circumstances the adorning his Gate with Bayes and also with Lights The first of which customes is mentioned before by our Poet as in that of the 10th Satyre Pone domi lauros on which see Sat. 10. Illustrat 15. as also in that of the sixt Satyre v. 80. Orentur postes grandi janua lauro Upon occasion of which last words I may remember to prevent mistake that difference between Scaliger and Hieronymus Columna about that fragment in Ennius Desine Roma tuos hostes .... where Scaliger reads postes supplying the rest of the verse thus ornare trophaeis which Columna on that place dislikes saying that neither in publick nor private joy amongst the Romans the Posts of their gates were adorned with trophies but with bayes alledging this of Juvenal and methinks rightly He alledges also Lipsius Elect. lib. 1. cap. 3. for that custome others indeed supply that verse of Ennius thus hostes horrere superbos As for the other custome some take no notice of it in this place reading Et matutinis operantur festa lucernis so the Scholiast expounding it by Sacrificant and alledging that of Virgil latis operatur in herbis But Lipsius reads operitur which is most receiv'd understanding it of janua festa the festival or joyful gate which was the custome according to some amongst the Jews upon their Sabbaths to which they apply that of Persius Sat. 5. Vnctaque fenestra Dispositae pinguem nebulam vomuêre lucernae But that it was the custome amongst the Romans on their Festivals is implyed in that of Tertullian in his Apologet. cap. 35. Clarissimis lucernis vestibula enubilare and de Idololatria cap. 15. Lucernae pro foribus laurus in postibus And such lights are by the Poet called here matutinae to imply the alacrity and early diligence of their devotion and joy 11. These things suspect not yet Corvinus Ne suspecta tibi sint haec Corvine Some here again reprehend our Poet for this application it being not made till after ninety verses yet I suspect that even artificial Horace may be found as liable to the like reprehension and even in that most elegant Ode which begins with Beatus ille qui procul negotiis of which Ode consisting of seventy verses sixty six verses are spent before he tells his Reader that what was said before was spoken by Alpheus the Usurer whereas in this Satyre consisting of 130 verses there are about two third parts spent before the application But for my own part I think those contrivances rather Art than Negligence i n both these admirable Authors 12. Straight the Temple's Ile is cloth'd with votive tables there they bow And fix them Legitimè fixis vestitur tota tabellis Porticus The Poet says that Gifts are commonly bestow'd but in hope of gain and that accordingly for a father that is one that has children to enjoy what he leaves no man will offer for the recovery of his health if he be sick so much as a hen though scarce able to live any longer nay not so much as a quail though of mean account with the Romans The reason whereof might be because it is said to be of hard digestion affording but excremental nourishment and disposing to fevers and more especially to the falling-sickness and to be subject to it as Pliny says which ill disposition is caused from their delighting in Hellebore as Galen mentions 6 Epid. Com. 5. ◠35 But that food being not found by them every where some attribute it to a malignity in their nature yet this then if not hindered should alwaies produce such malignant effects which by common experience being found untrue it is though more reasonably that they dispose into such diseases by breeding phlegmatick gross and tough humours when they are usually that is too much fed on See the learned Sennertus Institut Medicin lib. 4. part 1. cap. 3. p. 846. And such disesteem may probably me-thinks be conjectur'd from the great Roman kitchin-Artist Apicius seeing that in his Trophetes his sixt book wherein he purposely handles the cookery of birds according to the Romane palate he yet makes no mention of the Quail This point being not touch'd by the Interpreters yet very necessary to the understanding of the Poet's speech the quail being vulgarly esteem'd as a Dainty yet in the judgement of the best Physitians thus disesteem'd I thought fit to discusse it and according to the truth And now to go on with our Poet if says he your childless Rich ones lie sick such as are Gallita or Paccius you shall have flatterers which will Legitimè figere tabellas votivas solemnly with bowing according to the custome fix up in the walks or Iles of the Temples their votive tables their vows written in paper and those no mean ones On which passage concerning the sickness of the rich one◠says Lubin Ibi in that case tota illorum porticus interius tegitur tabellis votivis suspensis ab baeredipetis captatoribus quibus sese voti sacrificii reos significant si restituantur divites patroni In which words to whom the word illorum porticus does relate is not casie to conceive for having before made mention only of the two rich childless persons Gallita and Paccius and their Flatterers to understand by illorum porticus Their own though stately walks sustain'd by pillars as if vows had been fix'd up there were a thought too much remote from the solemnity of the Romane custome which being a part of their religion and including a vow which was to be legitimè according to the Romane Rite fix'd up we must needs think upon the Temples of the Gods and therefore I choose Britannicus his exposition who on this passage says In porticibus templorum suspendebantur tabellae suscipientium vota Where we may farther observe that the Romane Temples though some were round yet for the most part were not much unlike ours as Franciscus Polletus lib. 1. Historiae Fori Romani cap. 3. observes having the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answerable to the Quire unto which only Priests might come 2dly Basilica the body of the Temple with Iles or Porticus on the sides in which they fixt their vows and 3dly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the porch of the Temple to omit other particulars The Poet speaking-on concerning flatterers says that they would promise even a Hecatombe a sacrifice of an hundred beasts or such a huge one seeing that we have no Elephants in these parts except only some few kept in the Rutilian Forest at Lavinum But says he if we had Elephants flatterers there are which would bring the Ivory that is the beast the tooth being taken for the beast unto the Altar for a Sacrifice though a beast says he which heretofore is said to have carried a tower upon his back and to have been the servant only of Kings such as Pyrrhus the Molossian or such great Ones and therefore a very fit sacrifice no doubt for
And the hollow wounds so true with daily spears made on a post Aut quis non vidit vulnera pali Quem cavat assiduis sudibus c. The Poet having shew'd the impudence of Women in the person of one Manilia in pleading of Causes and in their undertaking to teach Rhetoricians themselves even such as Celsus likewise in the imitation of wrastlers wearing like them rugs after their exercise for fear of catching cold but purple ones in a wanton pride in the next place shews their wanton impudence in practising the Palaria an exercise used by the souldiers at their Camp which besides the four ways that crosse-wise led into it had a sift as Paâ—cirollus lib. 2. Titul 21. delivers it which therefore was called Quintana at which they practis'd the Palaria and from whence that exercise was call'd the Quintan in these times with difference corrupted into a sport That exercise anciently was a fencing at a stake or post fixt in the ground but appearing above ground the height of a man 6 foot as Vegetius describes it at which they perform'd all the points of the fencer's art as with an enimie by way of preparation to a true fight Such Women then says the Poet as are before describ'd are fitter to act in the Floralian sports where harlots acted with naked impudence Then sports he with the husband of such a wife telling him it would be a fine sight to see all his wife's armour setforth to sale among which he mentions Cruris sinistri dimidium tegmen for the left leg being in fight more set-forward they wore harness upon it yet he calls it but dimidium tegmen because it reach'd from the foot but to the mid-thigh the upper part of the thigh being cover'd with the Shield He farther jeers at him for his wife's greaves or leg-harness properly used by the Retiarii or Pursuers as the Scholiast notes which when his puella his damsel should set to sale Were not he then says the Poet a happy man 30. The band of her thick-volum'd coats Quà m denso fascia libro I might render it though not so literally The bundle of her thick-rowl'd coats He excellently expresses a Roman virago repining to have sail'd by receiving a stroak which she had been taught to avoidâ— he describes the windings and bendings-back of her body upon her hamms to avoid it and expresses what a rowle or bundle of coats she had behind her hamms tied-up for her better activitie with some ribband or band according to that of Martial Harpasto quoque subligat a ludit In which exprestion he compares the bundle of her coats tied-up behind her to a great book or volume their books anciently being rowl'd-up as one rowles-up a sheer of paper beginning at one side or edge of it Which fashion is to be seen in the copies in the Vatican Library and is still the custome of the Jews as Schaccus says in his Myrothec lib. 1. cap. 38. ut ad haec usque tempora sacram legem non nisi in volumine servent atque non nisi explicato volumine legant though now they have manuscript Bibles for private use and bound-up as our ordinary books mov'd to such change it seems from the conveniency of the use It may be farther remember'd for the help of the ordinary reader that to one side of the roll was fastned a smooth and round peice of wood horn or bone like a small staffe about which the leaves were rowl'd which being in the middle of the book when rowl'd-up was by similitude call'd umbilicus or the Navel the ends whereof were call'd cornua or the horns This may be seen also in our publick Library at Oxford where there is the book of Esther so written in Hebrew in a roll consisting of eighteen pages in a Quarto-form all set like wainscot pannels in a row from the right hand to the left and so the staffe is fastned to the edge on the left side which is the end of the roll Thoâ—e are also Latin rolls but different from the former in this that these begin and so are unroll'd downwards and in that manner are read the staffe being fastned to the bottome-edge Yet we may especially observe with the learned Aldus Manutius de Quaesitis per Epist lib. 2. Epist De Epistolis p. 237. that Letters Epistles which sometimes consisted of one sometimes more pages were foulded-up whence they were said involvere libros and complicate Epistoles though when they would preserve or Lay-up letters they rowl'd-up Them also The greatest breadth of a page did not exceed 13. fingers in breadth as Pliny notes lib. 13 cap. 13. Whereas then some conversant in Antiquities think that the roll was sometimes 20. cubits long and 10. broad which would implie a proportional excess of every page urging for it Zachary 5 2. I think it to be a misinterpretation that expression in the prophet being extraordinary and so a figurative speech 20. common cubits being ten yards in length and so 10. cubits being 5 yards for the breadth which dimensions figuratively imply the amplitude of the punishments due to the sins of Jerusalem nay of mankind as St. Jerom enlarges it saying volumen autem volans oftenditur in quo â—â—nium peccata descripta sunt ut unusquisque recipiat secundum opera sua sive bonum sive malum To proceed then with our Author after this description of an impudent dame the Poet jeers at her for using the scaphium which impudence in a publick use of it and at feasts came from the infamous Sybarites as Isaac Casaubon notes on Athenaeus lib. 1. cap. 14. Then with exclamation he disdains that such things should be done by Women of good rank which even the wife of impudent Asylus the Fencer would blush to do 31. Fond Sparrow that is Hedâ—e-sparrow Curruca He means Fond cuckold the curruca 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Aristotle reports lib. 6. de Natura Animalium being a bird in whose nest the cuckow lays eggs which the silly curruca hatches Upon which word Lubin rightly says similis es avi currucae quae alienae cuculi â—va pro propriis fovet excludit ita tu alienos liberos pro â—uiâ—â— yet in his annotation immediately precedent on those words Tu tibi tune curruca he sayd Tu O miserrime cucule gaudes tibi places quod uxorem consequutus siâ— quae tahto tui amore teneatur In which words not without a mistake because contrary to the intent of the Poet he calls the husband cuculus when as cuculus implies the crafty bird and so the adulterer but curruca the silly bird and so the abus'd husband 32. I 'me Woman Homo sum Of this see largely Sat. 2. Illustrat 32. and on this Satyre Illustrat 26. See also Cerda Advers Sacr. cap. 110. num 6. alleging Gen. 1. in the Latin Creavit dens hominem c. Marem feminam creavit cos according to which more general acception Homo
Caves He never sings Nor with an Ivy-dart divinely raves Whose sober poverty night and day craves For mony which the Bodies wants supplies Horace 9 is full when once he Obe cries VVho displays Wit whom ought but verse perplexes When Bacchus Cyrrha's Lord our full breasts vexes When Nysa's Lord Apollo drives our VVit VVhich never can at once two Cares admit 'T is for an Ample Mind not one half-dead VVith Care to get a blanket to his bed To fancy Chariots Horses the Gods faire Shapes and the dire Erynnis that did stare On the amaz'd Rutilian King For grant That Virgil does a needful Servant want And a convenient Lodging quickly all The Snakes from his Alecto's Curles would fall Dull would his Trumpet sound without all State Of Greif VVe'd have 10 Rubrenus Lappa's Fate Be like his Muse The Ancient Buskin he Shall match though his small dishes and Cloak be At pawn to Atreus Numitor the wretch For 's Friend has nothing but a Guift hee 'l fetch For his Quintilla and without all need Bought a tam'd Lion which on Flesh does feed The Beast's kept Cheaper sure I that 's it Pie on 's A Poets guts will hold more then a Lyons Lucan may in his Marble Gardens lie Content with Fame but how will this supplio Sarranus and Saleius's wants what 's Fame VVhat 's Glory if 't is but an Emptie Name They run with joy to the sweet voice and verse Of Thebais when Statius does rehearse And sets a Day they 're caught with such delight The People hear with such an Appetite But 11 when his verse has crack'd the Seats he may Be starv'd if Paris buy not his new Play Agave Military Honours He Gives He 12 Knights Poets whom adorn'd we see VVith their Gold-half-years-rings for witness So VVhat Lords give not a Player does bestow Yet dost still after Camerinus run And Bareas Dost not your Lords Porches shun A Pelopea 't is can Praefects make Some Tribunes are for Philomela's sake Yet Envy not the Poet that 13 is fed By his Stage Labours For should'st thou want bread VVho 's a Metaenas Now A Fabius A Proculeius Cotta Lentulus VVit then had just reward Now some must pine Look pale and all December know no wine But now Historians your more fruitful task A great deal more of Time and Oile does ask For beyond mean the Thousandth Page does rise It grows with loss of Paper yet such size Numbers of Facts and Laws of Story yield VVhat 's yet the Crop the Fruits of this Plow'd field Does not a Notary gain more by 's trade They 're Sluggs you 'll say and love the Roof and shade Shew then that Lawyers Pleadings be less vain And what the bundled Books they bring do gain They Mouth it much but chiefly when they see The Creditor they Plead for or when He VVhom fear makes fiercer jogs them so 14 to get By proof from his Great Book a doubtful Debt Their hollow bellows then vast Lies do blow Their breasts bespaul'd But if their Crop you 'd know An Hundred Lawyers equal scarce by weight The 15 Red-coat Chariotier Lacerta's state The Leaders sit pale Ajax thou dost rise To save one's Question'd state Thy 16 Judge is wise Bubulcus Fool thy entrals crack that Tird Green 17 Palmes may make thy stairs and thee admir'd What 's thy Tongues Hire Some shrunk Gammon a Dish Of Tunnies or your 18 Moor's state Monthly-Fish Or Wine brought down by Tiber Thou shalt have Five Flaggons for four Pleadings and that 's Brave But if some Gold thou get'sts for some hard Cause By compact hee 'l have part that shew'd the Laws They 'l give Aemilius what he 'l aske yet we Plead better but in his large Porch they see A brazen Chariot four brave Horses and Himself on a fierce Warlike Steed his hand With bended Spear threatning aloft doth fright His one eyed Statue Meditates a Fight Thus 19 Pedo breaks Matho Tongillus too That makes with his great Oil-horn much a do Vexing the Baths with his dagg'd rout and oft His long-pol'd Litter Maesian slaves aloft Bear through the Forum You would think he 'd buy Boys Plate Myrrhe-vessels Farmes The Purple die Of his broad-studded Coat and Tyrian thread Promise no less Yet many a crafty head Gains thus Your Purple and Violet be Colours of Art They Mount your Lawyers Fee Yet they must Ruffle't and more wealth pretend But Rome to such expence Now sets no End Liv'd th' Ancients Now Cicero 20 ne're should see Two hundred Sesterces for his best Fee Wore he not a huge glist'ring Ring Who will Go Now to Law makes This his first Note still If thou hast eight Litter-men half a score Foll'wers a Chair behind 21 Gown'd Friends before Paulus did therefore still plead with a hir'd Sardonix got more ' cause thus admir'd Then Cossus could or Basilus 'T is Rare If Eloquence be found in Gown thread-bare When brings in Basilus a weeping Mother VVho'll hear him plead though well Seek then some other Law-Courts in France or Africa the Nurse Of Lawyers Tongue-work there may fill thy purse Thou Iron-breasted Vectius teachest Boys How to Declame 22 though their full Forms with noise Have kill'd fierce Tyrants For what on his Seat He read ev'n now standing he does repeat Tuning the same things in the same words still Such oft-dress'd 23 Colewort does poor Masters kill The Reasons of a Cause the kind the main Point and what Darts may be return'd again All fain would learn Reward none does bestow Reward says one why pray y' what do I know The Masters blam'd when in a heart unfit Th' Arcadian block-head has no spark of wit Each 24 Sixt day his dire Hannibal my pate Does fill in doubt from Cannae to march straight To Rome or after storms and thunder stay And lead his well-wash'd Troops some other way I le give straight what thou'lt ask if thou canst make A Father hear his Son so oft Some take A better course yet for some six or more Sophisters in the Courts with like throat roar They plead True Causes and leave-off to speak Of Poisons Feign'd Rapes Husbands that break Their Vow and Mortars that strange Med'cines hold Temper'd by Art to Cure the Blind though old The Rod of Freedome then he should bestow Upon Himself could I prevaile and go In a New way of Life who should descend From Rhet'rick Shade to Law-fight least he spend His little Coine which must get him a small Corn-mark That 's his Best pay Learn what is All Chrysogonus and Pollio get t' impart To Great mens sons near Theodorus's Art Their 25 Baths shall cost six Hundred their walks more Where they may ride when 't rains should they indure Till the Skie's fair or soil their Mules so fine Heer rather here their neat Mule's hoof may Shine Yonder 26 a Feasting-room shall mount on high Numidian Pillars breasting th' Eastern Skie VVhats'ere This costs a Carver shall beside Order each
concerning Scylla and Carybdis the Cyanean rocks at the Thracian Bosphorus the Bags that Aeolus kept the Winds in and that Elpenor the companion of Vlysses was with his Sea-men turn'd to hogs by Circe's enchantments then that there were any Men-eaters and that he might therefore likewise well have said Is there no body that will throw into the Sea this lying Imposter Vlysses this Aretalogus seeking to please us by abusing us Which name Aretalogus is here by some taken for a description of Crispinus the Aegyptian who is set-out also Sat. 4. not without scorn The word is by some drawn from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gratus pleasing signifying such as speak pleasing things delighting guests and moving to laughter so Marcellus Donatus who in his Dilucidations on Sueson's Augustus cap. 74. says it may come likewise from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so takes it for such as talk of vertue but do not practice it like those touch'd in the Second Satyre in which sense or near it as Casaubon on that of Sueton takes it for a Parasitical Philosopher and for this reason Donatus thinks that mendax is added But the first interpretation is the most received as by Turnebus Adversar lib. 10. cap. 12. and Others and so Aretalogi are by Pignorius de Servis 79. rendred by Narratores Fablers 7. When Junius yet was Consul lately done Sed nuper Consule Junio Gesta Some would have it here Consule Junco some Vinco though without proof and congruity but the best Copies the Poetry being helped by a Synaeresis have Junio as Pithaeus reads according to two Manuscripts which he used and accordingly he expounds it of Appius Junius Sabinus who as he says was Colleague with Domitian A. V. C. DCCCXXXVII Which reading I likewise choose both for the like warrant of Copie and agreement of time for though that Tacitus tells us of T. Vinius who was Collegue with Galba and so it might by conjecture be Consule Vinio yet both the word Nuper must here somewhat guide us and the probable time of this fact which being at Juvenal's abode in Aegypt cannot be better placed then in the raign of Domitian And this Reading Junio is confirm'd by two of the Copies which I use Corpus-Christi Ben. Jonson's Manuscripts Onely we a little rectifie the time of this Junius his Consulship it being one year before that which Pithaeus assigns namely in the year of Rome DCCCXXXVI in the fourth or as some in the third year of Domitian at which time Juvenal was in Aegypt as is shew'd in his Life The Poet adds that what He himself will here relate exceeds all Tragedies figuratively meaning so by syrmata which are the stately long roabs worn by great persons presented in Tragedies But whereas such facts are usually of some One or but of Few persons as an Orestes a Medaea a Thyestes or the like This was the Fact and Monster of a People 8. Ombos and Tentyra The common Copies have here Combos but the accurate Ortelius following Antoninus has Ombos aptly supposing the mistake to have been committed by the Amanuensis who when the Copie was read unto him hearing adhuc Ombos writ the last letter of the first word twice and so writ adhuc Combos As for the quarrels here described by our Author amongst the Aegyptians they are by Diodorus Siculus lib. 1. said to have been nourish'd by some of the Aegyptian Kings in policy so to keep the People whiles ridiculously divided from the danger of Conspiracies though there were other reasons also of such worship as Franciscus Floridus Sabinus shews in his Lection Subseciv lib. 3. cap. 1. And from these Aegyptian frensies in irreligion arose afterwards amongst the Christians according to some the wretched fancies of the Manichies Gnosticks and Marcionites But concerning the Combatants here spoken-of some as the learned Salmasius deny the Ombians and the Tentyrites to have been neighbours Indeed if we look into the Geogr. Vet. publish'd by the accurate Bertius we shall find Ombi as he has to be seated about 24. degrees in North-Latitude and on the East of Nilus and Tentyra about 26. degrees and on the West of Nilus and so about 2 degrees or 120. miles asunder Yet if by these names we understand the People as the chief of those parts in Juvenal's time they may easily be admitted to have been neighbours and in zeal to their own superstition to have been also enemies the Tentirites destroying Crocodiles and the Ombians adoring them But one cannot reasonably imagine that Juvenal should tell so strange a story though he were then in Aegypt mistake the names of the people that were the Actours 9. The Sun found Seven days after Septimus interdum sol invenit The Aegyptians as also Pythagoras held the number of Seven to be Sacred and more especially they believ'd that whiles their feast of seven days lasted the Crocodiles lost their inbred Cruelty See Pignorius in Mens Isiac Expos fol. 18. Leo Afer also in his description of Africa lib. 8. says that even in His time who lived but in the time of Pope Leo the tenth who gave him his own name in Baptisme upon his conversion from Mahometanisme the custome of feasting seven days and so many nights was still used for the happy overflowing of Nilus The Poet adds that though the Aegyptians in that part where he was were but barbarous they were as luxurious as the Canopians under which name he aims at Crispinus who in the beginning of these Satyres is called Verna Canopi and so base even amongst the Aegyptians their Priests being Free-men their Crafts-men Servile as the learned Cunaeus notes on this Crispinus de Repub. Hebr. lib. 1. cap. 5. 10. Hence Hate gnaws These Hinc jejunum odium He speaks of the envious Tentyrites who grieved at the Ombians jollity passed from Spight to a Fight and for want of weapons to throwing of stones though not very great but suteable to the size of men now-adays says the Poet according to the common complaint about the supposed decay of Man's stature Pliny in his 7th book denying an increase whiles he says that few men are taller than their parents of which kind of complaint and mistake see largely and learnedly in Dr. Hakewill his excellen Apologie But says the Poet A diverticulo repetatur fabula that is to return to our relation the Tentyrites who delight in their stately palme-trees put the Onbians to slight and press them sore Terga fugae celeri praestantibus omnibus instant in which place one manuscript has it thus Terga fugae celeri praestant instantibus orbes by which seem to be meant Ombiorum orbes saltatorii that the Ombians dancing in Rounds being put to the worst fled but the contexture following is more agreeable to the common copies which have Terga praestantibus omnibus instat Qui vicina colunt Some read praestant instantibus Ombis but then the next verse Qui vicina c. would imply
strong concoctions heâ—â— and is yet raw Briefly whatsoe're on Citrean beds is writ VVe hence exclude as th' excrement of wit Thou dost some dish of good hot meat provide For some poor wretch whose belly 's his tongues guide Or to thy quaking foll'wer thou dost cast Thy thread-bare cloak which could no longer last Then thus thou speak'st You know ev'n from my youth I hated lies now therefore tell me truth Of me P. Can He tell truth Wilâ— let me speak Thou triflest bald-pate asâ—e and thy skills weak Seeing a fat-hogge-trough-pâ—â—ch before thee struts Full eighteen inches with a load of guts O blessed 3 Janus happy is thy luck Behind thy back whom never 4 Storks bill struck At whom no nimble singer'd hand being fram'd Like Asses white ears ever yet was aim'd Nor so much â—â—â—gue thrust forth in a base flout As an Apulian biâ—ch for thirst liâ—â— our You O Patrician blood whose heads are blind I' th' hinder part prevent a scorn behind What do men say That now your verses flow In a soft number'd pace both sweet and slow Whose well-smooth'd parts are so exactly joynd That the severest nail can never find The least unev'ness O says one he makes A verse as he that his true level takes Shutting one eye for to direct his line VVhich drawing with red oaker he doth signe VVhether he scourge with his deep-wounding times The delicate soft manners of the times Or th' impious Banquets of revenging Kings Our Poets Muse can well express great things P. I You shall see a fellow dare assay To write Heroick acts who th' other day But trifl'd out some Fables of small worth In scarce true Greek whose skill cannot paint forth A pleasant self-describing Grove's delights Nor praise the full-stor'd Country that ev'n writes The story of its own abundant store VVhere fruits and fire-wood and the fat'ned Boat Are never wanting where the shepheards feast Sacred to Pales is t' expel the Beast That hates the Lamb where shepheards on that day Are purged in a fire of smoaking hay Whence Remus sprung where Quintius thou wast born And where thy Plow-share was in furrows worn VVhen as thy wife trembling with joy and fear Made thee the great Dictators roabs to wear Before thine Oxen and to leave them Now Making the Lictor carry home thy Plow Behold then this brave Poet Some there are To whom Brisean Labeo's book seems rate VVhose lines swell like full Veins Others desire Pacuvius whom much they do admire And love often to read and ev'n to stay Upon his knotty harsh Antiopa VVhose woful heart was nourished with greif The Depth of sorrow yielding some releif When thou shall see the blear-eyed father teach His son these things can'st thou not quickly reach To know the cause how this our vile disgrace This hissing Frying-pan of Speach took place First in our Tongues And yet wherein our smooth Trossulians vainly themselves do sooth And ev'n leap in their seats when they hear Old words which please their thick false judging ear VVhen th' art accus'd art not asham'd to be Not able thy now-Aged head to free From fear o' th' law but love the luke-warm cry Of all thy hearers crying Decently Pedius says one unto thy charge I lay The guilt of theft VVhat now doth Pedius say In smooth 5 Antitheta's his faul't he weighs And for his learned Figures wins much praise O neat O neat In judging thou dost fail Base fawning Romane dost thou wagge thy tail For think'st thou if some ship-wrack't wretch should Sing He e're from me one Half-penny should wring Dost Sing when at thy shoulder thou dost wear Thy self and ship which the sharp rocks did tear His tears shall be express'd through's Misery Not-Studied for by Night that would move me To pity M. Yet in Numbers O there shines Beauteous composure added to those lines Which were before but raw P. I so it seems For one this as the only skill esteems To end his verse But O ridiculous VVith Berecynthian Atys or else thus The Dolphin which did cut Cerulean Nereus Ex'lent and this our Romans count most serious So thus another draws his numbred line We drew a Rib from the long Apennine M. Armes and the man I sing perchance you 'l dare To term this frothy fat-bark'd P. O no spare Your too-quick censure and dissolve your brow This Poem as an aged well-grown bough Season'd with time is with the warm Suns heat VVell boil'd in its own bark grown strong and great M. What then do you term soft and to be read VVith a loose-bending neck and bow'd-down head P. Their writh'd hornes the Mimallones did fill With sounds and Bassarâ— about to kill The scornful Calf snatching from him his head And Maenas as the spotted Lynx she lead With Ivy-bridles oft did Evion sound The reparable Eecho did rebound These these are brave But oh should such lines be If any vein of old Nobility Did live in us These weak lines in the Brim Of ev'ry mouth int h ' utmost spittle swim Maenas and Atys or some foolish Songs Are always in the moisture of their tongues They never Buffeted a Desk for These Or Bit their Nails such lines are writ with ease M. Grant this be true yet Sir You have no need With biting truth to make their soft ears bleed Well look you to 't I fear be not too bold Lest great mens thresholds towards you grow cold Me thinks th' are touched already and I hear The doggish letter R sound in mine ear P. Nay Sir rather then so all 's white and free All all is admitable well for me I will not hinder't Now y' are pleas'd I think You 'l say Let no man make my verses stink Making 6 a place for urine in a scorn Among my papers P. See then you adorn Your book and paint two Serpents on'r Boyes none Must urine in this Sacred place be gone And I 'le go first Yet did Lucilins cut Lewd Rome and thee O Lupus that didst glut Thy appetite and thee Mutius grown weak With lust and did on you his Jaw-tooth break So Subtile Horace laughing with his friend Would cunningly his vices reprehend And lying in his bosome in his heart VVould bitterly deride him with great art Skilful he was basely t' esteem the rout Yet ne're wrinkled his nose or seem'd to flour And may not I then Mutter not to th' Dust Not though Alone No where I will I must Digge here ev'n here My book I speak to Thee I 've seen I say I 've seen my tongues born free Who has not 7 Asses ears Thou shalt not buy This my obscure concealed mystery This my dear scoff my Nothing for whole miliads Of any base Poets long-winded Iliads Thou whoso'ere thou art that art inspir'd VVith bold Cratinus or with zeal art fir'd Like angry Eupolis and art grown pale With that old man whose stile with a full sail Bears strong against foul vice vouchsafe a glance On
hand then from the ferula 7 we have Withdrawn Advice we once to Sylla gave 8 To sleep retir'd and safe But since we meet Poets such is the store in ev'ry street 'T were silly Clemency to spare the cost Of paper 9 though 't is likely 't wil be lost Yet wherefore in this field 10 I rather run In which happy Aurunca's worthy Son 11 With Art did turn his Horses if you are At leasure and will hear I will declare When a soft Eunuch Weds 12 and Mevia strikes A Tuscan e Boar 13 nor with bare breasts dislikes To shake a Hunting-spear when one dares vie For vast Wealth f with our whole Nobilitie One whose officious Sizzers went snip snip As he my troublesome young Beard did clip When one of Nilus's Rout a servile pate Crispinus a Canopian whiles in state His Shoulder does his purple Cloak 14 recall Upon his sweating fingers fannes his small Summer-rings 15 and a larger Jewels weight Shunnes as a burden who but needs must straight Breath Satyre Who can tow'rds leud Rome remaine So Tame Who 's so stark Ir'n as to containe When pleading Matho comes yee in his New Litter fill'd with himself and next we view One that betrays 16 his great Friend then does waite To snatch what 's left of his consum'd Estate Whom Massa fears 17 whom Carus bribes a faire Thymele too 18 sent closely that he 'd spare Trembling Latinus when they Thee remove 19 Who become Heirs for Night-work and now prove That the best way of mounting to the skies Is by an old rich Widdows Lust to rise A Twelfth part Proculeius 20 does inherit Gillo Elev'n they 're Siz'd by Chamber-merit And let them take 't the price of Blood g and be As pale as one that with bare heels too free Has crush'd a Snake or one prepar'd for Fame At the Lugdunian Altar 21 to Declame What should I tell how my dri'd liver burns With wrath when a young VVard a Pathique turns Made Needy by his Guardian whose vast train Throngs-up the People and condemn'd in vain 22 For What 's Disgrace where Wealth is safe now quaffs In Exile from th' Eighth hour 23 Thus Marius laughs T' Enjoy his Angry Gods but Thou Prevailing Province findâ—st for thy wrongs no help but wailing Claime not these Crimes Flaccus's Venusian light And shan't I vex them shall I rather write Of Hercules or Diomedes luck h Of the loud Minotaure or the Sea struck By falling Icarus or th' happier wing Of Daedalus that flew from his fierce King When One his own wifes pandar becomes heire To her Adult'rer whiles the Law takes care 24 Shee shall not when to th' seeling he looks-up Or with a watchful Nose snortes by a Cup. VVhen He dares hope for a Praetorian Band VVho has on Stables spent with a vain hand His ancient Means whiles with swift Axle-tree O're the Flaminian way he flies for He 25 Like young Automedon the Rains did guide 26 VVhen by his VVarlike Mistress 27 he 'd be Ey'd Should not then Satyre in the Crosse-ways fill Large Table-books 28 when less then six necks will Not serve to bear one in his gazing Chaire After Mecaenas's garb who has by rare Forgery got a brave Estate by small VVills and a moistn'd Ring that seal'd them all Loe a rich Dame mild Calene wine as due To ' her Husbands thirst brings but brings toads juice too Her Neeces this Locusta 29 shews the way In spight of Fame and People to conveigh Stain'd Husbands to their fun'ralls Something dare Worthy the narrow Gyarus 30 or th' aire Of a loath'd Jaile if some body thou'dst be Honesty 's Prais'd and Quakes with cold we see Unto their Crimes they owe their whole Estate Palaces Gardens Tables Ancient Plate The Goat too 31 which from their proud bouls juts-out VVho can take rest for one that beyond doubt Bribes his Son's wife to Lust For Male-brides and Adult'rous i Boyes 32 If Nature wont command Verse Indignation shall at least indite Such lines as I or Cluvienus write From That time that Deucalion's Ship ascended Parnassus's top show'rs to the Sea extended VVhen he his Lot enquir'd and soft stones grew VVarm with a soul when Maids that vail ne'r knew Pyrrha to Men did bring whats'ere men do Their Vows Fear VVrath Delight Joy Visits too Is our Book 's Mixture And when e're did Vice More flow VVhen open lay to Avarice A larger Haven VVhen did Dice Intrance Our minds Thus For they go to th' Tables chance Not with a Purse the Chest 's at stake There see Their Battels with their Stewards such as be Squires of their Dice and Coine To cast-away A hundred Sesterces 33 and then not pay A coat to ' a Quaking Servant is' t a small Madnesse So many brave Piles 34 which of all Th' Ancients built in the Country VVho alone 35 Supp'd with seaven dishes Now there 's only knowne A Basket-doal 36 at the outmost door to wait VVhich will by the gown'd rout be snatch'd-up straight Yet first the Steward sees one's face and quakes Fearing one by some forg'd name craves and takes VVhen known th' art serv'd He bids the Crier next Call our Prime Trojans for the thresholds vext By these too Serve the Praetor then dispatch The Tribune But a Libertine 37 lies at th' catch As First I 'me First sayes he nor may I fear Or doubt to prove my Place although born near Euphrates as the dainty windows 38 show In my freed ear though I deny 't But know Five Burses which I let adde to my store Four hundred Sesterces 39 And pray what more Can Purple give If your Corvinus keep In the Laurentine fields anothers Sheep Pallas and the Licinii 40 in estate I far surpasse let then your Tribunes waite Let Wealth take place and let not him that come But th' other day with his chalk'd feet 41 to Rome Once yield to sacred Honor k since we hold As most Divine the Majestie of Gold Though woeful Mony Temple none thou hast 42 VVhiles Peace Faith Vertue Vict'ry thus are grac'd And Concord whose old Temple 43 which yields store Of Storks sounds when with Beak their Nest th' adore But when your Great Ones at th' years end account To what the Doal does make their gains amount VVhat shall poor Clients do who hence must buy Gown Shoes Bread Fire A throng of Litters cry Out for the Hundred Farthings l their VVives jumble After though Sick or Great as they can tumble One craves for 's Absent wife by a trick now known A litter clos'd 44 he shews but wife there 's none My Galla 't is sayes he Quick order keep Galla appear No noise Sir shee 's asleep The Day does th' Order of their Business follow The Doal's First Next the Law-court and Apollo m Grown Lawyer the Triumphal Statues too ' Mongst which a vile Aegyptian one that drew Gain from th' Arabian Custome 45 has not fear'd To have his Titles but at
was afterwards called Prandium which thus came to pass The Romans at the first called their repast at Noon Merenda and used to fast from that time till Supper but afterwards Luxury encreasing amongst them they thought it too much to fast so long and therefore made another meal between then calling that meal Prandium which before was called Merenda and bestowing this name Merenda on the new repast which their delicacy invented Yet Andreas Baccius de Conviviis Antiquorum lib. 4. hath a conceit though he denies not the former Etymologie of Merenda thinking that it may be equally called so a Merendo and so that it properly signified the repast of Labourers which for conceit we may commend whiles we approve Manutius his Opinion for Truth This doubt then being removed the times of their repast were these First their Jentaculum which was the same with Prandiculum answered to our Break-fast Their second Prandium in an ordinary acception answered to our Dinner but in an accurate it agreed neither in time nor quantity of food their 's being about Noon or our twelve of the clock and but a light repast Their third Merenda bears apt proportion to our After-noon Bever or drinking Their fourth Coena called also Vesperna answered to our Supper Their fift Commessatio was a Drinking about two or three hours after Supper All these were used by the luxurious but the temperate were content with few Break-fasts were scarce used by any but Children Dinners likewise were made a full meal only by Them as too tender to endure hunger and by Labourers in whom the repair of strength makes food more necessary The better sort if they dined at al did it but slightly The Merenda was required by the merit of Labourers and the tenderness of Children Their Coena was the only meal which the better sort usually made and unto This were their most respected Invitations Their Commessatio was by the Riotous often abused but the learned made it the occasion of enjoying each others vertue and learning by discourse This light diet amongst the Romans may be understood to have been caused by the heat of their Climate whiles by experience we see that they which dwell far Northward when they come into the heat of Southerne Countries have an abatement of appetite 23. Whiles the Law takes care Adulterers used to bequeath their whole Estates to their Adulteresses which enormity Domitian endeavour'd to prevent by a Law by which he made all such infamous Women incapable of Legacies who did notwithstanding delude the Law by making their own Husbands Pandars to their Lust and so causing the Legacies to be given to Them 25. For He. Even in his Youth like another Automedon Achilles his Chariotier 26. The rains did guide It was a humour in the Roman dames to fall in love with such Gallants as could drive a Chariot bravely and therefore your young Nobles did use to shew themselves in the pride of their Art to their admiring Mistresses Which vanity is partly taxed in the eighth Satyre in that verse on Damasippus Ipse rotam stringit multo sufflamine Consul Nocte quidem and in that other Clara Damasippus Luce flagellum sumet 27. His Warlike Mistress Britannicus in this place by Lacernata amica understands Nero's Sporus being the rather induced to believe thus as we may conceive because by Lacerna we may Metonymically understand the Sex it being the Man's Garment and by amica vilely understood the abuse of the Sex But by the precedent Annotation which is the Exposition of Turnebus Advers lib. 28. cap. 24. it is manifest that in this place is taxed the humor of Women Here therefore he speaks of a Woman so that amica expresses the Sex and lacerna an abuse or impropriety it being properly the Souldiers Garment and therefore as Isidore tells us Lacernatus was used absolutely for Miles as Togatus for Vrbanus which the Scholiast well understood and therefore on this place sets this note Saryrice habitu virili foeminam describit So that according to the natural meaning of this place he calls a Woman thus stoutly affected with the hurrying of Chariots a Warlike Mistresse To have follow'd the letter I should have rendred it His Cloak'd Mistress or his Mistress using the Souldiers Cloak but because it is spoken by a metonymie of the Adjunct which more agrees with the sense I chose rather to render it by the aptness then the severe propriety of the word 28. Large table-Table-books Tables of wood covered with wax on which they writ with an Instrument of Iron or Brass and therefore they were called Pugillares à pungendo as Aldus Manutius observes De quaesitis per Epist lib. 2. Epist 1. Of these Tables see Lud. Carrio Emendations lib. 2. cap. 6. Meursius upon Lycophron p. 340. Victorius his Variar Lection lib. 16. cap. 5. and Laurentius Pignorius de Servis pag. 116. 117. In the first of which he says Pugillarium forma fuit oblonga quadrata eminenti quadam margine circumcirca conclusa ut vidimus Romae in veteri arca sepulchral◠in hortis Cyriaci Matheii Which I note because Georgius Longus de Annulis Signatoriis cap. 8. describes them to have been of a triangular form In the last cited page of Pignorius is expressed the form of the Roman Graphium or Stylus which was sharp at the one end to write with and flat at the other to smooth out what they had written It was commonly carried in a little case called Graphiarium as Philip Beroald notes in his Commentary upon Sueton lib. 1. cap. 82. and Pignorius pag. 119. And because it was too apt and dangerous to stab with and too frequently abused in that practise it was sometime at Rome publickly prohibited to be worn if made of Iron such only being permitted as were made of bone as Casaubon notes on the forecited place of Sueton. Before the invention of paper they did use to write on Palme leaves as some tell us yet see Sat. 8. Illustrat 9. on the barks also of trees strictly the inward rind of them as also on lead on linnen and on waxen tables which last remain'd in use after the invention of Paper and Ink being portable and convenient See Aldus Manutius de Quaesitis per Epistol lib. 2. Epist 1. and Cornelius Witellius in his Annet in Georg. Merulam cap. 3. 29. Locusta A notorious wretch of this name there was in the time of Nero whom she help'd by her execrable experience in poisons to dispatch Britannicus See Sueton's Nero cap. 33. 30. The narrow Gyarus A place in the Aegean Sea of most uncomfortable banishment 31. The Goat too The Images on the sides or foot of their stately bouls One Manuscript not to omit the mirth would teach us that Caper here mentioned was a Philosopher and so tell us that by stantem extra pocula we must understand that he was a Sober one 32. Adultrous Boyes An elegant contradiction praetextatus
to be detested which pretend the Love and knowledge of Vertue but are destitute of both 3. Bids a first-form'd Cleanthes Et jubet archetypos plutenm servare Cleanthas the antique images of Cleanthes such pictures and statues being called â—â—chetype as are first form'd and those ectype which are made by the first The first as most ancient and true were held in great estimation and therefore with the more curiositie sought-after by these hypocrites But this passage is not without some difficulties arising from the diverse fignifications of pluteus and the ambiguous order of the construction Pluteus is properly taken for a Desk figuratively for a studie or the books in it The Manuscript Commentary takes it in the first sense telling us that they us'd anciently to draw the pictures of learned men upon their desks whereon they writ The Scholiast takes it according to the second for a study so likewise Britannicus who though the opinion be in a sort true illustrates it ill from that of Persius Nec pluteum caedit as if the Poet had there implied that Poets when their compositions were not easy but with violence us'd to knock their knuckles against their studie-walls But the whole difficulty may be best removed by taking notice of the custome of the Romans who orderd several sorts of Images into several places The first of which was before their Gates where they placed the Images of their Ancestours expressed in brass or such solid matter The second was in their Halls as in a conspicuous part of their house and here they set the like statues but curiously wrought in waxe The third was in their Chamber where they placed their Lares for the careful keeping of which a servant was appointed then the Images of those friends whom they lov'd most dearly as also the Deities which had the care of the Marriage bed The Roman Emperors in latter times kept here also a golden Image of Fortune yet Domitian had not an Image of Fortune but of Minerva as before him Tully also had The fourth place was their pinacotheca by comparison of the use we may call it a gallerie of pictures and in this they placed the representations of their Gods and their Heroës and likewise painted fables and histories The fift and last was their study wherein they kept the Images of Learned men Of which two last that place of Lampridius may seem properly to be understood in his Alexand. where he speaks of the Emperor's two-fold Lararium in the one of which he says he had the Images of Apollonius Abraham and Orpheus and this agrees with the use of their pinacotheca in the other he says he had the Images of Virgil and Tully and this agrees with the propertie of their bibliatheca or study By this then we may avoid the error of Calderine who says that pluteus here signifies pinacotheca for proof alleging that of Pliny Pinacothecas veteribus tabulis consumunt as he reads it or consnuâ—t as the common copies have it as ill or rather as Dinoâ—sius Peravius in his Notes upon Synes Caâ—â—it Encom p 27. better conjectures construunt Lubin likewise though he delivers and chooses the true opinion says this also may stand which cannot be For since the Images of learned men were kept only in their studies not in their galleries and that pluteus according to themselves signifies the place where such Images were kept it follows that pluteus here cannot fignifie pinacotheca but bibliotheca That place of Pliny shews only that in their pinacotheca they kept Images but that they were not of learned men appears from the distinction of places See also Beroald upon Sucron's Augustus cap. 7. and Casaubon on the same place To applie this Pluteus may be taken conveniently in the second or third sense for a studie or the books in it the figure and sense bearing boâ—h As for the Order of the construction some would have it that the study should keep the Images but this is cold and without life the contrary order more happily expressing the vigour of Ironie According to which way of interpretation our Poet then says That this ignorant hypocrite never applying himself to his book bids his Images take care that his studie and Books run not away 4. Their locks Supercilio brevior coma By this passage it is commonly conceived that the Severe Philosophers cut the hair of their head as short as that upon their eye brow But with what truth then could Seneca have said Epist 5. describing the form of the severe Philosopher Asperum incultum intonsum caput negligetiorem barbam devita For the removing therefore of this scruple we may take notice of the Scholiast upon Aristophanes his Nâ—â—â—â— Act. 1. sc 1. writing thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which last words implie as Heraldus observes in his Adversar lib. 2. cap. 16. that the Stoicks were close-cut only in the lower part of the head where locks were by others nourished but that upon the upper part of their head their hair was negligently rough The sense then of this place lies in the special acception of Coma which is not here in a general acception the same with cupiâ—â—us the hair of the head but rather as much as compta caesaries the ornament of locks which the negligent Roughness of these Stoicks avoided 5. With a Herculean style Verbis Herculis Some make this an allusion to a passage in Xenophon in which Hercules is described severely checking the Woman that offerd him Pleasure and following her that represented Vertue according to which this may be expounded and the rather because it follows Et de virtute loqunti which seems aptly to express that story of Hercules Yet to speak with libertie I think this not to be the Poets intent and that this verse does only casually agree with that description For we must suppose that the Poet's meaning was in his own time commonly understood and that therefore probably it had not a special reference to a private story with which few were acquainted More likely therefore it is that he alludes to the famous labours of Hercules whose hand known to be dreadful in the taining of Monsters these false Stoicks whom Juvonal detested would seem to emulate using as terrible language against the monsters of Vice and so striving in a diverse kind to be as fierce as Hercules himself and thus Hercules his words or style are such as might seem sutable to Hercules his Courage 6. The three Scholars of Sylla These by the Scholiast are said to be Caesar Pompey and Crassus yet by way of probability he changes them into Angustus Lepius and Antonie Indeed though the instance in the three first be a truth yet we may say that the three last not so nere to Sylla in Time were nearer to him in Imitation 7. A serve Adulterer Nuper pollutus adulter Inverpreters differ much in defining the person here intended Diverse think it to be Caligula
every Cardinal now at Rome keeps in such plenty that a Notary can hardly remember for him their Names and Employments This trouble Augustus once saved the Antient Romans and forbade any of them to have Servos aut Libertos supra viginti aut Plus quingentis millibus mummûm But Luxury which knows no Laws even in this broke them m The poor man that liv'd in them though last yet should infallibly burn so that the slats his only cover for being in the Garrats of the house he had no floor above him would not in this dysaster be his defence This Tegula sola here is the same with Coenaculum elsewhere Which was inhabited by none but poor Poets as Mart. Scalis habito trilnes sed 〈◊〉 poor Philosophers poor Labourers and in the begining of the Gospel poor Christians or their Inmâ—â—es as well as Emblâ—me the poor Doves Whose laying their eggs in these rooms perhaps gave Occasion to the Greeks to call Coenaculum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 St. Mark in his last Chap. calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n A Minerva drawn to the wast according to the mode of those times Hence the jest Cicero past on his Brother Q. who being but a little man yet his Effigies ingentibus lineamentis usque ad Pectus ducta made the Orator pleasantly say Frater meus dimidiâ—ate major est quam Totus Macrob. L. 2. c. 3. Satur. o Who never did eat any thing but herbs p Mandra according to the Old Scholiast signifies a hog-sty according to Mart. Ep. lib. 5. 't is the Stals of Mules and Generally any stable So that as we Metonymically say a person lost his stable for the horses in it here also Mandra is put for the Mules it entertained who standing in the Cart and being cursed by their driver make up what is meant by Stantis Convitia Mandrae St. Bafil calls the stable in which Christ was born 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vt item Ovile dicitur pro Ecclesia Christi sic Mandra ponitur pro Coenobio tanquam in quo sint Oves Christi And thence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an Abbot and Archimandritis an Abbess q Claudius Drusus Caesar and the Seal or Sea-Calf were equally drowsie Stornunt se somno diverso in littore Phocae Virg. Georg. lib. 4. Pliny r A Tall-Chair-man for this at Rome with some other as servile was the usual employment of the People of Liburnia a part of Illyria between Istria and Dalmatia 't is now call'd Croatia Tarde venisse Liburnos s He means Authepsa a vessel of the same use with a Kitchin 'T was divided into two Cells in the uppermost of which they could put their Sportula or doal of meat in the lower one fire to dress the Raw or keep the dress'd flesh warm This was portable and the faster they went with it the better the fire burned in it Et cursu ventilat ignem v. 259. Cicero pro Roscio Amer. tells us as much was paid for one of these as would pay for a farm The name is deduced ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod sua sponte coquit Vid. Cic. sub sin Orat. t This Town of the Latines was Juvenal's Birth place and that great Schoolman's Thonias Aquinas call'd by our Countrymen St. Thom. of Watering A moist place the Temple of the Elvin Ceres proves it to be which is as much as Ceres of the Washes or Marshes Hence the spring and River of Elvis took their Names ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE Third Satyre Cophinus Premere pollices and vertere pollicem how they differ'd Foricariâ— Mitra Trechedipna Niceteria A facie jactare manus Cottabus Manes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 latage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an acclamation in Drinking Trulla Claudere latus Alta sella Tribuni Stipendium Samothtacum Arae and Dii Patrii according to Macrobius Equestria and Popularia Pinnirapus Lanista Cucullus Venetus Toga Exodium The consecration of Hair and the First Beard Cakes presented at such Solennities Great Men's register-Register-books of their Clients and their Nomenclators Opici mures Dii Phaecasiani Modius Coena recta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strigil the matter use and form of it Sectile porrum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ceres Helvina Adjutor Caligatus 1. AT private Cumae Vacuis Cumis Vmbritius a skilful Aruspex and a friend of Juvenal is wittily brought-in giving the causes of his departure from the City and telling whither he would go to dwell namely to Cumae where Sibylla had a Chappel and where as Vmbritius afterwards speaks Daedalus put-off his wings or rested after his flight from Minos But the Poet calling it here Empty Cumae and yet little after Janua Baiarum and so greatly frequented being a thorough-fare to those frequented Bathes to prevent the seeming inconvenience of some contradiction I render it private Cumae it being so according to the Poet's intent it compar'd with Rome And as he thus preferr'd Cumae before Rome so likewise Prochyta a small Iland near Baia and the Campanian shoar before Suburra a most delightful street in Rome * Juv. Sat. 3. Illustr 1 The Baian prospect and delight is thus presented by the courtesie of Bertellius in his Theater of the Italian Cities p. 84. by which Caligula's bridge of ships may be the better understood of which see Sat. 10. Illustr 31. 2. And in August's heat When Poets read He notes the importunate ambition of Poets who not content to read at other times of the year would trouble men even in August also when men usually sought the shady relief of the Country This Custome is partly touch'd Sat. 1. Illust 5. 3. Some Jews Whose hay and basket is their wealth Judais quorum cophinus foenumque supellex The Poet in this difficult passage inveighing against the base coveteousness of his times says that for Gain they did rent-out sacred places as Groves and that to the poor Jews whose poverty he describes by their Basket and Hay which as he says was all their householdstuffe And if we ask why by such marks their necessity should be expressed Lubin makes answer Supellex erat cophinus in quo victum cibum gerebant foenum adjumenti alimentum But why should we suppose a poor Jew to be able to keep a beast when as he was fain to beg to keep himself as Lubin acknowledges whiles he expounds mendicat silva by the poor Jews who hiring obscure habitations in Groves went begging about from door to door Besides if their hay was for their beast why did they carry it about with them Or how will this agree with that in Sat. 6. Cophino foenoque velicto Arcanam Judaea trement mendient in aurem implying rather that they left them at their poor home when they went forth to beg Some think that the Hay was for the their Bed so Britannicus on Sat. 6. v. 540. saying foenum ubi cubitavent but this seems but vain it we confider
Patrons favour are forced to take all flattering courses in their several professions as to barb their Patron 's servants of riper age and if he had any younger and wanton attendant to trimme his locks or rather when his hair was cut-off and dedicated to some God which time was accounted Festival they were glad to send bribing-cakes as presents to the young favorite which being many and costly he sold again as men over-fill'd with New year's guifts and so grew rich This is the most received interpretation as implying the fond custome in the dedication of their Hair and First Beard as also the Offring it self in a manner holy Liba properly as Britannicus notes being offrings to the Gods Concerning the Custome of offring their first beard to some God Sueton mentions it of Nero whose beard being cut-off was put in a box and being adorn'd with pearls was dedicated Of the Dedication likewise of their Hair Martial speaks lib. 1. epig. 31. in those words Hos tibi Phoebe vovet totos à vertice crines Encolpus Domini Centurionis opus But we must take notice that some latter criticks do according to some copies read here Plena domus libris venalibus understanding it of a custome in Great mens houses to keep books containing a vain-glorious catalogue of all their clients which books say they among whom is Pignorius were sold unto Great mens Clients at dear rates For the first of which that they had such books I grant that Seneca de Benef. lib. 6. cap. 33. cited by Pignorius de Servis p. 218. implies it but as for the copying of them out for sale and so for any great gain it seems but a supposition the use of these books being not for the clients but for the Patrons or rather for their Nomenclator or Prompter who readily was to tell them the name of any client that came to salute them as Lipsius shews on that passage of Seneca Wherefore we may probably suspect those few manuscripts which have this last Reading as being but ignorantly transcribed and the occasion of more phansie then truth Besides methinks that if these Criticks had but observed the connexion of the Poets discourse they could not easily have interjected this impertinent argument For with what proprietie should the Poet have immediately added accipe illud Fermentum tibi habe take also this Leaven with you if he had not spoken of Liba before What proprietie of inference from Libri to Fermentum But having spoken of dainty cakes which are usually made light and easy of digestion to shew notwithstanding if they were truly consider'd that they were heavy to a poor client what could more naturally and aptly be said then that these cakes though fine did notwithstanding not want their leaven which might justly make a poor client Swell with anger at the charge Where it may be observ'd that the Poet in the person of Vmbritius bids the client though he gives away his cake yet to keep the Leaven to himself fermentum tibi habe says he implying that the rich favourite had the guift and the poor client the greif 31. And Barb'rous mice gnaw'd Poems though Divine Et divina Opici rodebant carmina mures The Poet proceeding to describe the misery of the poorer sort shews that they were forced to hire the cock-losts of mean mens houses to which they usually ascended by a ladder according to that of Martial lib. 1. epig. 117. Et scalis habito tribus sed altis and there dwelt in a place next the slats fitter for pigeons then men and which if a fire happen'd below was unhappily ready for instant ruine yet even in a storme without all fear of drowning Orbilius the rigid School-master as Sueton describes him had such a habitation in his old age and here Codrus a poor Poet by Juvenal call'd raucus Sat. I. seems to be dressed in the like povertie as may appear by the small furniture of his house in which he had yet forsooth a statue or two particularly one of Cheiron which underpropp'd his table Yet some would here understand the Works of Cheiron who was Physitian to the Argonautick fleet and that poor Codrus not thriving by his Poetrie turn'd Physitian But this last they speak without proof and the Poet seems only to imply that this Codrus was not accommodated either with the ordinary ornaments of a house or with so much as a convenient place for his few books which it seems were so coursly layd-up that the mice gnaw'd them Concerning the explication of which last and cheif passage we may know that some would have Opici come from Ops terra and so it should signifie earthly or base mice others rather from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which say they signifies to imitate the noise of mice when they gnaw and so it might nibbling mice Which interpretations are recited in the manuscript commentary and the last is perferr'd and so in the margin of one manuscript opici is expounded by rosores which is a tautologie being but to say rosores rodebant The Scholiast brings it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but makes it to signify those that speak unskilfully or according to others those that have an unpleasant â—â—â—ce Mancinellus an ancient Interpreter of Juveâ—al and since him others deriv'd it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 câ—verna or foramen which we may grant to be an ingenious conjecture according to which it might be rendred lurking mice Some take Opicus for one that is ignorant of the Greek language and prove it from Agellius lib. 11. cap. 16. where he says Perâ—unctantâ— cuipiam qui literarum vocum Graecarum expers fuit cujusnam liber quâ de re scriptus esset adds tunc ille opicus verbis meis inchoatis inconditis adductus and that this should be the sense they the rather think because he speaks of Greek books which Codrus had and which are here said to be gnaw'd Yet Britaâ—â—jcus though he alleges this thinks that opicus signifies one ignorant of the Latin and so expounds Opici by Rudes barbari nec qui Latine sciant But the word and sense he draws from Opici a People of Campania the same with the Osci a rude people of whom that of Titinius an old Poet is spoken Osce Volsce fabulantur nam Latine nesciunt Which derivation is very agreeable to the sense of this place But whereas some out of Agellius would have it signifie one ignorant in the Greek we may admit that it signifies so there yet only by accident and that in the like manner it may signifie one ignorant in the Latin but properly it signifies one ignorant or rude in Speech and of the two in This place rather rude in the Latin then in the Greek And this way of interpretation will most aptly agree with the sense of this passage and likewise shew why we receive not the derivation frem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 foramen For first it were but
Caesars own house he being then Summus Pontifex he venterously obtain'd his adulterous purpose 37. But who shall keep the Keepers Eunuches that attended on their Ladies chamber called Custodes Which kind of service intended for the preservation of the Wifes chastity did belong sometimes to the Papas who was the instructer of their children as Pignorius observes de Serviâ— pag. 188. 38. Some of more art have Eunuchs Yet some even of the Heathen have been so chastly severe as to teach that the society of man and woman should not be for pleasure but issue So taught Ocellus Lucanus the Scholar of Pythagoras in his Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publish'd with Annotations by Nogarola Some verses following I omit so might my Author but the boldness of their Vice added boldness to his Indignation 39. His button will not hold Nullius sibula durat Vocem vendentis Praetoribus See the 11th Illustrat of this Satyre Juv. Sat. VI. Illust. 40. 41. The Comet that did bring Fear to the Armenian and the Parthian King that is to the enemies of the Roman Empire says Britannicus rightly yet but generally Lubin refers it more particularly to the raign of Trajan who undertook an expedition against the Armenians and Parthians yet this his opinion may seem less probable because Juvenal was about the fixtieth year of his age in the begining of Trajan's raign but the vigour of this Satyre seems more agreeable to the younger vigour of his life and wit Secondly though such a War was in Trajan's time yet there is no Comet then pointed at Wherefore it may most conveniently be referred to a Comet in Vespasians time of which when it was shew'd to him he jestingly said This prodigy belongs to the Parthian that wears long hair but Vespasian died shortly after The Poet here farther inveighs against some Roman dames that were impudent News-makers as he implies in the word facit in that passage quosdam facit isse Niphatem in populos one faigns that the great Armenian River Niphates has rush'd upon or overwhelm'd much people adding that their Phansie and Tongue committed more such outrage of News 42. By night Baluea nocte subit In the description of a rich disorderly woman the Poet implies divers Roman Customes and their Order as their repairing to the Bath before Supper but by this Dame deferr'd till late in the night as he intimates by the Guests staying for her return till they were as much oppress'd with sleep as with hunger Then their Exercising themselves there with an heavy mass of lead in their hands to procure swearing such weights they call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they used them in leaping Seneca mentions them Epist 57. Next their being Anointed as this dame was here but by a Male attendant in which passage I a little veile my Authour After which preparations the Vse of the Bath it self and lastly after their Bathing and before Supper their emptying of their stomacks Which last custome was call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being a soul practice of pouring down liquor without breathing and then vomiting it up again a thing hurtful to the eyes and making the body costive and justly here reprehended in the Roman dames as Parrhasius notes Epist 26. Yet whereas the Poet says that this dame had an aliptes or an anointer which was a man this was the vileness but of some few this office being performed to modest matrons by maidens 44. Which being wash'd the draught Returns and on the floor is dash'd Dum redit loto tertam ferit intestino The Poet expressing that this ruddy Dame thirsted for a flaggon full of Wine oeuopherum as it is commonly expounded and drank before Supper for the cleansing of her stomach a double draught of Wine each Jeâ—tarius about a pint and a half prosecutes it saying the draught through offence of stomach returned or was cast up againe and wash'd the marble pavement thus aggravating the excess as some heighten it as if she had cast up not only the Wine with such fierce provocation But whereas Britannicus observes from the words admotum pedibus that it was bad Wine and so such as she intended to vomit because it was set at her foot it seems rather to have been placed so only in a scornful state as the quantity of the Vessel implies it being an Urne of Wine four gallons and an half and such a luxurious Dame no doubt disdaining to drink bad wine especially she loving Wine as the Poet expresses it as eagerly as the Serpent is said to do 43. To raise fierce stomach Rabidam facturus orexin Such a greedy appetite as the Cretians are taxed for according to some in that of their Country-man Epimenides cited by St. Paul Tit. 1.12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which last words though they are commonly render'd slow bellies and though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 often signifies igâ—avus and albus yet as Gulielmus Canterus Novar Lection lib. 1. cap. 15. observes it signifies also not seldom velox and avidus implying such an orexis as is here mentioned And so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Poets as he notes may signifie not white dogs but eager and swift as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sodainly or quickly forgetful Thus in this of St. Paul according to him it shall signifie eager and devouâ—ing bellies which otherwise are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And therefore Canterus thinks that Epimenides used the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insteed of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only for the necessity of his verse and Phavorinus interpreting this verse expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for so he reads it and more Attickly not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Canterus the rather dislikes the common exposition there being no great reprehension as he says in the term slow bellies but when the belly says he is taken in an ill sense nothing that is disgraceful is usually added to it Yet then by his leave what needed Aepimenides to have added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or else his expression is unusual 45. And in the other Homer weigh Atque alia parte in trutind suspendit Homerum Some think that in Juvenals judgment Homer was esteem'd the lighter because of the word suspendit as implying that Homer hang'd in the Scale and so that the other as more weighty funk Which though it has been granted by some eminent Criticks and happily is not disagreeable from our Poets judgment yet I think it not sufficiently prov'd from the word suspendit here used seeing that in a double testimony of Persius It is used in so different a sense that not only it does not but in those places it can not signify so as namely in that of Sat. 4. gemina suspendere lance Antipitâ— libtae And in that of Sat. 5. Aequali suspendâ— tempora librae where Ancipitis and Aequali urterly
of the word and likewise that being ignorant of the Caesura thought that the verse would have been false had it been tremulumque caput escendere jussit But these exceptions are but weak for though we grant the word escendere to be ancient as finding it to omit other proofs in the ancient Critick Agellius according to Stephanus his edition of him citing it lib. 2. cap. 7. out of an Oration but now not extant of Tully contra concionem Q. Metelli Escendi in conciâ—nem concursus est populi factus yet to argue that because it may be so therefore it must be so is no right Logick and to oppose all Manuscripts is rather to make then expound books Likewise to suppose the Librarius to be afraid to write the word escendere is no more just an exception here then to suppose it in the transcription of other books wherein the word is still remaining seeing that by the like reason the fear of the transcriber it should have been left-out of all books and so there should be no testimonie left of such a word Again to imagine the Librarius ignorant of a caesura were to suppose others as ignorant of it in other places and so where possibly they might be avoided we should have no example of them Besides why should the Poet use the word escendere rather in this place then in Sat. 1. v. 82. where speaking of Deucalion he says Navigio montem ascendit so that a laughter at others interpretations for no better reason may deserve a laughter But lastly and chiefly his reading Escendere in caelum were without all Satyrical wit whereas descendere in caelum is sutable not only to the like expressions in Juvenal as to that in Sat. 2. Socraticos cinaedos and that in Statius his Sylv. Nondum stelligerum senior demissus in axem but also to the supposed fable of Claudius before Juvenal's time For Seneca in his merriment of the death of Claudius sâ—igns him first to ascend to Heaven and afterwards to be thrust down to hell both which are wittily included in our Poet's expression And here it will not be unpleasant to say somewhat about Love-cups philtra which were frequently used by the Thessalians amongst which the Hippomanes was an especial one It is describ'd to omit some unclean opinions to have been a peice of flesh or as some a little skin like a cap taken from the forehead of a colt new foal'd Juvenal afterwards calls it partus equae said to be of strange power in this kind But to say that this or any other can procure Love is a mere vanity The old saying was plain and true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Love is begotten by Sight neither is affection won by Physick True it is that potions may inflame the body and so consequently the mind to outragious Lusts but cannot Determine the Affections to a particular person though it may be granted that the person which would be Loved may by the continual importunitie of wanton conversation accidentally so determine them when the person wrought-upon is violently and sometimes madly inflam'd Which may be seen in the story of Caesonia and Caligula who was sometimes so mad in Love with her who was luxuriae ac lasciviae perditae that as Sueton says in his Calig cap. 25. he would sometimes shew her to his Souldiers dressed like a Souldier amicis vâ—r è etiam nudam like the Lydian wittol King Candaules And that this is the judgment of the wisest Physitians I refer the reader to the testimonie only of Sennertus who in his Institut Medicin lib. 2. part 3. Sect. 2. cap. 4. judiciously adds that the devil is sometimes farther permitted in such leud persons to immix himself in such actions by corrupting their impure imaginations and in firing their desires And here likewise we may take notice of one inference which the Poet uses in those words Tanti partus equae Quanti una verefica constat For that is the best pointing of them and yeilds the best sense to avoid farther dispute implying that if one drench could do so much harm how much more could a Sorceress do which both unhappily Taught This and had store of as bad 75. Thy Guid's trembling lip Timidus praegustet pocula papas Eunuchus Paedogogus Isidor Papas paedagogus qui sequitur studentes as Pignorius de Servis p. 188. observes Sometimes it is taken for a Father as Cerda shews Adversar cap. 146. num 7. which is indeed the true Signification of it as he likewise shews cap. 72. num 5. where he adds that it was at first a name given to all Clergy-men afterwards to Bishops only and at last only to the Pope in the time of Gregory the 7th who forbad any other to be call'd by that name Amongst the Bythinians it was the surname of Jupiter who was call'd Jupiter Papas that is pater The word is from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and thence came the word Abbas an Abbat a title sometime given to Hugh Capet afterwards King of France nay the Nobles of France as Paradinus testifies of his own view in his Anual Burgund lib. 2. sub anno 1103. are in many ancient writings frequently call'd Dux Abbas Comes Abbas either from the Honourable sense of the word or peradventure because many of them were maintain'd with the revenues of Abbies But some would here understand by timidus Papas the Child so that he should tast of it but with fear and wariness But this seems not so well to agree with the word praegustet which being here applied to Papas cannot yield any just sense unless papas be taken for the guide who should tast first But Britannicus though he rightly expounds the word Pappas as he reads it for the Overseer yet he adds that it may be taken also for the meat which the child shall eat and so thinks that pocula pappas may signifie his drink and meat But if he would here take it for pappe the food of babes as by his proof from those words of Persius pappare minutum he implies he must grant that the Poet writes these monitions to babes incapable of them For of such tender young ones Persius speaks whiles he flouts at one of riper age pappare minutum poscis iratus mammae lallare recusoâ— and so Britannicus himself expounds that place of Persius saying ut fit papare minutum id est cibum minutum confractum qualem pueri poscunt Besides what he there adds makes it more forcible against himself whiles he says Nec illis assentio qui minutal hoc loco pro minutum legunt Nam is cibus infantibus haudquaquam convenit and the reason was good because such meat requir'd chewing Wherefore upon examination such uncertainty and licence of Interpretation is not to be admitted 76. But Pontia cries Guilty Sed pontia clamat Feci Some understand this of Pontia the daughter of Publius Petronius and wife as they say of
Tribunatus and by their place woar gold-rings as Appian Alexandrinus testifies lib. de Bello Lybico cap. 11. and Pliny lib. 33. Which sense is very sutable both to the precedent verse Ille militiae multis largitur honorem and to the third verse following Praefectos Pelopaea facit Philomela Tribunos meaning that Tragedies of such Persons and Arguments as Pelopaea and Philomela caused Poets to be advanced to Military honours And this jeering verse as the Scholiast tells us cost Juvenal a banishment 13. That is fed By his Stage labours Quem pulpita pascunt Autumnus expounds it of his recitations of his Poëms but it is apparent that by that means he could get nothing except praise but by providing stage-ware he got indifferent maintenance whereas commonly Poets were so poor that they were fain to want wine even all December as the Poet speaks though that were a time which might most require it both for the extreamity of the weather and the common jollity of the season being the Month in which were kept their Saturnals wherein even Servants triumph'd in wine and licentiousness Autumnus on the word Decembri gives here this note Quo mense solet lugubrari abstineri a commessationibus compotationibus but how can this sense be agreeable to this of our Author for then what greater misery had this been to Poets then to others Of the custome of Poets selling their Playes for the use of the Stage see Brodaus in his Miscellan lib. 9. cap. 17. shewing it out of Terence who had for his Eunuchus when it was presented the second time octo millia sestertiûm he speaks of Sestertii that is 8 sestertia which reduced make 62 l. 10◠Donatus tells us the same that he sold it octo millibus sestertiûm 14. So to get By proof from his great book a Doubtful Debt Qui venit ad dubium grandi cum codice nomen The Poet speaking here of the vehemency of Lawyers in their pleadings says that they plead hard when the Creditor hears them but especially when they are jogg'd by one more eager then an ordinary Creditor acrior illo which more fierce plaintife he farther describes by saying Qui venit c. Who comes with his great book ad dubium nomen to prove a doubtful debt But some understand by acrior illo Qui venit the Debter's Proctour or else his Pragmaticus he that according to the custome of these times turned the books for him and by Codice the book of the Laws or as others the book of the Debter's Receipts and Expences or as some the book or bundle of papers containing the whole proceedings of the cause and so they expound ad dubium nomen that he came on the debter's behalf to disprove the debt by shewing it to be Doubtful Yet these expositions if consider'd will not stand For to refute it by parts to understand it of the Debter's Proctor striving to denie and disprove the debt is not so congruous since the Poet might then more clearly have expressed it by saying In dubium nomen rather then ad dubium the first signifying rather to disprove the latter to prove the debt Besides to take Codex as Philip Beroald does in his Annotat. p. 208. for the Debter's book of reckonings is most improbable for of what force should that be to avoid the Creditor Wherefore it is most probable that by acrior here is understood the Creditor himself as most solicitous in his own business yet not every Creditor but such a one as in some especial case wanting unhappily so full a proof of his debt as he could wish strives to make-up the sufficiency of his witness by his book of reckonings and the Clamour of his Lawier And so Codex may be understood of the Creditor's Debt book alleg'd happily ad dubium nomen for the proof of a question'd debt according to which sense and choise I render it 15. The Red-coat Chariotier Lacerta's state Russati pone Lacertae I may not omit for the singularitie the various readings of this place Philip Beroald reads Sisapone Lacertae as some in the like sense Satipone Sisapone being a Town in Spain mention'd by Pliny lib. 33. where the Romans had their miniaria mines of red lead and thus the Poet should mean that a little land though a great way off and so the less worth was yet more then the estate of a hundred Lawiers rus Lacertae signifying a little land according to that of the Poet before unius sese dominum fecisse lacertae to be master of as much land as a Lizard can turn himself in though to speak strictly this were rather false then witty Others read rus Sati lacertae making Satus Lacerta a rich Roman whose One estate exceeded the estates of a hundred Lawiers Marcellus Donatus on Julius Capitolinus in Clodio Albino upon occasion of this place says Apud Plinium mentio est Russae sen Russatae aurigae De quo forte Juvenalis Sat. 7. non de milite ur alii credidêre forte aliae solum Russati pone Lacertae wherein he rejects and rightly the exposition of Britannicus who interprets it of some Souldier the colour of whose garments as he alleges was reddish to dissemble the colour of his blood when shed But M. Donatus his exposition is better being in effect the most receiv'd and indeed the most probable opinion Lacerta or as some read Lacerna being a Chariotier in the time of Domitian as the Scholiast tells us on those words Pone Lacernae Nomen auriga abjecti ex colore Russatus Lacerna sub Domitian◠auriga fuit Thus there being diverse factions of Chariotiers distinguish'd by the colours of their garments and one called the Reddish faction as more largely may be seen Sat. 11. Illu-Illustrat 16. the Poet to shew the singular vanity of the Emperor says that one such vain fellow as Lacerta was by the favour of the Emperor richer then an hundred Lawiers Briefly then the Poet says Put the estates of an hundred Lawiers in one scale and solum rus only the land of one Chariotier Lacerta of the Reddish faction in the other scale and this one shall out-weigh them all 16. Thy judge is wise Bubulcus Bubulco Judice The Poet here ironically describes their solemn and fruitless pleadings borrowing that piece of Ovid Consedere Duces The Judges says he take their places then thou a Lawier rifest-up pale like Ajax when with fear he pleaded for Achilles his armour even pale with fear says he art thou being to plead before the Judge Bubulcus in defence of one's Liberty or Free state of Birth which some call in question For so it was put to the question whether he were to be accounted a free man whose mother was free at the time of his birth but a Servant at the time of her conception or one whose mother being with child was set free yet was afterwards made a Servant again before her
make them ne're so bare Of gold and Silver shield and Sword they 'l get Helmet and Darts The Spoil'd have weapons yet Nor speak I now 9 Opinion but deterr'd Beleive one of Sibylla's leaves you 've heard Are thy Men pure Sells not 10 some long-lock'd Boy Justice Is thy wife clear Is' t not her joy At Towns and Meetings with bow'd claws to watch And there Celaeno-like All Monies snatch From Picus then be branch'd or if High Name Please thee place all the Titans Fight and Fame Amongst thy Ancestours Prometheus too Take thy Great Grandsire from what Book 's least New But if Ambition does thee headlong draw And if thou mak'st thy willful Lust thy Law Breaking thy Rods on our Associats backs Tiring the Lictor and mak'st dull his Axe Thy Noble Parentage does straight disclaime Thy Acts and holds a Torch before thy shame Vice still is more conspicuous as he That 's Guilty is advanc'd in High Degree VVhy brag'st thou who 11 forg'd Deeds seal'st at the Shrines Thy Grandsire built and where in Statue shines Thy Fathers Triumph when by Night thy head VVears 12 a Santonian hood to a false bed By his Fore-fathers Dust and Bones with free Chariot fat Damasippus hurries He He even the Consul triggs the wheel by Night It is but the Moon sees the Stars so bright Dart their pure eies But when his Consul-ship Is done at Noon-day he will take the whip Nor will he fear though some grave friend comes by Nay jerk his whip for notice Hee l untie Bottles the Hay and Provender He 'l throw Unto his weary horses A brave show Then when as Numa-like a Sheep he will Or stubborne Bullock at Jove's Altar kill Only 13 by Epona he swears whose face With more such does the stinking Stables grace But when to watchful Taverns he does get Again straight 14 some Syrophaenician wet With daily Ointments one of those that dwell At th' Idumaean Gate greets him right well Host-like saluting him my Lord my King Tuck'd Cyane the wine and price does bring Some Patron of his fault will tell me We Did so when young Be 't so Th' hast left tho' art free From hugging Vice Be breif when boldly Vile Some faults there are which must not long defile But 15 be cut-off with the First beard Admit Pardon to youth But can such things be fit In Damasippus He ev'n Now to those 16 Large Hot-Bath-Draughts and Titled Curtains goes More fit for the Armenian Warlike ranks For the Rhene Ister and the Syrian banks To keep great Nero's careful breast secure To Ostia 17 Caesar send send but be sure In some large Tipling-house thou seek thy High Deputy There 't is thou shalt find him lie With Cut-throats Sailers Fugitives Purse-takers With Executioners and base Biere-makers 18 Amongst Great Cybel's silent Drums which lack Their Phrygian Priest who lies drunk on his back VVhere there is equal freedome the same cup Where all at the same Couch and Table sup Had'st such Slaves Ponticus were not their Fate Some Tuscan or Lucanian VVork-house straight Trojans you 'l scape Thus what 's i' th' Cobler Base Shall the Great Volusi and Bruti Grace Oh that we cannot Acts of such foul stain Rehearse but that there will still worse remain Crack'd Damasippus to the Scene th' art Hir'd There bauling-out Catullus's Vision tir'd Lentulus Velox play'd Laureolus VVell He deserv'd I think a True Cross thus The people's guilty too of brow more bold That Sits and Dares 19 Thrice-scurrile Lords behold They hear the bare-foot Fabii Act and jeer At the Mamerci clapp'd Their Lives how dear They sell who cares No Nero does compel 'em Yet at the high-plac'd Praetor's shows they sell ' em Suppose yet 20 There were Swords and the Stage here VVhich would'st thou who so base Death so to fear That he would be Thymeles jealous mate Or dull Corinthus his Collegue In State 'T is yet not strange if Lords be Mimicks when The Prince turns Harper All will turn Play Then One City-shame more Gracchus does afford Not close-Arm'd without shield or crooked Sword He fights such Dress he does dislike nay hate No Helmet vails his brow A Trident straight He shakes but when his aiming hand at last Has with his waving Net err'd in his cast He lifts up his bare face to all with moan About the Sand he flies glad to be known 'T is He though coated A Gold-ribband ties His high Cap from his throat then loosely flies That the Pursuer which with Gracchus fought Endures what 's worse then any wound a Flout VVhat wretch but would be might he speak his mind To Seneca then to Nero more inclin'd VVhose dismal Deeds deserv'd some Fate as black More then one Ape 21 one Serpent and one Sack Orestes kill'd his Mother too with odds Yet in the Cause for he was by the Gods Made the Revenger of his Father slain Amid'st free Cups but knife he ne're did stain In his Sister Electra's throat nor spilt The blood of his dear Spartan wife no guilt Of pois'ning Kinsmen touch'd him His Mad wit Ne're sung on Stage nor Trojan Poem writ VVhat could Virginius Vindex Galba's hand Revenge more justly View the fierce command The bloody rage of Nero what rare parts Find we Loe These are a Great Princes Arts Upon a Forraign Stage for false renown To sing and win 22 the Grecian Parsly-Crown Thy Grandsires Statues with Song-Ensigns grace Before Domitius's feet the long robe place In which thou didst Antigone express Thyestes too or Menalippe's Dress And on a high Marble Colossus claim Renown by hanging up a Harp to Fame VVhat Catiline is found of Nobler Height Then Thy Birth or Cethegus his By night Armes yet you took to ashes you 'd have turn'd Houses and Temples as when Rome was burn'd By short-slop'd Gauls and the Senoniâ—n brood For which in fiery coat you should have stood But Loe the Consul watches and checks straight Your Troops This New Ignoble Arpinate This Country-Knight-upstart at Rome does guard Astonish'd Rome and 23 toils in ev'ry Ward And thus within our walls the Civil Gown And Peace bestow'd upon him more renown The e're Octavius's bloody Sword could yield From th' Actian Sea-fight or Thessaltan field But Cicero Rome Rome did when sav'd from spoil Her Founder and his Country's Father stile Another Arpinate on Volscan hill Other mens land for hire half-tir'd did Till His 24 pate did next the knotty Vine oft crack If in the Camp and Trench his Axe were slack He yet receiv'd the Cimbrians and the doom They threatned He alone sav'd trembling Rome And when the Crows to the slain Cimbrians flâ—d Having on larger Carcasses ne're fed His 25 Nobly-born Collegue of equal sway VVas yet adorn'd but with the second Bay Vulgar the Decii's Souls were their Names too For All our Legions yet the Aides we drew From Others and our Latine youth 26 suffice They did th' Infernal Gods A Sacrifice T' our Mother
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to which it seems is that allusion Cant. 5.13 where the Church says of Christ His lips like Lillies which might seem a strange comparison in the common apprehension if any should there understand the white lillie the beauty of the lip consisting rathes in red according to which clear congruity Our Saviour describes his spouse the Church Cant. 4.3 saying Thy lips are like a thread of searlet which was most proper and comely Wherefore we must take notice that there were diverse sorts of Lillies of which that which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was of areddish colour as Pliny describes it l. 21. c. 5. Est rubens lilium quod Graeci 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocant and this as Athenaus says l 12. c. 2. was the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called so as is conjectur'd from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lilium of which was made that admirable cleum susinum mention'd by Pliny l. 13. c. 1. And this is that as Schacchus thinks in the fore-cited book c. 27. which the Prophet calls the Oil of Gladness he had better have call'd it the figure of This and which signifies as he says the high grace of the hypostatical union I may only note by the way that this Oil is not mention'd by the learned Cordus in his Dispensatorium though he describes Oleum Lilinum p. 301. but his is the Oil only of the white Lilly 11. They they that with one singer scratch their head Qui digito scalpunt caput uno The Poet here in the description of the Roman Leud-Ones makes this a part of his expression that they scratch the head with one finger meaning thereby persons filthily effeminate because says the Scholiast they behave themselves like women who in the ordering of their hair scratch their head with one finger to prevent the disturbing of it But with more probability Britannicus and other Interpreters generally take it for an allusion to a most known jere express'd in a peice of a verst by Calvus a Poet written upon Pompey who in his time was noted for such a leud one and likewise for scratching his head in an affected manner with one finger and so he was taxed by Clodius as Plutarch relates in his Pompey and Ammianus Marcellinus in his 17. book And here the Poet by way of Ironie bids Naevolus not despair of thriving yet saying to him altera major Spes superest that there may yet be hope of new gain seeing that for ever there will be new sinners and therefore bids him only to eat enough Rocket an herb in the Roman Climate anciently in great request as may appear by Columella who tells us that they did use to sow it near their Garden-God It was an impure diligence that took care for their lust 12. But O My-small House-Gods on whom with Some incense I call or with a cake and garland O parvi nostrique Lares quos thure minuto aut farre tenui soleo exorare coronâ The Scholiast here on the last words exorare corona says id est coronatus floribus precari but the construction in the Poet yields it not and the things he uses are to be applied not to the Sacrificer but to the Lares and therefore the chaplet or Garland of Flowers did as well as the frank-incense and cake concern Them So does our Poet himself also express it Sat. 12. in those words which I marvail the Interpreters did not here alleadge seing that they so much illustrate this passage concerning the sacrifice to the Lares Inde domum repetam graciles ubi parva coronas Accipiunt frugili simulachra nitentia cera Hic nostrum placabo Jovem Laribusque paternis Thura dabo at que omnes violae jactabo colores On which passage Britannicus shews that the Lares were adorn'd with chaplets of flowers and more particularly out of Pliny lib. 21. that when in winter there were no flowers they supplied the defect by making coronets exramento è cornibustincto of the shavings of horn died with colouring such as are sometimes now-a-days used for the dressing of windows and these as he says were called winter-chaplets and therefore by the Poet as he thinks graciles coronas But this his last guess I think nor to be right because they were there used by Juvenal for his friends escape from a thunderstorme at Sea and so most probably in Summer both in respect of the thunder and the Season of sailing and therefore very flowers might then have been had wherefore I think they might there be call'd graciles coronae in the like sense as there also he says simulachra parva Some copies have here soleo exornare corona which though I grant it aptly agrees with corona yet it does not so agree with thure and farre unless we should take Lares in part of the construction plainly and in part figuratively which were too harsh if not absur'd For adornare Lares corona must signifie the Lares properly that is themselves or statues but adornare Lares thure and farre must not fignifie properly the Lares themselves but figuratively that is their Altars Wherefore I retain the more receiv'd Reading exorare as better agreeing to all the things here mention'd and used by his Devotion And here we may observe concerning the Lares themselves that according to the doctrine of the Heathen particularly of Plato they were taken to be the Souls of their predecessors who at the first were usually buried in their houses and so there worshipp'd But they were thought to be the Souls only of such as lived well with a worthy providence for their posteritie but on the contrary those that lived ill were thought to wander after death in a wretched banishment and that they were the Goblings which frightned People and these were call'd Lemures and Larvae as Tiraquel on Alex. ab Alex. in his Genial Dier lib. 6. cap. 4. shews out of Apuleius and Others Lastly whereas the Poet here elegantly says O parvi nostrique Lares making His and Small or poor to be all one I knew not how more concisely and effectually to render it then by an apposition My-small that as they concerned but one thing so they might be express'd by One word 13. Quando ego figam aliquid quo sit mibi tuta senenectus A tegete baculo Some Copies have here as Pithaeus notes in his Var. Lection on this place Quando ego fiam aliquid quo sit c. When shall I become some body or be made of some moment that I may be secure in my old age But the most and the best Copies have figam by reason of the ambiguity of which word there are two expositions of this place The one according to the use of the word according to which it signifies as much as constituam or componam to get or settle and then the sense would be When shall I get some sure stay to shield me in my old
of the body as Anatomie teaches us The preëminence then of the Right-side parts being an acknowledged truth amongst the Ancients was easily corrupted into a superstition which made them think That progression only to be in hope successefull which took its beginning from the Right foot 2. That none In the whole Forum have so large a Chest Vt mazima toto Nostra sit atca foro The Prayers of many men implying as their desires so their delights have been their destruction says the Poet some having perish'd thus by Eloquence some by strength nay though they had the experience of it as Milo intended here who in his younger-days doing strange acts was in his after-age as he passed alone through a wood mistaken in an oak which being half cleft whiles he ventur'd into the rift thinking to rent it through his strength fail'd him the parts return'd together and he was detain'd a prey for wolves finding to his cost that old Milo was not young Milo But more says the Poet are destroy'd by Riches which some so hoard-up that their wealth as much exceeds all patrimonies that is the Sufficient though moderate Inheritances which their honest and contenred Ancestors left them as the British whale noted by Pliny lib. 9. to be of a vast size does exceed the Dolphin On which passage the Scholiast says Metaphora in Tiberium Divites by which expression not very clear I guess he means that their Treasures exceed their ancicient Inheritances as much as Emperors and Great Ones exceed mean men Yet as the Poet shews Riches have but made the Owhers the more subject to the evil eie of Tyrants whereas the Caenacula or cocklosis where the poor dwell are neglected by the Officers sent-our for booty For such by-respects was Longinus destroy'd by Nero so likewise the Laterani so the rich Seneca who in the 4th year of Nero as Tacitus lib. 13. reports had Sestertium millies that is millies centena millia Sestertiorum as it comes from Sestertius or a hundred thousand Sestertia which reduced to our mony amount to 781250 l. and yet he enjoy'd and increas'd this estate about four years longer in the favour of his Prince Of his wonderful riches see Budaeus de Asse lib. 5 and for his avarice and monstrous summes for the Interest of mony amongst the Iceni here in Britain the Inhabitants of Northfolk Suffolk Cambridge-shire and Huntington shire see our learned Mr. Cambden in his description of them attributing to Him no small part of the Cause of that war which Boodicia the wise of Prasutagus so famously maintain'd against the Romans But says the Poet though the poor man drinks safer in his earthen pot then the rich who drinks his sparkling Setine wine in his golden bowles adorned with precious stones but not without a fear of being poisned yet every one defires to have the largest Chest in the Forum Wherein he implies a custome amongst the Romans concerning the disposing of their wealth the Publick Treasure being kept in their Aedes Saturni as Macrobius tells us in his Saturnals lib. 1. cap. 8. a steep place for safety by the Capitol as Alex. ab Alex. Gen. Dier lib. 2. cap. 2. well notes The wealthy Senators did store up their Treasure in Iron-chests placing them at Mars his Temple in Foro Augusti till that place was robbed as Juvenal mertions Sat. 14. and then they placed them at the Temple of Castor and Pollux which was in Foro Romano They thought their Mony the safer being committed to the tuition of their Gods as Brodaeus observes lib. 4. cap. 17. The Scholiast here says that for a time the Senâ—tors did store-up their mony in Chests in Fore Trajâ—ni and that the place it self where their Chests were was thence call'd Opes Upon which passage the diligent Pithaus cites a place de arca Senatus from a letter of Aurelian to the Senate mention'd in Vopiscus Est praeterea vestrae authoritatis arca publica quam magis refertâ—â— esse reperiâ— quam cupio Herâ—dian in the first book of his History tells also that in the burning of the Temple of Peace a great mass of mony lay'd-up there was lost See more of this argument in Georgius Longus de Anaulis Signatoriis cap. ult and Marcellus Donatus on Sueton's Domitian cap. 7. And here we may note that the Poet makes a difference between Divitia and Opes between which as Lubin notes Cicero distinguishes in his Laelius saying Expetuntur Divitiae us utaris Opes ut Câ—laris Honâ—res ut lauderis so that Opes is an Overplus or Stor'd Wealth according to which difference I render that of our Poet Divitiae ut crescant ut Opes That our full wealth and store increase I may here add that Servius on Virgil makes Opes only in the plural number to signifie Riches in the singular Help and likewise that Cornelius Fronto de Differentiis vocum tells us that Locuples is called so à copia lâ—corum dives quia dividendi sacultatem habet and Opulentus ab Opibus 3. That Wise man then which still Laught Quod de Sapientibus alter Ridebat For this cause Democritus was call'd Gelasinus or the Laugher So Gelasini are taken for the sore-teeth because they are shew'd in laughter and Gelasinus is as Suidas tells us that Wrinkle or Line in the face which is made in Laughter according to that of Martial lib. 7. Nec grata est facies out Gelasinus abest 4. And still find tears to fill his eye Mirandum est unde ille oculis suffecerit humor To believe that Heraclitus did continually weep may as I think well deserve to be laugh'd-at Yet whither the cies can be commonly prepar'd with such store of moisture though the Interpreters here pass-by the doubt Philsophie may resolve it Which teaches us that a Tear is but the moister part 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our food meat and drink which moisture is in all creatures the necessarie vebiculum of the more solid and drier part of the food And this moisture being with the blood alter'd in the Liver is conveigh'd into the veins a great part thereof passing into urine some more attenuated vapouring through the pores and some turning into Sweat the rest is conveigh'd unto the brain so that the matter of tears is not from the cies but only deriv'd unto them from other parts Thus then as there is continual food so a continual humour which waits but for the compression of the heart unto which when the blood and spiries as in sorrow retire the brain being forsaken of that heat grows cold and the over-plus moisture being left without a guid of its own accord flows-out And thus tears in respect of their matter are not only in men but also in beasts which notwithstanding never weep the compression of the heart the efficient cause of ordinary tears depending upon the intention of the will whereby in persons of a tender constitution as in Women and Children they
such an insectation of the new Poets and Orators that he spar'd not Nero against whom one verse running thus Midas the King has Asses cars was by Cornutus thus only amended who has not Asses rars least Nero should take it as spoken against himself But this Book he left unperfect besides some verses are thought to be taken away in the end of the work yet as if it had been finish'd it is said he cursorily recited it to Cornutus and to Caesius Bassus to whom at his desire he deliver'd it to be publish'd and as soon as it came forth it began by all men to be admir'd and catch'd-up As for his conditions he was of a most gentle nature a maidenly modesty a discreet thrist and for Piety towards his Mother Sister and Aunt enough for an Example He died of the infirmity of his stomack at his Country-house about eight miles from Rome in the Appian way on the VIII day of the Calends of December that is November the XXIV in the Consulship of Publius Marius Celsus not of Rubrius Marius as it is in the Gloss and of Lucius Asinius Gallus as it is in the accurate Gothofreds edition not Publius Afinius Gallus as it is in Helvicus Which year of these mens Consulships and Persius his death Helvicus places in the ninth year of Nero which is strictly true reckoning as he must from the beginning of Nero's raign which was in October the XIII For so Persius dying November the XXIV outliv'd the eighth year of Nero about six weeks Which I the rather note because Gothofred places these Consuls and so the year of Persius his death must be placed in the eighth year of Nero reck'ning according to the beginning of the Consul's year which was on January the first Thus reckning from October the XIII to January I. which was the begining of Nero's raign unto the last year of Claudius his predecessor he allows unto Claudius XIV years whereas Helvicus allows but XIII which difference being observ'd upon different ways of account may save the Reader from mistake both of the exact truth and of the learned Authors Hence we may take notice of the error in the old Gloss in our Authors Life in which it is said towards the end that he died in the XXX year of his Age when as it was in the XXVIII some few days before the end of it according to the reckning of the Consulships in the same Gloss Which may clearly thus appear there were but XXVII years between the Consuls under whom he was born and those under whom he died as is manifest by the Fasti Consulares Now the time our Author liv'd under the first Consuls was but from Decemb. the IV. till Jan. 1. and the time he lived under the last Consuls was but from Jan. 1. till November XXIV both which parcels of time make not up a compleat year though but about IX days less As for the disposal of his Estate the old Gloss tells us that he left to his Mother and Sister about H-SXX or Sestertium vicies two millions of Sestertji in English valew arising to 15625 l. as I have by proportion shew'd on Juvenal Sat. 6. Illust 17. desiring his Mother by his Letter to give unto Cornutus as some relate it sestertia conties ten Millions of Sestertii that is 78125 l. English But the Gloss is in these sums too probably to be suspected of corruption both for the valews of the sums and the less seemly division implyed in his desire by which five times as much was intended for Cornutus as for his Mother and Sister It is added indeed that some report he left to his Master only XX. pound weight in silver Plate which in summe at 3 l. 2 s. for one pound weight in silver comes to 62 besides 700. books being his whole Library but that his Master took only the Books which I think the most probable Cornutus as Suidas tells us of him being a man of a great Estate To these Memorials of our Author which upon examination Antiquity has left unto us we may adde what will not be unpleasant the Portraiture of one Poet as it is presented by the inquisitive diligence of the learned Ormeer in his Chronographie and thus presented Pers. pref 1. Stelluti one that has publish'd his Italian translation of Persius in the year 1630. has also a comely expression of him from an ancient Marble with a laurel about the head but in the countenance with little difference this being somewhat of a bolder aspect that somewhat bashful which quality I grant is attributed to him in the old Gloss but the different seasons of his Life and so riper age might easily more man his countenance and present him with more of the courage of the Satyrist this therefore I retein This learned Stelluti tells us more concerning the Antiquity of the Flaccian family that there is yet in Volaterrae at the Gate of St. Angelo in an Antient Marble a memorial of one of this family with this Inscription A. Persius A. F. Sever. vix An. XIII M. III. d. XIX He tells us that he thinks that the ancient family of the Falconcini corruptly so called for Flacconcini now flourishing at Volaterrae are descended from our Poets Ancestors which he testifies to be the receiv'd tradition of the Volaterrans at this time adding that in memory of our Poet they have preserv'd his name in some one of the family for time out of mind And for the more lasting honour of out Poet in his kindred he relates that at the time he publish'd his translation in the year abovementioned 1630 there were some eminent men living of our Poets name and family He mentions one Signor Persio Falconcini famous for Learning and Valour and Sectetary to the Duke of Florence as also a Brother of his one Onerato Prior of Mâ—â—â—eale a learned Philosopher and Divine He mentions also one Signor Antonio Persiâ— who as he witnesses has written a learned Tract Del Bever Caldo of the hot Draughts of the Ancients as also 18. books De recta ratione Philosophandi which he says were shortly to see the Light besides 12. other books of his De Natura Ignis Caloris which works he highly praises for the Industry Invention and Benefit unto the Students of all Sciences giving to the Author the large honour of a Divine a Philosopher a Mathematician a Physitian and a Lawyer All which he mentions to shew that the Descendents of our Poets kindred do not degenerate even to these times from their Ancestors Upon the consideration of which relations methinks we cannot but acknowledge the Divine Providence in thus famously hououring the vertue of this Heathen in causing his Name and Kindred to be still thus studiously and nobly preserv'd His Country also may be his honour to which he was an honour a Country of such inquisitive Contemplation that the Theology of their Augury seem'd scarce more a mistake then an excuse And
here the Person Concerning which argument see Juvenal Satyre 6. Illust 72. Pers. Sat. II. Illust. 3. b. 4. Dicite Pomifices The Name is commonly said to have been given to the Priests in respect of their oversight of the Pous sublicius vvhich vvas made of vvood by Anâ—us Martius vvithout any arch and upheld only vvith piles of vvood It is sometimes call'd the Horatian bridge from Horatius Cocles vvho there vvithstood the Tuscans It vvas the first bridge vvhich at Rome vvas built over Tiber as Andres Palladiâ— notes in his Antiguedades de Roma p. 3. vvho there sums-up the story of it telling us that it being broken-dovvn in the time of Horatius it vvas aftervvards built of stone by Aemilius Lepidus and thence call'd the Aemilian bridge by Juvenal Sat. 6. that it vvas after that again ruin'd by the inundation of the River but repair'd by Tiberius that lastly it vvas built of marble and very high by Antoninus Pius but is novv destroy'd But Varro de Lingua Latina thinks the name Pantifices to be given to the Priests because as he says They Built it and often repair'd it Yet Q. Scavola vvho vvas Pontifex Maximus vvould have it come from Posse and Facere from his Povver or Authority to offer sacrifice vvhich last is one ancient fignification of the vvord facere But some not satistied vvith the former reasons add a farther conjecture mention'd by Stelluti the Italian Interpreter of this Author and think it may come from Pous and Facis Us'd in the last-mention'd sense the Priest performing at Bridges many and Solemn Ceremonies in respect of the ancient opinion of the Heathen vvho believ'd there vvas a Deity in Rivers and therefore because they built over them they used reverent solennities Which is indeed agreeable to that of Juvenal Sat. 3. vvhere speaking of a fountain he says Numen aqua See there Illustr 4. SATYRE III. ARGUMENT Young Gallants Sloth and their Neglect Of Arts this Satyre doth detect WHat ev'ry day thus long fie fie arise See how the clear light shamefully descries Thy sloth and through thy windows shining bright Stretcheth the narrow chinks with his broad light We snort till the 1 Fift shadow touch the line Enough ev'n to digest strong Falerne wine Now what dost do The furious dog-stars heat Upon the patched corn hath long since beat With its fierce scalding influence and made The Beasts to seek the spreading Elmes cool shade Thus the companion of some slothful youth Does freely chide him Then saith he in truth And is' t so late indeed some body then Come presently and reach my cloaths why when If then no body come Oh how he swells And breaks with glass-like choller and then yels With such a foul loud noise that you would say Surely some great Arcadian Asse did bray At last with much adoe he doth begin To take his Book in hand and some fair skin Of smooth two-colour'd parchment he takes then Some paper and his knotty Reed-like pen. Then he complains how that his Ink doth stick In clots at his Pens nose it is so thick Pour water then to his black 2 Sepian juice He cries now 't is too white Ha's a device For ev'ry thing So sometimes he doth plead His pen writes double or his ink doth spread Wretched unhappy man yet growing still More wretched Think'st we 're born to take our fill Of sloth Why dost not then like the soft Dove Or great mens little children rather love In delicatest wantonness to lap Some soft sweet spoon-meat as a little pap Or angry with the teat why dost not cry Refusing to be still'd with Lullaby Why can I study Sir with such a quill Alas whom dost thou mock why plead'st thou still Such vain ambages wretched man to flout Thy self Th' art broken loe thou leakest out And know thou shalt be scorn'd strike but a pot Of some raw earth half-boyl'd and will it not Tell its own fault yielding a dull craz'd sound Well Yet th' art soft moist clay and may'st be wound To any form Now therefore now make hast To vertue Present time must be embrac'd Now like the Potters clay now thou must feel Sharp disciplines effigiating wheel But oh thy father left thee land enough And a clean Salt-seller with houshold stuff Sufficient need'st thou then fear any thing So th' hast a secure pan wherein to bring Incense to thy protecting Lares VVell But think'st thou this enough wilt therefore swell And break thy lungs with an ambitious wind Because that thou the thousanth off dost find Thy branch to be perchance drawn from a tree Of some high Thuscan true nobility Or that because clad in thy Purple grain Meeting Romes Censour with his pompous train Thou canst salute him by the name of Cuzze And arrogantly ask him how he does Away go pranse before the multitude In these thy trappings seek not to delude My judgment for I know thy soul within And see thy faults writ in thy outmost skin Art not ashamed to live like dissolute Loose Natta but alas he 's destitute Of sense He stands Amaz'd in vice the deep Fat brawn of Sin makes his heart soundly sleep That now he doth not sin No he 's so gross So stupid that he 's sensless of his loss And sunk down to the depth of vice he 'l swim No more again up to the waters brim Great father of the Gods when cruel lust Touch'd with inflaming venome moves th' unjust Corrupted disposition of fierce Kings To act unworthy and unkingly things Punish them only thus Let them but see Fair Vertue and their lost felicity Then shall their bowels yearn and they shall cry In secret and wax pale and pine and die Did ever the Sicilian brazen Bull Roar out his torments with a throat more full Or did the sword hung by a slender thread Up in the golden roof over the head Of the crown'd flatterer more terrify His soul then when a man shall truly cry Unto himself I fall Oh I do fall Down head-long and shall know he 's past recall And inwardly grow pale O wretched life VVhich he 's afraid to tell his near dear wife Indeed when I was Young I like a fool VVould ' noint my eyes with oyle to stay from school VVhen I 'de not learn through sloth the stately part Of dying Cato though 't were pen'd with art And my too careful Master prais'd it much And my glad father being mov'd with such His praises brought his friends to hear his boy Bravely act Cato and would sweat for joy For then I car'd not to know any thing Except how much the lucky Sice would bring Or what the loosing Ace would scrape away Or that my fellow might not put false play Upon me neatly cogging forth a die Out of the small-neck'd casting-box This I Did learn and for the scourg-stick I did strive That none his top with greater art might drive But now Thou art not at this age to learn