was lost they direct an enquiry with declared disposition to have it renewed 6. These Boroughs whether holding of the Crown in chief or of Great Lords were either Baronies or parts of Baronies upon the account of Knights Service or Honors by reason of other free Tenures and their Charters that they should hold freely and honourably as many of them run and thus the Members in Parliament who serv'd for these Baronies or Honours were part of the Baronage of the Kingdom Not but that sometimes Barony and Honour are used without distinction concerning them and thus that ancient Borough of Barnstaple which held of the Lord Tracy is in the same Record call'd both a Barony and an Honour Which Honour as appears by this instance was not limited to immediate Tenure of the Crown and that this was not derived from the grant of a reputed Conqueror might be proved by numbers of Authorities of which I shall here content my self with one out of Doomesday-Book In Norwic erant temp E. MCCCXX Burgenses c. Tota haec villa reddebat TRE 20 l. Regi Comiti 10 l. In novo Burgo XXXVI Burgenses and VI Anghci De hoc toto habebat Rex 2 partes Comes tertiam modo XLI Burgenses Franci in dominio Regis Comes Rogerus Bigot habet L. sic de aliis Tota haec terra Burgensium erat in Dominio Comitis Rad. concessit eam Regi in commune ad faciendum Burgum inter se Regem Ut testatur Vicecomes In Norwich there were in the time of Edward 1320. Burgesses All this Town in the time of King Edward yielded the King 20 l. and the Earl 10 l. In the new Borough there were 36 Burgesses and six of them English Of all thus the King had two parts and the Earl the third Now there are 41 Burgssses in the Kings demeasn and Earl Roger Bigoâ— has 50. and so of others And this Land of the Burgesses was in Earl c Ralphs Demeasâ— and he granted it to the King in common to make a Borough between him and the King As the Sheriff attests This Earl was Ralph Guader or Wader who continued Earl of Norfolâ— or at least of Norwich from within the Confessor's Reign till the 9 th or 10 th of W. 1. 7. The Freemen or at least they who had Borough holds in these or in some of them are in Doomsday-Book called Barons as particularly in the Borough of Warwick Et in Burgo de Warwic habet Rex in Dominio suo CXIII Domus Barones Regis habent CXII de quibus omnibus Rex habet geldam And in the Borough of Warwick the King has in his demeasm 113 Hoâ—ses and the Kings Barons have 112. of all which the King has Aid 8. They who were interested in the Government of these Boroughs and had Right to look after their common concerns could not but be Barons as properly as the Free hold Tenants of Lords of Mannors Freeholders who were Judges in the County Courts and the Freemen of London who are call'd Barons in several Records and other undoubted Authorities and the Barons of the Cinque Ports Of Dover in particular Dooms-day Book says in the time of King Edward it yielded 18 l. of which King Edward had two parts and Earl Godwin the 3. And a Charter c to this Port in the beginning of King John's Reign confirms to his Men of Doura the Confessor's Charter together with the Charters of W. 1. and other Kings after the reputed Conquest 9. If 't is to be thought that no Citizens and Burgesses were at the Parliament 17 E. 1. because no Summons appears for other Commons besides the Knights of the Shires by the same reason 't is to be thought that none of the Great Lords were there no Summons to them appearing 10. In the Writs for chusing Knights of the Shires there was no occasion to mention the choice of others and thus 12 E. 2. Only the Earls Barons and Commonalty of the Counties are spoken of as granting an 18 th part of their Goods but they would be very much deceiv'd who should think that no others were at that Parliament for the same Record shews that the Clergy granted a 10 th and the Cities and Boroughs a 12 th 11. 'T is very probable that at that time the Cities and Boroughs had the Writs directed to them in particular to be return'd by their Headborough or other Officer or else by the Community there Thus in the 14 th of King John a Summons to the Army is sent to the Headborough and Honest Men of Canterbury so to Dover Rochester Gildford and a great many other Places And the very next Year particular Writs are sent to the Honest Men of Canterbury the Mayor and Barons of London the Mayor and Honest Men of Winchester c. and so to all the Boroughs and Demesns of the Crown not only referring them to the Justice or Custos of the Realm but desiring an Aid of them which Mr. M. must agree to have been desired in as true a Parliamentary Meeting as those which he cites of the time of H. 3. in relation to Ireland This I hope may not be thought an unprofitable digression from the supposed Ordinance 17 E. 1. but may sufficiently evince by what Authority it must have been made if there were any such of that time and that the King and his Counsel pretended not to settle the State of a Dominion annex'd to the Crown of England without consent of the States But tho' the King's Counsel did not then act in Parliament matters otherwise than Parliamentarily yet 't is certain that they did exercise an Ordinary Jurisdiction in relation to Ireland as well as to England either as Committees or Tryers of Petitions appointed by the Lords or otherwise tho' the bringing a Cause from the Lords in Ireland to the House of Lords here is one of the circumstances in the present juncture of Affairs which seems to require Mr. M's learned Disquisition In the Bundle of Petitions to the Parliament in the time of E. 1. there are some endorsed as broâ—ght before the King some before all the Council and as the Method of following times explains this Matter there had been appointed Receivers and Tryers of Petitions concerning Ireland for several are receiv'd from thence and authoritatively Answered There 's one from Jeffery de Geymul who complains of the Barons of the Exchequer in Ireland for sending within his Jurisdiction a Commission of enquiry who Sold Pollards to the prejudice as he alledged of the Franchise which H. 2. had granted to the Ancestors of his Wife Maud de Lacy. This Commission was manifestly founded upon the Record of the Statute made here as is shewn above enrolled in the Exchequer of Ireland by Order from hence This the Barons there obey'd and held that by Virtue of that they might cause Commissions of Enquiry to
him by Hereditary Succession not that he was held to be King by a meer Right of Descent but as the Ritual of the Coronation of H. 1. and the Writ for Proclaiming the Peace of E. 1. in England and Authors of the time shew the Election of the States of England placed him in the Inheritance of the Crown therefore the States of England declare to the Subjects of Ireland that they were bound to take the like Oath of Allegiance as the English had done and this is required of them by the States here under the Great Seal of England nor is there colour to believe that there was any Summons to Ireland for any from thence to come to that Conâ—ention nor indeed was there time for such Summons and return before that meeting notwithstanding Mr. M's assertion of this Reign in particular that the Laws made in England and binding them were always enacted by their proper Representatives meaning Representatives chosen in Ireland the reason for which he there brings from supposed instances in the Reign of E. 3. seeming not to rely upon his Quotation from the White Book of the Exchequer in Dublin but the Page before which 9 E. 1. mentions Statutes made by the King at Lincoln and others at York with the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and Commonalty of his Kingdom of Ireland Which if it implyed the presence of the Commonalty of Ireland would be an Argument that all their Rights were concluded by the Tenants in chief who had Lands in Ireland but were Members of the English Parliament by reason of their Interest here but in truth this shews no more than that at the request of those of Ireland the Parliament of England had enacted those Laws and the Record in their white Book is only a Record of the transmission from hence and proves that suitably to the practice both before and after that time they in Ireland had no Parliaments for enacting Laws but were forc'd to Petition to have them enacted here and what was enacted upon their Petition was truly with their Assent But then the Question will be whether in the Laws made in that King's Reign with intention to bind Ireland their Consent is generally expressed or implyed any otherwise than from the nature of their former submission to be govern'd by the English Laws But if our Acts of Parliament and Records concerning them are clear in any thing they certainly are in this that the Parliament of England then had and exercis'd an undoubted Right of binding Ireland without their immediate consent by any Representatives chosen there Mr. M. indeed tho' as I have before observ'd he admits that Ireland was bound by Acts of Parliament here till the end of the Reign of H. 3. for want of a regular legislature among themselves yet suitably to his usual inconsistencies upon the enquiry where and how the Statute Laws and Acts of Parliament made in England since the 9 th of H. 3. came to be of force in Ireland will have it that none of them made here without Representatives chosen in Ireland were binding there till receiv'd by a suppos'd Parliament 13 E. 2. yet it falls out unluckily that they have Statutes in Print 3 E. 2. which speak not a word of Confirming the Laws before that time made in England and yet no Man will question but Statute Laws of England made in the Reign of E. 1. were a Rule which the Judges in Ireland went by before the time of E. 2. And that all Judgments given in Ireland contrary to any Law transmitted thither under the Great Seal of England must upon Writs of Error have been set aside here as Erroneous But let 's see whether our Parliaments in the time of E. 1. had such a defference to the Irish Legislature or that the English in Ireland then made any such pretensions as Mr. M. advances If we Credit Judge Bolton our Statute Westm 1st which was 3 E. 1. was first confirm'd in Ireland 13 E. 2. and till then according to Mr. M.'s Inferences from their receiving or publishing Laws made here that Statute was of no force in Ireland being Introductory of a new Law in several particulars as among other things in Subjecting Franchises to be seized into the King's Hands for default of pursuing Felons and in Enacting not only the Imprisoning and Fining Malefactors in Parks and Vivaries but forcing them to Abjure the Realm if they could not find Sureties for their good Behaviour This Act does not Name Ireland but the King Ordain'd and Establish'd it by His Council and by the assent of the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and all the Commonalty of the Realm thither Summoned for the mending the Estate of the Realm for the Common profit of the holy Church of the Realm and as Profitable and Convenient for the whole Realm However that Ireland as part of the Realm was bound by this Law and by other Laws made 11 12 and 13 E. 1. without any regard to Parliamentary Confirmations in Ireland and that for enforcing Obedience to those Laws 't was enough to send them thither by some proper Messenger under the Great Seal of England if not without appears by the Proceedings of the Parliament at Winchester holden the Oct. after the Parliament of Westim 2. Mem. quod c. Mem. that on Friday in the Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross in the 13 th Year of the King at Winchester there were deliver'd to Roger Brâ—ton Clerk to the Venerable Father William Bishop of Waterford then Justice of Ireland certain Statutes made and provided by the King and His Council viz. The Statutes of Westminster made soon after the King's Coronation and the Statutes of Gloster and those made for Merchants and the Statute of Westm provided and made in the King's Parliament at Easter to be carried to Ireland and there to be Proclaimed and Observed It appears that among the Statutes delivered to the Chief Justices Clerk in order to their being published and observed in Ireland one was the Statute concerning Merchants 12. E. 1. for the enforcing and improving a Statute made at Acton Burnel 11. of that King that of Acton Burnel provides a remedy for Debts to Merchants to be had by calling the Debtor before the Mayor of London York or Bristol or before the Mayor and a Clerk to be appointed by the King which as it seems 't was intended that the King should have Power to appoint in other Cities or Towns within his Kingdom Accordingly the Statute 12. E. 1. says the King had commanded it to be firmly kept throughout his Realm and that Parliament 12. for declaring or explaining some of the Articles of the former Statute names the Mayor of London or the Chief Governour of that City or of other good Town This Statute expresly Ordains and Establishes that it be thenceforth held throughout the
Concern it being for the encouraging of Purchasers and engaging the more Persons to a National Interest by Propriety in Land which till that time was in much fewer Hands because whoever purchased any part of an Estate had been liable to be charged with all the Rents and Services which lay upon the whole and there was one other necessary Provision against Alienations in Mortmain 4. The Precept to the Sheriff was to cause the Election to be made forthwith and to take care that the Parties were â—ound to be at Westminster by three Weeks after the Feast of St. John at the farthest The Day when the Parliament was holden was but 5 or 6 Days before which shews that 't is absurd to imagine that there should have been a Law made of that immediate consequence to all Owners of Land before the Knights of the Shire came up not only because they being obliged to be at Parliament by such a Day at the latest may well be supposed to have come 5 or 6 Days before the utmost extent of their time to avoid the Forfeitures of the Bonds which they us'd to give for their Appearance but chiefly because as 't is well known whenever a Law passes 't is in Judgment of Law held to have pass'd the first Day of the Session which Day might have been agreed at their former Meeting Nor is it absurd to believe that there might be a Summons to require the Sheriffs to secure Full Parliaments even tho the Days of Meeting and of Elections below might have been certain The true reason why so few Writs of Summons of those early times are to be found seems to be that once at least in a Year the Parliaments met of course The Confessor's Law speaks of the Calends of May as the fix'd Day In the 1st of E 1. the Custos of the Realm as appears above in the King's Absence issued Writs tho not for Elections to Parliament yet returnable into the Parliament to be holden next after Easter without mentioning any Day as if 't were commonly known but no Parliament being holden soon after Easter because of the King 's being out of the Land a Return into a Parliament appointed to sit after the King 's Landing was to a Day certain But that at the beginning of E. 1. the time of holding a Parliament was look'd upon as so fix'd that there was no need of Summons appears by that King's Letter to the Pope 3 E. 1. referring him to the Deliberation of the Peers of the Kingdom in a Parliament which used to be holden in England about the Octaves of the Resurrection of our Lord. 5. If the mention only of the Instance of the Great Men or Nobility be an Argument that the Law was then made before even the Knights of the Counties came up tho Summoned to Consult and Consent the many Laws which have pass'd immediately upon the King's Answer to the Petition of the Commons would argue as strongly that those Laws were made without the consent of the Lords but as in such case either they were included as part of the Community of the Kingdom or else the King answered by their Advice So at the making the Statute 18 E. 1. either the Commons were under the Word Magnates as the lower Nobility or Men dignified by being Senators or else the Great Lords finding themselves chiefly agrieved as being unable to pay their Debts because none would buy their Lands this Law might have pass'd chiefly â—t their desire But then since 't is manifest it was in Parliament 't was by the Consent of the Commons but I rather think that the Commons were then included under Magnates becâ—â—â—e I find them so in Times after thâ—s and that Petitions were made to them with as high Ascriptions as were given to the Great Lords In the 1st of E. 3. a Statute was made as one Record has it by the Common Council of the Kingdom as another by the King the Prelates Earls Barons and the Commonalty of the Realm and yet an Historian well conversant in the Records and common acceptation of Words in that Time speaking of this very Parliament and of the Queen Mother's coming to London with E. 3. her Son says Thither also Convened the whole Nobility of the Kingdom having been before Summoned to the holding a Parliament In after Times there are numbers of Petitions to the House of Commons from Persons of Quality from the City of London and others To the a Most Honourable or Right Honourable and Most Wise the Commons in this present Parliment Assembled The Honourable and Most Wise and the like c But some who will admit that the Knights of the Shire who indeed are in many Records call'd Grands of the Counties were part of the Magnates 17 E. 3. will have it that the Citizens and Burgesses were not because 1. They in those Times used to be distinguished by the Name of Commons from the Knights of the Shires 2. There 's no mention of any Summons tothem in the Records of 18 E. 1. when there was to the Knights of the Shires But for a full answer to this I desire it may be considered 1. That the Meeting 17 E. 1. appears by the Statute then made to be a Parliament that Dr. Brady himself has yielded that the Cities Boroughs and Cinque Ports and Vills had by King John's Charter right to be of the Common-Council of the Kingdom which is the Phrase most generally used in the Ancient Register of Writs to denote a Parliament 2. There were Boroughs long before the reputed Conquest As for instance St. Edmund's Bury or Burgh made a Borough in the Time of King Edmund confirmed in the Reigns of Cnute the Confessor W. 1. and other Kings 3. Boroughs frequently occur in Dooms-day Book that great Survey taken in the Reign of W. 1. and are mentioned as such in the Time of Edward the Confessor 4. No one Charter of ancient Times since W. 1. can be found giving any Borough right to send Members to Parliament but that has seem'd the consequent of being a Borough having a Gild for Merchandize and answering to the King or other chief Lord as one entire Body upon which account they appeared by Representation while individual Tenants were in the great Councils upon their Personal Right 5. That for asserting the Right of Boroughs to be represented in Parliament it generally was enough to plead that they were Boroughs yet one instance at least is to be found within two Reigns after the time of our present enquiry where a Borough Pleads or Alledges in Parliament that they had been made a Borough in King Athelstan's time and ever after had been represented in Parliament by two Members of their own chusing and this the then Parliament or the King's Council in it were so far from thinking improbable that upon that Borough's Allegation that the Charter
Power which England has from the time of H. 2. claimed and exercised over Ireland does not naturally introduce the Taxing them without their con-Consent yet if the Modern Precedents of English Acts of Parliament alledg'd against Mr. M's Notion are Innovations and only of Thirty seven Years standing depriving them of the Rights and Liberties which they enjoyed for five hundred Years before and which were invaded without their consent such an Invasion would naturally introduce the Taxing them without their Consent But since England uses no Power which it has not generally used for these 500 Years he should avoid putting it to the necessity or temptation to go farther 2. As to the supposed uncertainty where the Supream Authority resides he might have found that pass'd dispute in their own Statutes and yet their Denyals could be of no weight till they had absolutely renounced the Protection of England and indeed must be thought to have come in surreptitiously without the due care of the Governours there under the Crown of England as well as without the notice of the Nation which has hitherto protected and supported them However the Obedience which that Nation has from H. 2d's Time pay d to the Laws of England after they had been duly pubiished by Authority under the Great Seal of England might have sufficiently taught them where the real Legislature is vested and by them and their Forefathers acknowledged And since he admits that till a Regular Legislature was established in Ireland by the Irish voluntary Submission to and acceptance of the Laws and Government of England we must repute them to have subâ—itted themselves to the Statute Laws made under H. 2. King John and H. 3. and their Predocessors If a Kingdom can have no Supreme within it self and a Subordinate Parliament is no Parliament as he would infer he must thank himself for the Consequence that therefore they have neither a Kingdom nor a Parliament and then by his own confession they are as much to be govern'd by the Statutes now made in England as their Predecessors were in the Times of King John and H. 3. 3. As to the imagined Inconvenience to England and almost threatned Defection from the Crown of the Kingdom this Gentleman's Undertaking makes it evident that the Authority ought the rather to be exerted to help some Men's Understandings least such a shew of Arguments and popular Flourishes should encourage them to act as if they were a compleat Kingdom within themselves with a King at the Head of them during whose Absence or professing a Religion contrary to that which the generality of the People profess they might assert the Right of a Free Kingd subject to no Man's Laws but what they had consented to immediately or permitted to grow into a Custom Since this Gentleman thinks he has silenced all the Patriots of Liberty and Property by his warm Appeals to them and wheadling Notions of the inherent and unalienable Rights of Mankind and howevre that he has engag'd the Crown of his side by adorning it with a Prerogative to govern Ireland without any relation to the puâ—lick good of that Kingdom the rightful Possession of which caâ—â—ies Ireland as an Appendant to the Imperial Crown I must desire him to consider whether in this as well as other Particulars before observed the Charge of Inconsistency will not fall upon him more justly than upon the Lord Coke A little to qualifie this heat upon the suppos'd Injury to Prerogative or common Right I shall recommend these Heads to his serious Consideration 1. Whether he does not yield that if there were a Submission and Consent to such Laws for Government as England should from time to time publish to be obeyed in Ireland this would be no injury to the Common Rights of Mankind 2. Whether his Tragical Exclamations against those who have acted contrary to what he takes to be the Right of the English Proprietors in Ireland are not founded upon the Supposition that those Acts of Parliaments there which have been made of late Days with express intention of binding Ireland are Innovations 3. Whether it being evident that the Laws made here have for so many Ages been enforced and submitted to as binding Ireland an English-man in Ireland has more reason to complain of a Law made here than a Wealthy Merchant Free of no Corporation or any English-man whoâ—e Profit obliges him to a continuance in Foreign Parts 4. Whether all the English Treasure which has been spent and Lives lost for the Reduction of Ireland were absolutely at the Disposal of the Princes or directed by any of their Parliaments 5. Whether a Law Book digested in the Time of H. 2. as 't is suppos'd by Publick Authority does not shew that in the Notion of that very Time when Mr. M. supposes that the Right of the Crown of England over Ireland was first acquired there was or might be Treason against the Kingdom of England as well as against the King 6. Whether the submitting to take the English Laws from the King implyed the taking them from him alone unless he made Laws in England without the Consent of the States of the Kingdom of England 7. Whether if the English modus tenendi Parliamenta being as Mr. M. thinks he has proved transmitted to Ireland by H. 2. stiling himself Conqueror of Ireland after that a Parliament of Ireland held in that form should have Voted themselves independant upon the Parliament of England would not every Member have been liable to an Impeachment for Treason against the King and Kingdom of England 8. If by Municipal Laws or the Provision of the Common Law of England in Cases not particularly express'd the Son may justly suffer in the Consequence of his Father's Forfeiture for Treason may not the same Reason hold for a dependent Nation 9. Whether Jurists universally agreed to be well skill'd in the Law of Nations and even such as hold the People or Community to be the common Subject of Power do not maintain that as well the Dominion or Power vested in the People as that which was in the Prince may be acquired by another Prince or State 10. Whether they do not hold that such acquisition made in one Age and continued lays an obligation upon Posterity to submit to it 11. Whether they do not generally hold that Protection is a good foundation of Power and that this confirms the Submissions of Publick Societies anciently made to the Nature of that Government which they had subjected themselves to and to the governing Families 12. Whether the Protection which the stronger Kingdom has continued to give to a weaker is not at least as forceable an Argument for Obedience as that protection which any Nation does or can receive from the Prince who is at the Head of it 13. Whether our Saviour's Observation upon the Roman penny and St. Paul's Epîstle to the Romans did not establish a general Rule of
Subjection 14. Whether the Jews and other Nations subject to the Roman Empire had not much more plausible pretences for casting off the Roman Yoak than the Irish have for disowning the English Legislature 15. Whether our Victorious and Heroical Kings E. 3. and H. 5. thought it any diminution to the Prerogative of the Crown of England for their Parliaments to be joyn'd with them in giving Terms to those Parts of France which were brought under the Crown of England in Wars carried on at a National Expence 16. Whether notwithstanding his Concession that every King of England is ipso facto King of Ireland the contrary does not follow from his Notion of Prerogative of Irelands being a compleat Kingdom regâ—â—â—â—ed within it self and the Supposition that Acts of Parliament in England cannot bind Ireland till confirmed by Parliament there 17. Whether therefore according to his way of arguing the Subjects of Ireland who fought under King William before he was recognized by a Parliament in Ireland then served their Lawful and Rightful King 18. Whether to dedicate to His present Majesty a Book of such consequences as the direct Answer to these Questions would manifest argues a due Opinion of His Majesty's Judgment and Penetration FINIS a Anciently there was but one House and sometimes one undivided Body sub dio Thus one of K. Edgar 's Charters An. 970. Non clam in angulo sed sub Divo palam evidentissimè scientibus totiâ—s regni mei Primatibus d Dr. Brady's Answer to Mr. Petty l. p. 1 2 â—o rescue these sacred things from groundless and designing iâ—â—eâ—pretations I follow his own Method and do affirm 1. Thaâ— the Commo s of England represented by Knights Citizens and Burgesses in parliament were not introduced not were one of the three Estates in Parliament before the 49th of H. 3. 2. That before that time the body of the Commons of England or Freemâ—n as now understood or as we nâ—w frequently call them collectively taken had not any share or votes iu making of Laws for the government of the Kingdom nor had any comâ—unication in Affairs of State unless they wâ—re represented by the Tex nts in Capite a Vid Jani Anglor faciem nov ed. An. 1680. b Vid. Dr. Brady 's Append to his Coâ—pleat History cited in f. c Dr. Brady's Introtuct f. 3â—6 Speâ—à ing of Seditious Pieces defign'd as he says to overturn the Government and publish'd on purpose to usher in Anarchy and Confusion leaving a Blank for Mr. Pâ—tyt's Name whom be sufficiently describes these and other such stuff says he did mightily contribute to the Sedition and Rebellious Practices of a Great Man who laid violent Hands upon himself to prevent the Hand â—nd Stroak of Justice And like to this Piece are Jâ—ni Anglor â—acies nova Jus Anglorum ab antiquo Reflections upon Antidptum Brit. c. All written and timed to promote Sedition and in expectation of Rebellion and the destruction of the Establish'd Government d Jus Anglorum ab antiq Votes Lunae 27 Junii 1698. Vid. Mat. Par. Addit f. 281. De foris facturâ regni per Johannem regni vacatione per ejusdem demissionem in manus Papae * Mr. Molineux his Book p. 3. I venture to expose my own weakness rather than be wanting at this time to my Country I might say indeed to mankind for 't is the Cause of the whole Race of Adam that I argue c. Pag. 3. Vid. Plin. Pan. Quà m nunc juvat provincias omnes in fidem nostram deditionemque venisse Postquam contigit Princeps terrarum c. Pag. 25. * 'T is only damage sustain'd that gives title to another man's goods * Mr. Molineux his complaint against the Parliament of England Vid. Dedication Pag. 3. P. 64 66. P. 68 99. P. 105. P. 107. Nay but one Throne the two Kingdoms P. 108. P. 111. Pag. 114. a P. 128. b P. 129 133 139. c P. 147. d P. 163. e P. 154. f P. 157. g P. 161. h P. 166. i P. 168. Vid. e Cont. sup p. 64 66. k P. 170. l Ibid. m P. 171. n Ibid. o P. 172. Pag. 3. The true Foundation and Nature of the Right of England over Ireland Vid. p. 3. P. 14. Pag. 6. of the first annexation of the Land of Ireland to the Crown of England Lambard's Archainomia f. 148. de Jure Appendiciis Coronae Regni Britanniae a Bibliâ—â—h Cot. sub effigie Julii B. 11. b Claudius D. 2. Na. c Guernsey 〈◊〉 I take it Circa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rot. Cart. 5. E. 2. m. 12. n. 25. 3 E. 3. m. 10. n. 23. Pro Priore Conventu Wigorn per inspeximus An. 964. regni sui 6. Rot Pat. 12. E. 2. m. 13. n. 42. Rot. Cart. 2 E. 3. m. 23. n. 78. An. 970. Cart. Antiq. in Turr. Loud B. n. 11. a Rot. Carâ— 5. E. 2. m. 12 n. 25. b Rot. Cart. 5. E. 3. m. 1â— n. 17. per Prior Convent sanctae Frischeswide Oxon. An. 1084. reâ—â—iâ— 25. a Rot. Cart. 5. E. 3. m. 32. n. 85. A. 979. b Rot. Cart. 36. E. 3. m. 7. n. 3. A. 964. c In Bib. Cot. An. 1001. d Monast 1. vol. f. 94. a. A. 983. a Rot. Cart. 5. E. 3. m. 32. n. 85. pars unica A. 987. b Hist Elyens in Bib. Cotton c Vid. Rot. Cart. 2. R. 2. m. 13. n. 5. Bib. Cot. sub effig Claudil c. 9. Hist Eccles Abind Cart. Antiq. B. n. 4. K. n. 22. d Cartae Antiquae in Turri Lond. D. n. 12. Coenob de Salebiâ— e Cart. An tiq Q. n. 2 An. 1081. * Bib. Cot. sub Effigie Claudii 9 Regist Abind dehund de Hormmere †P. 129. If our Church be free and absolute within it self our State must be so too Of the Superiority and Authority of the Church of England over the Church of Ireland * Parker 's Aâ—tiq Brit. Et quique Nobiles cum Clero * Petitioni â—orum Armuit †Fo. 23. Ann. 1151. Ibid. ð„ Ib. F. 23. Nihilominus Cant. Primatem in omnibus agnoscunt * Antiq. Brit. sup Inter decem script Gerv. Dorob Actus Pontif. Cant. F. 1633. Ann. 605. Nec non ScothoruÌ„ qui Hiberniam insulam Britanniae proximam incolunt pastoralem impendere sollicitudinem curabat Brompton F. 970 971. de An. 1071. * Not that the whole History need have been read in the Council but the chief Passages produced by them who had read it P. 8. An. 1172. P. 6 7 8. Of H. 2d 's landing in Ireland P. 144. The justification of H. 2d's Expedition Lambard's Archaionomia F. 138. De Regis Officio c. Vid. Leges St. Edw. Tit. Greve Ryley's Placita Parl. 29 E. 1. Vid. Inâ— Anglia sacra Giraldus Cambrensis de rebus a se gestis Pars 2. c. 14. Angl. sac sup pars 2. F. 485. speaking of King John Pater ipsius intrandi Hiberniam sibique