai rebuked them and said O Temple Temple how long wilt thou trouble thy self I know thy best is to hee destroyed for Zechariah the sonne of Iddo prophecied thus of thee Open thy doores O Lebanon that the fire may devoure thy Cedars c. There are three remarkable things which the Jews doe date from forty years before the destruction of the Temple namely this of the Temple doores opening of themselves and the Sanhedrins flitting from the roome Gazith and the Scarlet list on the Scapegoates head not turning white that are as Testimoneyes against themselves about the death of Christ which occurred exactly forty years before the Temple was destroyed Then the Lord shewed them by the Temple doores opening the shaking of their Ecclesiasticall glory and by the flitting of the Sanhedrin the shaking of their Civill and by the
the pillars were cast to be under the Laver at the side of every one of the additionall boards Verse 31. And the mouth of the Laver that is the spreading and dilating of it selfe into its full square was from within the circular coronet that the upper base made even from a cubit above it and the mouth of that coronet was round like a base a cubit and an halfe over and also about the mouth of it ingravings and borderings stood up a cubit high but set about it in a square and not in a circle Verse 32. And the four wheeles were on the four sides under the borders and the axle trees of the wheeles were joined to the base and the height of a wheele to the base was a cubit and an halfe Verse 33. And the worke of the wheeles was like the worke of a Charet wheele their axle trees and their naves and their felloes and their spokes all molten Verse 34. And there were four shouldring pillars at the four corners of every base these shouldring pillars were of the base it elfe Verse 35. And on the top of the base even at halfe a cubit height above the surface of it so high were the rows of staves there was the round compasse of the coronet of the upper settle and on the top of the base the staves and the borders that were there were of one piece with it selfe Verse 36. And he graved upon the plates of the staves and upon the borders thereof Cherubins Oxen and Palme trees according to the proportion of every one and there were so on the sloping shelves round about Verse 36. And he made ten Lavers of brasse one Laver contained forty bathes and every laver was foure cubits square and upon every of the ten bases was one laver SECT III. The Molten Sea IT was an equall wonder of Art that so great and vast a vessell as the molten Sea should be cast and that when it was cast it should be got up from the plaine of Jordan where it was cast to the Temple Being brought thither it was set upon twelve brazen oxen at the East end of the Court of the Priests towards the North-east corner The dimensions and contents of it are thus accounted by the booke of Kings It was ten cubits from the one brim to the other it was round all about and his height was five cuhits and a line of thirty cubits did compasse it round about And it contained two thousand haths 1 King 7.23.26 with which account the booke of Chronicles doth agree exactly in every point but onely in the last and there it differeth exceedingly for it saith it contained three thousand haths 2 Chron. 4.5 Now that difference breedeth no small difficulty how to reconcile it and that is not all the difficulty in this story of the molten Sea neither for it is not easie to cast how so small a compasse though it was indeed a huge compasse for one vessell should containe so great a quantity of water The Bath of the Hebrewes which was the greatest liquid measure that they had in use was within a very little a pint or such a thing even and equall with the receit of our English bushell or 8 gallons now how a vessell of but 5 cubits deepe and often cubits from side to side should containe 3000 baths or neare upon 24000 gallons of water is of some difficulty to imagine The cubit in this vessell is to be taken parallel to its measure in other vessels and parts of the Temple and so that particular will helpe nothing to a resolution The Jewes have deservedly taken this scruple into their consideration and dispute and the conclusion that they have made upon the doubt and debate is this [a] Talm. in Erubhin per. in Gemar R. Sol. Kimch in 1 King 7. that this Sea was square in the bottome for three cubits high and every side of the square was 10 cubits broad and so the whole was forty cubits about and this squarenesse they goe about to prove from the oxens standing in a square facing under it in which opinion they are farre different from their Countryman Josephus for he saith that the Sea was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [b] Joseph Ant. lib 8. cap. 2. fashioned in forme of an Haemisphere or halfe a globe which if I understand a right doth augment the scruple that we are upon And they say withall that the upper part of it namely for the height of the two upper cubits it was round and they contracting into the round and circular forme did so much take in the compasse which lay out in the foure corners of the quadrangle below that now it was but thirty cubits about according as the text saith that a line of thirty cubits did compasse it round about In which assertion although they speak that which is uncouth and not ordinarily apprehended upon this matter yet is their dispute so rationall if it should particularly be given at length that if it be not found on the suddaine worth the beleeving yet certainly is the matter very well worth the considering and so be it left to consideration Now as for the difference which is betweene the booke of Kings the book of Chronicles about the contents of this vessell which is a doubt more obvious and conspicuous to the eye whilest one saith it contained two thousand baths and the other three thousand the answer that is given generally by the Hebrew writers may be some satisfaction which is that of liquid it contained but two thousand baths but of dry things that would lye heaped above the brim it would hold three though I beleeve there is more in it The molten Sea was for the Priests washing themselves in it against they went about the service 2 Chron. 4.6 Now their washing being twofold either of their hands and feet or of their whole bodies this vessell served for both but in diverse manner Their hands and feet they washed in the water that ran out by some cocks and spouts out of it but for the washing or bathing of their bodies they went downe into the vessell it selfe Now had it been alwaies full of water to the brim it had been too deepe for them to stand in and would hazzard their drowning therefore there was such a gage set by cocks or pipes running out continually that the water was kept at such a height as should serve for their purpose abundantly and yet should not at all indanger their persons And so may we very well reconcile the difference in question by supposing that the text that saith that it contained two thousand bathes meaneth the common and constant quantitity of water that was in it that was fit and served for their washing and the other that saith it contained three thousand haths meaneth that it would hold so much being filled up to the brim About the body of this huge vessell there were two borders of ingravings the
worke of which the booke of Kings calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Chaldee and the Jewes interpret Ovals but the booke of Chronicles calleth them Oxen not in their full proportion but the heads onely and the rest in an ovall in stead of the body and it is conceived by some that out of these heads or out of some of them the water issued forth they being made as cocks or conveyances for that purpose The supply of water to these huge vessels and that so abundantly that they were not onely alwaies full but continually ran out and yet were full still was from the well Etam of which we have spoken before And the Jerusalem Talmud in the treatise Joma speaking particularly of this molten Sea and how it was for the Priests to bath their bodies in against they came to the service it proposeth this question [d] Talm. Jerus in Ioma per. 3. Aruch in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maym. in Beth Mikd. per. 5. But is it not a vessell Yes but Rabbi Jehoshua the sonne of Levi saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A pipe of water commeth into it out of the well Etam The meaning of the dispute is this It was not lawfull to bath for purification in a vessell but in a gathering of waters upon the ground and how then might the Priests bath in the molten Sea which was a vessell To this Rabbi Ioshua giveth this satisfaction that the Sea was as it were a spring of water for water ran into it continually out of the well Etam and accordingly water ran continually out of it SECT IV. Basins Chargers Dishes c. King Ptolemies and Queene Helens tables IT is not to be imagined that either the numbers or the names or the severall fashions or the severall uses of all the vessels in the Sanctuary should be given it is ods there were but a very few Priests though they waited there that were able to give a precise distinct account about these things therefore our going about to speak of them it is rather because we would not say nothing then from any hope or possibility we have to give an estimate or description of them any whit neare unto the full Their number was so great that they were reckoned to 5400 in Ezr. 1.11 and ninety and three are averred by the [a] Tamid per. 3. Talmud to be used every day about the daily sacrifice and in the treatise Ioma it appeareth that [b] Ioma per. 3. there were speciall vessels for the service of the day of expiation that King Monobazes made golden handles to them so other peculiar services had their peculiar vessels in so much that partly because of the multitude of imploiments of vessels at some certaine times and partly because of the change of vessels at speciall times the number could not but be very great nor is it to be supposed certaine the piety of one or other still offering one vessell or other in devotion The severall fashions and cizes of them are rather to be guessed at then determined and the uses to which they were put must helpe us better towards such a conjecture then either their names doe or any description we can finde of them 1. There were basins in which the blood was taken when the beast for the Sacrifice was slaine as Exod. 24.6 and these the Jerusalem Talmud thinketh to be those that are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Agartalin Ezr. 1.9 [c] Talm. Ierusan Ioma per. 3. Thirty Argatalin of gold R. Samuel bar Nachman saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In it they gathered the blood of lambs A thousand Agartalin of Silver R. Simeon ben Lachish saith it was that wherein they tooke the blood of bullocks 2. There were dishes out of which the blood was sprinkled on the Altar and these are held to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kephorim in the place alledged out of Ezra and to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mizrakim of which word there is frequent mention in the Scripture [d] R Sol. in Ezr. 1. Kephorim saith Solomon Jarchi are Mizrakim and they are called Kephorim which betokeneth cleansing because he that tooke the blood in this vessell wiped off the drops and blood that sluek on his hand on the side of the dish which action we have taken notice of in handling the manner of sprinkling the blood on the hornes of the Altar So that in these Jewes construction Ezra reckoneth by name but the two sorts of vessels that were first and most certainly used in the service namely the great Chargers or Basins in which they tooke the blood and the lesser dishes out of which they sprinkled it And it may be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that every one of the 12 Princes offered at the dedication of the Tabernacle Num. 7. were these two sorts of vessels The Mizrakim are said to be before the Altar Zechar. 14.21 3. There were great voiders or trayes as I may call them of gold or silver in which the inwards of the beasts were taken and brought to washing and brought when they were washed to the Altar And dishes in which Salt was brought for the salting of all the sacrifices And dishes in which the meat-offering was mingled and other dishes in which it was offered And it may be these that brought the inwards or the meat-offering were those that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meaneth if that word meaneth any vessell at all as it is thought it doth in 2 Chron. 24.14 Some thinke it meaneth pessels saith Kimehi wherewith they pounded the spices for the incense But in mine opinion it was a little vessel wherewithall they tooke wine out of the Hin for the drink-offerings And so it is used in the words of the Rabbins The maids of the house of Rabbi at he was teaching them in the language of wisdome said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 goe into the tankard that is the little vessell wherewith all they drew wine out of the tankard c. I shall not trouble my selfe nor the reader about this word nor about his opinion the translation that our English hath made of it is not onely very facil but also very warrantable 4. There were vessels out of which they powred the drink-offering it may be those are they that Josephus calls Phialas Vialls [e] Ios Ant. lib. 11. cap. 1. as he reckoneth the holy vessels upon the place of Ezra before alledged but nameth more kinds then he doth let the reader draw among all the names he useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which may be the title of these drinke-offering vessels that we are about I should choose between the two last and take Phialae the rather of the two and the powring out of the vialls in the Revelation may chance receive some illustration by the readers reflecting upon the powring out of the viall of the drink-offering 5. There
garrison which was in that city 1 Sam. 10.5 which might much dampe the peoples seeking and resorting to it especially in this loosenesse and lukewarmenesse or rather utter coldnesse of religion that was amongst them However at the end of twenty yeares a generall reformation doth begin amongst them and they begin to hearken after God the Arke and religion and put away the strange gods that were among them and God at that very instant doth grant them a miraculous victory against the Philistines 1 Sam. 7. We read once of the Arkes being within the compasse of the tribe of Benjamin before David fetched it up to Jerusalem and that was with Saul at Gibeah 1 Sam. 14.18 but it was restored from thence to Kiriathjearim as the place appointed for it as yet by divine direction for otherwise it might as easily have been set up in Nob where the Tabernacle was now standing David about the second yeare of his reigne in Jerusalem fetcheth it up from Kiriathjearim thither and there pitched an habitation for it in Sion where it resided till it was translated into Solomons Temple save onely that once it was taken out to have flitted with David in his flight from his son Absalom but soone restored to its place againe 2 Sam. 15. At this Tabernacle in which the Arke was lodged in Sion David sets up an Altar 1 Chron. 16.2 for the offerings at that present time of the Arkes bringing up thither but not for continuall sacrificing And there he appointed a constant musicke to attend of the Levites but the Priests waited at Gibeon where the Tabernacle was and the daily sacrifice CHAP. XL. The state and fate of the first Temple AT Naioth in Ramah where Samuel and David spent some time together they platfsormed the buildings of the Temple and the manner of the service It was an unlikely time for David to thinke and contrive for such a thing at that time when he knew not where to hide his own head from the fury of Saul yet so sure was the promise to him and so assured was his faith in it that even from that time he laid the foundation of his thoughts towards the building of a Temple setling of a service and even all his time after was preparing towards it In all his wars and victories he still remembred to dedicate something of his spoiles for that purpose 2 Sam. 8.10 11. 1 Chron. 18.8 c. so that at his death he left the greatest sums of silver and gold and stock of brasse and iron and such materials that is recorded in any story And as he had his first instructions from Samuel so did he ripen then by the propheticke directions of Gad and Nathan the Prophets 2 Chron. 29.25 and so setled the Priests and Levites in their courses and carpenters and masons to worke and had described the platforme of all thingsso exactly that he lest to Solomon in a manner but the care to see the worke done for he had prepared all things before About eleven or twelve years space was the worke of the Temple in hand before it was finished namely foure yeares in hewing stone and framing timber and seven years and an half in bringing up the building For David in the last year of his reign hath gathered all the proselytes in the land to the number of 153000 and had set them to worke and so they continued framing and preparing materialls till the fourth yeare of the reigne of Solomon in the second moneth of which yeare the foundation of the house was laid and in the eight moneth of his eleventh yeare the worke was finished 1 King 6.38 and so it was seven yeares and an halfe in building which the text for roundnesse of number doth count but seven It was a yeare within a moneth after that it was finished before the dedication of it in which time it is likely they were getting away the rubbish and preparing for its consecration it lying uselesse all the while for the providence of the Lord disposed that it should be dedicated at such a time as that the time should carry a mystery and type with it as well as the Temple it selfe In the eleventh yeare of Solomons reigne in the moneth Bul which is the eight month it was finished 1 King 6.38 and in his twelfth yeare in the moneth Ethanim which is the seventh moneth it was consecrated even at the time of the feast of Tabernacles 1 King 8.20 2 Chron. 5.3 or the fifteenth day of that moneth Concerning the title Ethanim by which this moneth was named the Jewes have these glosset The Chaldes renders that verse in the booke of Kings thus And all the men of Israel were gathered to the King in the old moneth which they called the first month but now the seventh [b] Aru. ● in vece 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some of the Rabbines say it was called Ethanim which signifieth strength or strong ones because the fathers were borne in it which were the mighty ones of the world And others [i] Levi Gersh in 1 King 8. because in it were the greatest seasts or [k] Kimch ibi as others because in it the fruits were gathered which are the strength of mans life c. But whatsoever was the notation of the name certainely the remarkablenesse of that month was singular in regard of many eminent occurrences that befell in it of which we have spoken elsewhere the most renowned of all which was that our Saviour in that month was borne into the world and what if on that very day that the Temple was consecrated namely the 15 day of the month of whose incarnation and birth how lively a type the Temple and its dedication were I need not to illustrate Thus was the Temple dedicate and the service of it began anno mundi 3001. At the dedication of it both the books of Kings and Chronicles informe us that the Tabernacle of the Congregation and all the holy vessels that had been in the Tabernacle were brought up thither 1 King 8.4 2 Chron. 5.5 But the question is What became of them there were they used on were they laid up There are that assert either way and the latter seemeth the more probable namely that these things of Moses upon the rising of a greater and more eminent glory did decay and were laid aside as all his Ceremonies were to doe upon the rising of the Gospell The Temple though it were of a heavenly resemblance use and concernment as figuring Christs body Joh. 2.19 enjoying Gods presence 2 Chron. 7.16 and Israels worship Psal 122.4 c. yet being but an earthly building it was subject to the universall condition of earthly things casualty and changing Nay there is hardly any state or place in any story of which may be found more vicissitudes and alterations of condition then of this and there is hardly any Kings time of all those that reigned in the time of the Temple in which
Polymn vel lib. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when the King went to warre it was the Law of the Persians that he should appoint a King and so goe his way on his expedition And this custome was that that made Cyrus his third yeare to be accounted for Artaxerxes his first though Cyrus was yet alive because he left him King at home whilest he himselfe went to warres abroad Alexander dying in the flower of his age and victories his large Dominions obtained so suddainly by the sword were divided as suddainly againe in a manner by the sword amongst four of his chiefe Commanders according as was prophesied Dan. 8.8 11.4 Two of them were Seleucus Nicanor who obtained Syria and Ptolomy Lagus who obtained Aegypt whose families the house of the North and the house of the South Dan. 11. being ill Neighbours one to another did both of them prove ill Neighbours to Iudea and through and under them the people and Temple did undergoe divers varieties of fortune but most commonly the worst The Kings of these Countries are reckoned these [d] Vid. Euseb in Chron. Strab. Geog. l. 17. Kings of Syria 1 Seleucus Nicaner 32. y. 2 Antiochus Soter 19. 3 Antiochus Theos 15 4 Seleucus Gallinicus 20 5 Seleucus Ceraunos 3 6 Antiochus Magnus 31 7 Seleucus Philopater 12 8 Antiochus Epiphanes 11 9 Antiochus Eupator 2 10 Demetrius Soter 22 11 Alexander 11 12 Demetrius 3 13 Antiochus Sedetes 9 14 Demetrius iterum 4 15 Antiochus Grippus 12 16 Antiochus Cyzicenus 18 17 Philippus 2 [d] Vid. Euseb in Chron. Strab. Geog. l. 17. Kings of Aegypt 1 Ptolomy Lagus 40. y. 2 Ptol. Philadelphus 18 3 Ptol. Euergetes 26 4 Ptol. Philopator 17 5 Ptol. Epiphanes 24 6 Ptol. Philometor 36 7 Ptol. Euergetes 29 8 Ptol. Physcon 17 9 Ptol. Alexander 10 10 Ptol. Lathurus 8 11 Ptol. Dionysius 30 12 Cleopatra 22 SECT III. A Briefe of the state of the Temple in the times of these Kings IF we were to write a story of the City and people as we are of the Temple here were a very large field before us for exceeding much of the story of Jerusalem and Judea hath to doe with the story of these Kings but since our confinement is to the Temple only we shall make a shorter cut because the peculiar relations that we finde about that are but few in comparison of the general story of the City and Nation [a] Ios Ant. lib. 12. c. 3. Seleucus Nicanor or Nicator as some do call him the first of these Kings of Syria was a great favourer of the Jewish Nation for he infranchised them in his Syrian Cities yea even in Antioch the Metropolis it selfe and [b] Id. in lib. Maccab. cap. 3.2 Mac. 3.3 he bestowed benevolences upon the Temple to an exceeding liberall and magnificent value But Ptolomy Lagus King of Aegypt his contemporary was as bitter to the Nation as he was favourable He having his army in the Country tooke advantage one Sabbath day of the Jewes strict resting on that day and pretending to come into the City to Sacrifice he surprized the City and it is like the Temple sped but indifferently with him and he carryed exceeding many thousands away captive [c] Aristeas Jos ubi ante His son and successour Ptolomy Philadelphus was againe as favourable to the Nation as he had been mischievous He sent for the Lxx Elders to translate the Bible sent exceeding great munificence to the Temple which we have had some cause to speak of before In the time of Ptolomy Euergetes the successour of Philadelphus the covetize of Onias the High-priest had provoked the displeasure of that King and was like to have brought mischiefe upon the place and people but that it was wisely appeased by Ioseph Onias his sisters son From the time that Ptolomy Lagus had so basely surprized Jerusalem it was under homage to the Crowne of Aegypt till Antiochus the great released it or changed it rather into subjection to Syria whether it were of his goodnesse and devotion or whether rather out of his policy to make sure the Jews to him [d] Appian in Syrinc in the great wars that he had especially with the Romans he bestowed many favours upon the people and liberall donations and priviledges upon the Temple And particularly this edict in its behalfe That no stranger should come into the virge of the Temple prohibited which it may be first occasioned those inscriptions upon the pillars at the entrance into the Chel that we have spoken of that no stranger should come there upon paine of death After him succeeded Antiochus Epiphanes save onely that Seleucus Philopater reigned 12 yeares between a man or a monster shall I call him of whom and of whose cursed actings are those prophesies in Dan. 7.21 25. 8.10 11 12 24 25. 11.28 c. and 12.1 c. and Ezek. 38. 39. and who performed according to those predictions to the utmost of wickednesse He began his reigne by the account of the booke of the Maccabees in the 137 yeare of the reigne of the Seleucian family 1 Mac. 1.10 And in the 143 yeare as both that booke and [e] Jos Ant. l. 12. c. 6. 1 Mac. 1.21 c. Josephus reckon he came up to Ierusalem being invited thither by a wretched faction of Onias who was also called Menelaus the High-priest and he taketh the City by their meanes and slew many of the contrary party and tooke away many of the holy things and much spoile and so returned to Antioch This was the beginning of those 2300 daies mentioned in Dan. 8.13 14. or the daies of desolation when the Host and the Sanctuary were both trodden under foot Two yeares and some months after namely in the yeare 145 he cometh up againe and under colour of peaceablenesse obtaining entrance he sacketh Jerusalem plundereth the Temple fireth the fairest buildings of the City puls downe the wals slayeth even some of those that had invited him taketh many thousands prisoners and setteth a Syrian Garrison for a curbe to the City and Temple Here was the beginning of those 1290 dayes mentioned Dan. 12.11 the time that the dayly Sacrifice was taken away and the abomination of desolation was set up which space is called a time times and halfe a time which was three yeares and an halfe and some twelve or thirteene dayes The mischiese that this tyrant and persecutor wrought to the Temple nation and religion is not expressible how he forbad circumcision abolished religion burnt the books of the Law persrcuted the truth murdered those that professed it and defiled the Sanctuary with all manner of abomination insomuch that the Holy Ghost hath set this character upon those sad times that that was a time of trouble such as was not since they were a nation even to that same time Dan. 12.1 And here began the story and glory of Mattathias the father of the Maccabean family who withstood
this outrage and villany [f] 1 Mac. 2 70. but died in the next year namely 146 of the Selencian kingdome Iudas Maccabeus succeeds him in his zeale and command and prevaileth so gallantly against the commanders appointed by the tyrant Apollonius Seron Gorgias and Lysias that in the yeare 148 he and his people returne and purifie the Temple erect a new Altar restore the service and keepe the feast of dedication for eight dayes and ordaine it for an annuall solemnitie And from thence even till now saith Iosephus we keepe that feast and call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Candlemas if I may so English it naming the feast as I thinke from this because such a restauration shone upon us unexpected There is mention of this feast and it was honoured with Christs presence Ioh. 10.22 and what was the manner of its solemnity especially by lighting abundance of Candles at it I have shewed in another place Both Josephus and the booke of Maccabeus make it but exactly three yeares betweene the time of Antiochus his defiling of the Altar with abomination and Maccabeus his restoring and purifying it againe [g] 1 Mac. 1.54 Jos ubi supr Onely the one of them saith its defiling began on the fisteenth day of the month Cisleu in the 145 yeare of the Seleucian Kingdome and the other saith it began on the five twentieth day of the same month in the same year but both agree that it was purified on the five and twentieth day of the same month in the year 148. which teacheth us how to distinguish upon that passage of Daniel forementioned in chap. 12.11 namely that the time the daily sacrifice was taken away was 1290 dayes or three years and an half and some few dayes over but the time that the abomination that maketh desolate was set up that is idols in the Temple and an idol altar upon the Lords Altar was but three yeares Antiochus died in Persia within 45 daies after the restoring of the Temple as Dan. 12.12 seemeth to intimate when it pronounceth him blessed that cometh to 1335 daies for then he should see the tyrants death [h] Id. ibid. cap. 15. His son Antiochus Eupator who succeeded him was invited into Judea by some Apostate Jewes to come to curbe Iudas Maccabeus who was besieging the Syrian garrison that was in Jerusalem He cometh with a mighty power forceth Judas into the Temple and there besiegeth him But being straitned for provisions and hearing of stirrings in his owne Kingdome he offereth the besieged honourable conditions upon which they surrender But he entring and seeing the strength of the place and suspecting it might be troublesome to him againe he breaketh his articles and his oath and putteth downe the wall that incompassed the holy ground downe to the ground And thus poore Judas and the Temple are in a worse condition then before for the Antiochian garrison in Jerusalem that was ready upon all occasions to annoy it is not onely not removed but now is the Temple laid naked to their will and fury [i] Ibid. This Antiochus put Menelaus the High-priest to death and he rewarded him but justly for calling the tyrant this mans father in and he made Alcimus High-priest in his stead one that was not of the High-priests line at all which made Onias who was next to the High-priesthood indeed to flee into Aegypt and there by the favour of Ptolomy Philometor he built a Temple parallel to that at Jerusalem And thus hath Jerusalem Temple two corrivalls a Temple on mount Gerizim in Samaria on the North and a Temple in Aegypt on the South Of this Temple built by Onias in Egypt the Talmudicall writers doe make frequent and renowned mention They speake in the treatise Succah k Succah per. 5. of a great Synagogue or Sanbedrin here in the time of Alexander the great in which they say there were 70 golden chaires and a Congregation belonging to it of double the number of Israelites that came out of Egypt And that Alexander destroyed them to bring upon them the curse denounced by Jeremy against their going downe into Egypt Jer. 44 and the curse due to them for the violation of the command Ye shall returne thither to Egypt no more [l] Jos Ant. lib. 13. cap. 6. Juchas fol. 14. Yet would Onias venture to build a Temple here againe and that the rather building upon that prophecy Esay 19.19 There shall be an Altar to the Lord in the Land of Egypt c. Upon which passage take the glosse of R. Solomon [m] R. Sol. in Esai 19. We learne in Sedat Olam that after the fall of Sennacherib Ezekiah stood up and let goe all the multitudes that he had brought with him from Egypt and Cush and they tooke upon them the Kingdome of Heaven and they returned to their owne place as it is said In that day there shall be five cities in the land of Egypt c. They went and built an Altar to the Lord in the land of Egypt and offered upon it an offering to God to fulfill what was spoken In that day there shall be an altar to the Lord in the land of Egypt c. But some of our Doctors in the treatise Menachoth doe understand it of the Altar of the Temple of Onias the sonne of Simeon the just who fled to Egypt and built there an Altar In the last chapter of the treatise Menachoth the tract which our Rabbin citeth the Talmudists have speech concerning this Temple of Onias and particularly these passages [n] Menachoth per. 13. A man saith Behold I undertake to offer a burnt-offering he must offer it at the Sanctuary and if he offer it at the Temple of Onias he is not discharged If he say I undertake for an offering in the Temple of Onias he is to offer it at the Sanctuary but if he offer it at the Temple of Onias he is discharged If he say I undertake to be a Nazarite he is to poll his head at the Sanctuary and if he poll it at the Temple of Onias he is not discharged but if he say I will poll at the Temple of Onias let him poll at the Sanctuary yet if he doe poll at the Temple of Onias he is quit The priests that serve at the Temple of Onias shall not serve at the Sanctuary at Ierusalem So that it appeareth that there were sacrifices offered and other Temple-rites used in this Temple in Egypt as were in the Temple at Ierusalem [o] Juchas ubi supra and it so stood in great glory 200 yeares according to the opinion of Rambam But it seemes they are the words of Iuchasin that it stood all the time of the Sanctuary for Ioshuah the sonne of Perahiab fled thither and so in the time of Hillel and they were obedient to the wise men of Ierusalem and brought offerings and so they brought their wives espousall writings to Hillel for they
Zaccai from Jabueh to Osha in the daies of Rabban Gamaliel the last and to Jabueh back againe in the daies of Rabban Simeon To Shaaraim and to Tsipperis in the daies of Rabbi Judah And to Tiberias in the daies of Antonius These their flittings by their owne confession began forty yeares before the destruction of the. Temple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [d] Shabbath fol 51. Forty years say they before the destruction of the Temple the Sanhedrin flitted and betooke it selfe to sit in Hanoth or the Tabernae And the reason is given [e] Ib. Aruch in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Because there were then many Theeves and Murderers and they judged not of capitall matters which meaneth to this purpose They held that while they sate in the roome Gazith they were bound to judge and determine of all matters that came before them and that all their determinations were obliging but now when beside the curbe of the Roman power that was upon them by which their power was abridged villany and insolency was also grown too strong for them they thought as the Gemara in Avodah Zarah speakes their mind [f] Avodah Zarah fol 8. It is good for us to rise and flit from this place of which it is written And thou shalt do according as the men of that place shall shew thee Now in what part of the Mountaine of the House Hhanoth or the Tabernae were placed may be best conceived by observing the place of the great Sanhedrins sitting before they came to sit in the roome Gazith And for this purpose a Text of Jeremy doth give us light which is in chap. 35.4 where it is said thus I brought the Rechabites into the House of the Lord into the Chamber of the sonnes of Hanan the sonne of Igdaliah a man of God which was by the chamber of the Princes which was above the chamber of Maaseiah the sonne of Shallum the keeper of the doore Now by the Princes we cannot understand the Princes of the bloud for what had Jehojakims sonnes to doe here their residence was in the palaces of Sion and their way into the Temple was at the gate on the West quarter which was called Shallecheth and Coponius whereas this gate whereof the son of Shallum was keeper or porter was the East gate as is apparent from 1 Chron 9.17 18. By the Princes therefore are to be understood the great men of the Sanhedrin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Acts 4.8 who sate in Counsell and Judicature in a Chamber neere the East gate or the gate Shushan namely over the Porters lodge Here they sate in the time of the first Temple but under the second Temple namely from the times of Simeon Ben Shetah they removed further inward and sate even by the side of the Court of Israel in the roome called Gazith which we shall survey in its due place Now when they were put to remove and flit out of Gazith and to sit there no more whither should they betake themselves but to some roome neare to the East gate again where the place of the Sanhedrins fitting had been of old It is observable in Jeremy that in his time they sate in two East gates of the Temple some times in the one and sometimes in the other namely in this East gate of the Mountaine of the House as appeareth by the Text produced and in the East gate of the Court which was also called The New gate Jer. 36.10 of which hereafter Now in after times when they sate in the roome Gazith there was a Sanhedrin of three and twenty Judges sate in either of these gates as is copiously testified by the Jewish records and antiquities By the East gate therefore of the Mountaine of the house may we best conclude the Hhanoth or Tabernae to have been seated namely that they were as Shops in the lower roomes of the buildings that stood on either side of the gate Shushan and the rooms over head were imployed for some other use and among the rest one for the sitting of the great Sanhedrin when they were removed from Gazith and when they sate in Gazith for a Sanhedrin of twenty three And whereas Maimony speaketh of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [g] Maym. in Sanhedr per. 3. A Divinity Schoole in the Mountaine of the House where the Sanhedrin sate upon holy dayes wee know not where better to place it then hereabout where their sitting was in the first and last times of the Temple All the gates that we have viewed were beautified with gallant buildings on either side them but the East most eminent because the greatest and commonest entrance into the Temple And whereas there is mention in Scripture of Women lodging in the Temple as 2 Chron 22.11 12. Jehoshebeath and Joash and his Nurse lodged many yeares there and Luke 2.37 Hannah is said not to have departed from the Temple for many yeares more their lodgings were in the buildings neere some of the gates of this outmost wall but which undeterminable for that all within this inclosing was called The Temple in the Scripture and the common language is so apparent that it needeth no demonstration CHAP. X. The dimension and forme of Solomons Temple And of that built by the returned out of Captivity HAving thus gone through and observed the compasse of the Mountaine of the Temple and the wall that did inclose it in so large a square with the Cloisters gates and buildings that were in that wall and affixed to it before we can come to cast out the Courts Partitions and buildings that were within and speake of their places and uses particularly it will be necessary in the first place to take a survey of the measure and situation of the Temple it selfe that from it and from this outer wall as from standing markes we may measure all the proportions fabricks and distances that we are to go through The floore of the Mountaine of the House was not even but rising from East to West so much in the whole [a] Maym. in Beth habbechir per. 6. that the floore of the porch of the Temple was two and twenty cubits higher then the floore of the Gate Shushan or the East gate in the outmost wall which in equality was cast into severall levels one above another and the outmost wall accordingly did sometime runne levell and sometime rise from levell to levell even as the evennesse or risings of the floore it self did call for it The measures of the Temple built by Solomon are said to have been by the first measure 2 Chron 3.3 that is by the same cubit that measured the first Tabernacle which is the same that we fix upon and by this measure to have beene seventy cubits long 1 Kings 6.2 2 Chron. 3.3 in these severall spaces The most holy place twenty cubits the holy place forty cubits and the Porch ten And the breadth of all these was 20 cubits About the height there is some obscurity