to thinke that in some sense the Oath might be taken yet none abroad were of that mynd For that they allowed not of any sort of Equiuocation in matters touching faith religion And in these I heare say that the Iesuites were among the chiefe most forward as heere also is confessed who notwithstanding before were most accused bayted and exagitated both in Bookes Pulpitts and Tribunalls for allowing in some points the lawfull vse of Equiuocation XV. About this doubt Catholickes according to their rule of Subordination and spirituall Obedience in such affayres referring the matter to the iudgment and consultation of their Supreme Pastour whome by the principles of their Religion they belieue that our Sauiour giueth assistance for the direction of mens soules they receyued from him after due deliberation this answere That the whole Oath as it lay could not be admitted with the integritie of the Catholicke Faith For that albeit diuers partes therof were lawfull to wit all such clauses as appertained to the promise of Ciuill and Temporall Obedience yet other thinges being interlaced and mixt therwith which do detract from the spirituall Authoritie of their said highest Pastour at leastwise indirectly the whole Oath as it lieth was made therby vnlawfull XVI And this I vnderstand to be the substance of the Popes Resolution and answere though all these particularityes be not set downe in his Breues but onely the Oath declared to be vnlawfull in conscience to Catholicke men as it lyeth without distinction And what malitious tricke of the Diuell them this may be thought where sheepe do make recourse to their spirituall Pastour in so great and important occasions of their soules as these are I see not Do English Catholickes any other thing in this then that which all English Subiects both great and small learned and vnlearned haue done and practised from our first Christian Kinges vntill the time of King Henry the eight vpon the point of a thousand yeares Let the Answere to Sir Edward Cookes booke of Reportes lately set forth be examined whether it doth not shew that in all those Ages recourse was euer made to the Sea Apostolicke in like occasions without preiudice of Subiectes temporall dueties to their temporall Princes XVII No one English Christian King though they were many did euer absolutly deny recourse to Rome in spirituall things notwithstanding in some other Cyuill or mixt matters vpon different occasions some restraintes were some tymes made from our first king Ethelbert to king Henry the eyght as by the said discourse Answere is euidently proued much more throughout the noble rancke of the Christian kinges of Scotland his Ma. ties Progenitours vntill his most renowned Progenitrix by whome and from whom he hath his royall right of both Crownes who is knowne reputed throughout Christendome to haue died for defence of this Catholicke doctrine For so much as if she would haue abandoned that there had byn little doubt of making her away And the like may be said of all other great Christian and Catholicke Princes of our dayes as the Emperour himselfe the Potent Kings and Monarches of Spayne France Polonia and other States Common-wealthes and Potentates do not thinke it any disgrace diminution of honour perill or iniury vnto them that their Subiects for matters of Conscience do make recourse to the Sea Apostolicke or that which is consequent therof the said Sea or generall Pastour do interpose his iudgement declaration or decision in such affayres XVIII This is the Catholicke doctrine and practise this hath bene in vse throughout Christendome from all antiquity no where more then in our Realmes of England and Scotland as hath byn said In this beliefe and practice liued and dyed all our forfathers that were Subiects all our noble Kings that were our Soueraignes all our Bishops and Prelats that were our Pastours all our great Counsellours and Lawyers that by their wisdome and learning gouerned the land all our Nobility Gentry Priests and Laytie So as if now this be holden for a malitious tricke of the diuell dishonorable and preiudiciall to his Ma. tie his Soueraignty Crowne dignity and security as heere is insinuated it must needs be for that the diuell indeed hath made some change in other men and matters by altering of opinions and apprehensions For the Catholicks are the same that they were wont to be and do thinke the same belieue the same teach the same and practice the same that all their predecessors haue done before them XIX But to returne to the Apologie Two mislikes are consequently set downe after the former wordes The first that the Pope did mittere falcem in alienam messem by intermedling betweene his Ma. tie and his Subiects especially in matters that meerely and only concerne cyuill Obedience The other that he refuted not particulerly what speciall wordes he quarrelled in that Oath which if he had done saith the Apologie it might haue byn that his Ma. tie for the Fatherly care he hath not to put any of his Subiects to a needles extremity might haue byn contented in some sort to haue reformed or interpreted those words with his owne Catholicks and so had they byn therby fully eased in that busines or at leastwise some appearance or shaddow of excuse might haue byn left vnto them for refusing the same vpon scrupulous tendernesse of Conscience c. Thus writeth he Which if he do bona fide and haue besydes any inckling or insight in his Ma. ties meaning indeed that way for the ease or comfort of his afflicted Catholicke people I doubt not but that full satisfaction may be gyuen to his Royall Highnes in these two poyntes that heere are set downe XX. For first about putting the Popes hooke in another mans haruest supposing as we do that wee treate of Catholicke people only and according to Catholicke doctryne and in matters belonging to Catholicke mens soules and consciences it cannot be called Messis aliena an other mans haruest that the Pope dealeth in England with such kynd of people and in such causes as well as in Spayne France Flanders Italie Germanie Polonia and other States and Kingdomes for that they are no lesse appertayning to his flocke care charge and haruest then the rest Neyther doth the materiall separation of our Iland separate vs from the vnion of one body nor of one Obedience to one the selfe same general Head and Pastour no more then it doth from the vnion of one beliefe and of one number and forme of Sacraments of one manner of seruice and other like poyntes belonging to the internall and externall vnitie of Catholicke Religion XXI But the Apologie saith that His medling about this Oath is in matters that meerly and only concerne Cyuill Obedience and the same he repeateth in dyuers other partes and passages of this Booke which if it be true I will easely graunt that his Ma. tie hath cause of iust
from some other T. M. of like condition though in respect of his office somewhat neerer to his maiesty to whome perhaps he might shew the same â—s the other dedicated his and therupon might presume to set it forth Authoritate Regiâ as in the first front of the Booke is set downe somwhat different from other bookes and cause it to be printed by Barker his Ma. ties Printer and adorned in the second page with the Kings Armes and other like deuises wherin our English Ministers do grow now to be very bold do hope to haue in tyme the hand which Scotâ—ish Ministers once had But I most certaynly do perswade my selfe that his Ma. tie neuer read aduisedly all that in this Booke is conteyned For that I take him to be of such iudgement and honour as he would neuer haue let passe sundry things that heere are published contrary to them both III. As for example his Highnes great iudgement would presently haue discouered that the State of the Question is twice or thrice changed in this Apologie and that thing proued by allegations of Scriptures Fathers and Councels which the aduerse part denyeth not as after in due place I shall shew And againe he would neuer haue let passe so manifest an ouersight as is the charging of Card. all Bellarmine with eleuen seuerall places of contradiction to himselfe in his workes whereas in the true nature of a contradiction or contrariety no one of them can be proued or mainteyned as euery man that vnderstandeth the Latyn tongue and will but looke vpon Bellarmine himselfe will presently fynd IV. Nay some of them are so palpable as euery man of common sense euen without Latyn or learning will espy the same as namely the very first where it is said That Card. all Bellarmine writeth in his fifth Booke of Iustification That for the vncertainty of our owne proper righteousnesse and for auoyding of vayne glory it is most sure and safe to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercy and goodnes of God Which proposition sayth the Apologie is directly contrary to the whole discourse and currant of all his fyue bookes De Iustificatione But euery mâ—n out of common reason will 〈◊〉 that the opposition betweene one place and fiue bookes is very genâ—â—â— and vncertayne to the Reader He should haue câ—ted some one or two or more places out of those fyue bookes which in true sense and wordes had byn contrary to the former place to the end that iudgement might haue byn made therof and this in credit he ought to haue done to conuince so great a man of contradiction to himselfe V. Agayne it is alleadged for a manifest contradiction in Bellarmine for that in one place he saith That the end of the world can not be knowne and in an other That within 25. dayes after Antichrists death the world shall haue an end But what man is so simple or silâ—y that will not presently demaund how we shall know the certaynty when Antichrist is to come For therupon dependeth the whole controuersy VI. In like manner wheras his Ma. tie is knowne to be a Prince of most honorable respects in treaty and vsage of others especially men of honour and dignity it is to be thought that he would neuer haue consented if he had but seene the Booke with any attention that those phrases of contempt not only against the Pope at least as a temporall Prince but neyther against the Cardinall calling him by the name of M. Bellarmine should haue passed For so much as both the Emperour and greatest Kings of Christendome do name that dignity with honour And it seemeth no lesse dissonant to call a Cardinall Maister then if a man should call the chiefest dignityes of our Crowne by that name as M. Chauncelour M. Treasurer M. Duke M. Earle M. Archbishop M. Bancroft which I assure my selfe his Ma. tie would in law of honour condemne if any externall Subiect or Prince should vse to men of that State in our Countrey though he were of different Religion Wherfore I rest most assured that this proceeded eyther out of the Ministers lacke of modestie or charity and that if his Ma. tie had had the perusall of the Booke before it came forth he would presently haue gyuen a dash of his pen ouer it with effectuall order to remedy such ouersightes of inciuility VII Furthermore that generall assertiue note gyuen against Card. all Bellarmine that VVhensoeuer he is pressed with any difficult argument of his Aduersary he careth not to contradict himselfe so he may declyne therby the present storme I can hardly belieue that his Ma. tie would haue passed ouer with approbation For so much as it is so generall as I said and would require an induction of many particuler examples to inferre the same wherof no one is heere alledged that can be stood vnto and proued to be a true contradiction in deed That other iniurious and stinging conclusion also that There is no greater difference betweene God and Belial light and darknes heauen and hell then there is betweene the doctrine of the Scriptures and Card. all Bellarmines workes concerrning the dignity of temporall Princes I can not imagine that the equity and grauity of his Ma. tie would euer allow of it being apparantly a passionate exaggeration and refuted euery where by Bellarmine himselfe where he teacheth that temporall Princes haue their Authority from God are Gods substitutes and Vicars in all temporall affayres of their States and Kingdomes are for such to be obeyed not only out of feare to auoyd punishment but of conscience vnder paynes of damnation so as wherin this great and absolute opposition of Scriptures to Bellarmins works about the Authority and dignity of temporall Princes doth consist I see not And if his bookes had byn so derogatory to Princely Authority as heere is said it is very like that so many other Monarches Princes and great States would neuer haue permitted them to haue bene printed in their Dominions as they haue done and do dayly Wherfore neyther this also do I suppose that the great wisedome of his Ma. tie would haue allowed VIII This then remayneth most firme in my persuasion that his Ma. tie had nothing to do with the Booke but only perhaps the allowance therof in generall termes before it was published and this yow will easely see by the substance therof which consisteth such as it is of three principall poynts or partes The first conteynng as it were a preamble to the Breues concerning the nature of the Oath exacted and circumstances therof The second touching the contents of the said Breues the Popes manner of proceeding therin The third the examination of Card. all Bellarmines letter to M. Blackwell the Arch-priest of all which I do promise yow but a small tast as I said for I haue very little tyme and I should offer iniury to others to whome it belongeth to make a
this Apologer passeth on to bestow some of his adulation and oleum peccatoris vpon his Ma. tie in like manner that now raigneth telling vs That his kyndnes and benefits bestowed vpon that sort of people haue bene farre greater then those of Q. Elizabeth which may easily be as by that which hath bene touched may appeare Yet do we verily perswade our selues that if his Highnes had byn left to himselfe and to his owne Royall nature and noble disposition in this poynt as Q. Elizabeth was wont to say of her disposition in religion we had tasted indeed much of this his great humanity and so we began for some tyme but being preuented and diuerted by the subtile workings of this and other such Ministers as desyred to draw bloud and to incite his Maiestie against vs we hauing no place to speake for our selues no admittance to be heard no effectuall intercessour to interpose his mediation for vs no maruaile though wee were cast of and do indure the smart XVIII And I do name this Minister T. M. the yonger in the first place among the rest for that it is commonly said that his whole exercise is Sycophancy and calumniation against men of our profession be they strangers or domesticall and that among other deuises he hath this That euery tyme his Ma. tie is to take his repast he is ready eyther with some tale iest scoffe or other bitter lance to wound vs absent and that he hath euer lightly some booke and page therof ready to read to his Highnes somewhat framed by his art to incense or auert his Ma. tie more eyther in iudgement or affection or both and therby to draw from him some hard speaches which being published afterward by himselfe and others do serue to no other end but to gaâ—l and alienate myndes and to afflict them that are not suffered to giue reason for themselues And that is the seruice he doth his Ma. tie in this exercise XIX And as for the places themselues which he vseth to bring forth with his wet finger as is said we are to imagine that they are no better nor more fitly applyed then such as he hath sett forth against vs in this booke perhaps somewhat worse for that he might probably thinke that this booke would be examined comming forth with so great pretence of authority as it doth And therfore if heere yow fynd him to vse calumniation most impertinent citation of Authours and Authorityes eyther wholy making against himselfe or nothing for his purpose or against vs then may yow thinke what liberty he will take to himselfe there in speach where no man is like to contradict him but all applause is expected from the standers by XX. Let vs heare if yow please one exaggeration of his concerning his Ma. ties myldnes vnto vs and our ingratitude in abusing the same to pryde His Ma. ties gouernment saith he ouer them hath so far exceeded that of Q. Elizabeth in mercy and clemency as the Papists themselues grew to that height of pryde in confidence to his myldnes as they did directly expect and assuredly promise to themselues liberty of Conscience and equality with vs in all things that are his best and faithfull Subiects c. Do you see what a height of pride this was And what an abuse of his Maiesties mercie and clemencie to expect libertie of Conscience Why had he not obiected in like manner that they expected the libertie of breathing and vsing the common ayre as well as Protestants For that neither breathing nor the vse of coÌ„mon ayre is more due vnto them or common to all then ought to be libertie of Conscience to Christian men wherby ech one liueth to God and to himselfe and without which he strugleth with the torment of a continuall lingring death XXI And surely I cannot but wonder that this Minister was not ashamed to call this the height of pride which is generally found in all Protestants neuer so humble yea the more humble and vnderlings they are the more earnest are they both in bookes speaches and preachings to proue that liberty of Conscience is most conforme to Gods law and that wresting or forcing of Consciences is the highest Tyranny that can be exercised vpon man And this we may see first in all M. Fox his History especially during the time of the three King Henries 4. 5. and 6. and afterward when those that were called Lollards and VVickcliffians who as M. Fox saith were indeed good Protestants being pressed somewhat about their Religion did continually beate vpon this argumeÌ„t of libertie of Conscience and when they obteyned it not they set vp publicke schedles vpon the Church dores of London and made those famous conspiracyes of killing K. Henry the 5. and all his family which are recounted by VValsingham Stow Fox and other English Historiographers XXII In this our age also the first oppositioÌ„ of Protestant Princes in Germanie against their Emperour Charles the 5. both at Smalcald Austburgh and other meetings as afterwards also the fierce and perillous warrs by the Duke of Saxony Marques of Brandeburge and other Protestant Princes and their people against the same Emperour begunne in the very same yeare that our K. Henry dyed Were they not all for lyberty of Conscience so pretended so printed so published so diuulged to the world The first Supplications Memorialls and declarations in like manner which the Protestants of France set forth in print as also they of Holland Zeland in tyme of the gouernments as well of the Duchesse of Parma Duke of Alua Commendador Mayor and other Gouernours did they not all expresly professe that their principall griefes were about liberty of Conscience restrayned And did not they cyte many places of Scriptures to proue the equity necessity therof And do not all Protestants the like at this day in all places where they are both in Polonia Austria Hungaria Bohemia Styria and els where And how theÌ„ is Iordanis conuersus retrorsum with this Minister How is his voyce contrary to the voyce sense of all the rest How with what reason may he call it the height of pryde in English Catholicks to haue but hope therof which is so ordinary a doctrine practice of all his brethren in forraine nations to witt for vs to expect liberty of Conscience at the first entrance of our new King of so noble and royall a mynd before that tyme as he was neuer knowne to be giuen to cruelty or persecutioÌ„ in his former raigne The Sonne of such a Mother as held her selfe much beholden to English Catholicks And himselfe in his litle Golden Booke to his Sonne the Prince had confessed that he had euer found the Catholicke party most trusty vnto him and therupon had done sundry fauours to diuers of them and gyuen no small hope of greater vnto others XXIII From this King I say whom they so much loued
THE IVDGMENT OF A CATHOLICKE ENGLISH-MAN LIVING IN BANISHMENT FOR HIS RELIGION VVritten to his priuate friend in England Concerninge A late BOOKE set forth and entituled Triplici nodo triplex cuneus Or An Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance Against two BREVES of Pope PAVLVS V. to the Catholickes of England a Letter of Cardinall BELLARMINE to M. GEORGE BLACKWELL Arch-priest VVherin the said Oath is shewed to be vnlawfull vnto a Catholicke Conscience for so much as it conteyneth sundry clauses repugnant to his Religion S. Hieron Comment in Cap. 4. Hierem. Let an Oath haue these companions Truth Iudgment and Iustice for if these be wanting it shall not be an Oath but Periury ¶ Permissu Superiorum ANNO 1608. THE GENERALL Contentes of this ensuing Letter diuided into three Paragraphes 1. THE first paragraph handleth matters concerning the substance of the Oath which in the Apologie are spoken by way as it were of Preface before the setting downe of the Popes Breues 2. THE second considereth the said two Breues impugnation therof by the Apologer and how sufficiently or insufficiently the same is performed by him 3. THE third discusseth the Answere made to Cardinall Bellarmynes Letter diuers poyntes of moment therin conteyned but weakly impugned by the Apologer as the Authour of this Letter iudgeth To the Reader THIS Letter comming to my hands gentle Reader some dayes past from my learned friend beyond the seas and hauing imparted the same priuately vnto sundry of myne acquaintance who desyred to read somewhat concerning the Argument in haÌ„d they were very earnest with me to yield to the printing therof for eschewing so great labour tyme and expences as would be necessary for the copying it out to so many as desyred the view therof which I intreate thee to take in good part and vse it to thy benefit And so to CHRIST IESVS I committ thee with wish of all felicitie both in this lyfe and the next PARTICVLER chiefe poyntes handled in this Letter In the first Paragraph 1. WHo is thought to be the true Authour of this Triplex cuneus or Apology and vpon what reasons arguments Num. 2. 3. 4. c. 2. The contentes of the Oath and how the lawfulnes of taking it was consulted with learned men both at home and abroad num 14. 15. c. 3. VVhether this Oath do conteyne matters of only meere Ciuill and Temporall Obedience and not any of Religion as is pâ—â—â—â—â—ded num 20. 21. c. 4. VVhat full and perfect Obedience and dutifull Allegiancâ— Catholicke Subiects do acknowledge themselues to owe and offer vnto his Ma. tie in all Temporall affayres as much as euer any English Subiects from the beginning vntill K. Henry the eight his time and as any forrayne Subiect doth to any Catholicke Emperour King or Prince at this day num 25. 26. c. 5. How contradictory it is in it self That Catholicks must sweare to take the Oath freely without coaction notwithstanding the penalty of Premunire if they refuse it num 29. c. 6. Concerning a petition to his Ma. tie for exposition of the said Oath for auoyding of needles vexations num 32. 33. c. 7. That nothing is gayned but much lost to his Ma. tie by ouer-much vrging the said Oath num 34. 35. c. In the Second Paragraph THe summe of the two Breues of Paulus V. and whether1 he had reason to complayne of Catholicks sufferance or no num 1. 2. 3. c. VVhether Q. Elizabeth did persecute Catholicks,2 and whether she were so happie in her life and gouernment as some do make her num 5. 6. 7. c. That it is not height of pryde in Catholicks to desyre lyberty of3 Conscience as the Apologer sayth num 25. 26. 27. c. That clemency is no cause of desperate attempts as this Apologer4 insinuateth but rather the contrary to wit cruelty num 32. 33. c. In what poyntes and why this Oath is held to be vnlawfull for5 Catholicke men to take with the examination of Scriptures Fathers and Councels about the same num 41. 42. c. How the Apologer wittingly mistaking the State of the Question,6 goeth forward impugning only his owne deuises num 61. 62. In the third Paragraph CArdinall Bellarmyne is wrongfully charged to mistake1 the State of the Controuersy and to impugne the Oath of Supremacy insteed of the Oath of Allegiance num 4. 5. c. VVhy the Apologer changeth the old Tytle of Supreme Head2 of the Church established by Statute vnder K. Henry the 8. and K. Edward the 6. vnto Supreme Gouernour num 6. 7. c. 3. The ancient Councels of Toledo how vntruly they are alledged for prescribing this forme of Oath now exacted num 11. 12. 13. c. 4. Clauses of beliefe or not beliefe proued to be in this Oath contrary to the Apologers assertion num 26. 27. c. 5. An eleuen Contradictions obiected out of Cardinall Bellarmynes workes but no one can be verified num 35. 36. 37. c. 6. The Authorityes of sundry Fathers examined whether they make to the purpose for which Bellarmyne doth alledge them in his Epistle num 58. 59. 7. Great variety of calumâ—â—ious dealing against the Cardinall for disgracing him num 74. 75. c. 8. How Kings and Princes are truly seruants of their Subiects and how their Authority is mediatly and not immediatly from God num 78. 79. 83. c. THE IVDGMENT OF A CATHOLICKE MAN TO HIS FRIEND in England Concerning the Apology for the new Oath of Allegiance Paragr I. I CANNOT but yeild yow harty thankes my louing friend for the new Booke yow sent me ouer by Gunâ—ar at his last passage For albeit I haue determyned with my selfe in this my banishment to spend my tyme in other studyes more profitable then in contention about Controuersyes yet must I needs accept kyndly of your good will in making me partaker of your newes there And more gladde should I haue beene if yow had aduertised me what your and other mens opinion was of the Booke in your parts then that yow request me to write our mens Iudgement from hence And yet for so much as yow requâ—â—â—t so earnestly at my handes and that the party is to returne presently I shall say somewhat with the greatest breuity that I can Albeit I do not doubt but that the partyes that are principally interessed therin will answere the same much more largely II. First then for the Authour for so much as he setteth not downe his Name it seemeth not so easy to ghâ—sse yet the more generall opinion in these partes is that as that odious Discouery of Roman Doctryne and practises which of late yow haue seene answered was cast forth against the Catholickes vnder the cyrred name of T. M. with direction as he said from Superiours the Authour being in deed but an inferiour Minister so dyuers thinke it to be probable that this other Booke also commeth
consideration serue for all That after all her afflicting Catholicks and by that exercise vpon the egging of others more then of her owne propension she was drawne into continuall suspitions â—eares and frights of her mynd and spirit euen in the midst or all these sensuall delights contentments admired so much by her Attorney which draue her to a point wherunto by nature she was not thought much inclyned and by profession and protestations she most condemned in others to wit Cruelty which in effect was such out of the fore said feares towards Catholicke Religion as neuer perhaps yea without perhaps were so many seuerall lawes punishments deuised by any one persecutour nor many putt togeather as are extant of hers in Print against the proâ—essours of that Religion wherof herselfe had byn one and in secret or priuate speaches also would not deny to be in sundry poyntes euen to her dying day And was not this a great in felicity When straÌ„gers do read behold her Edicts Statutes wherin not only the whole vse of Catholicke Religion is condemned and vnder greiuous punishment prohibited but men are forced also by rigorous penall lawes to go to the Churches of a contrary Religion to communicate with them to do acts and sweare against their owne Religion faith and Consciences that there are seuere punishments of losse of goods and lands for receyuing an Agnus Dei or a Medall or Crucifix greiuous punishments for keeping of a Catholicke seruant or Schoolemaister to teach and bring vp their children or to send them ouer seas to Catholicke Schooles yea that it is the payne of death it selfe to be reconciled by confessing his synnes to the Roman Church or to the vnion of â—aith with the Head therof or to perswade another to be a Catholicke or do the same When they read these things I say and many others which for breuity I pretermitt and that all this notwithstanding she would not haue it said That she persecuted any for Religion which in manner this Apologer sticketh not to auouch nor put any Priest to death for that cause in deed wheras notwithstaÌ„ding she shed the bloud of aboue one huÌ„dred and thirty that might haue had their lyues euen at the last cast if in this one point of Religion they would haue yielded neuer so little All this I say being read and considered seemeth vnto forreiners a strange infelicity both of body and soule XIII Especially when it is considered to what perpetuall iealosy at length she was brought vnto of all sorts of people Puritans Papists yea of her owne dearest as the death of the Earle of Essex and his followers doth easily declare Neyther was there any weeke lightly but that she had some new feares of some Priest or Iesuite or Catholicke soldiours sent from Flanders France or Italy to kill her by violence others from Spayne and other Countryes to poyson her or at at least her Chaire And vponsuch fancyes men must be made away for greater terrour yea Iewes must be brought in also in this kynd of pretended poysoning as the case of Doctor Lopez well declareth Nay further this gryping passion of feare and iealosy did so vexe consume her inwardly as she was neuer well vntill she had made away against all law of Nature and Nations the nearest vnto her in Royall bloud that lyued vpon earth and coequall with her in dignity if in sundry respects not Superiour I meane his Ma. ties noble renowned Mother Queene of France Scotland that by force of the former Statute which declared this other for illegitimate and incapable of the Crowne as now yow haue heard should haue enioyed the Crowne of England presently after the death of Q. Marie consequently his Ma. tie had enioyed the same 38. yeares at least before he came vnto it after her death who of all other lyuing Creatures is knowne most hartily to haue hated that yssue succession And as she went about to disinable the same in the very roote fouÌ„tayne it selfe by seeking the disgrace of the ofspring by dishonour of the origen so neuer ceased she afterward to continue practises against them both vntill she had wracked the one and brought the other also to great probability therof if she might haue lyued to her will or haue dyed with such vse of senses and iudgment as might haue made way to her bad affections in that behalfe XIV Well then all this I haue beene inforced to speake vpon this occasion first to represse somwhat therby the insultation of our foresaid Orator in calling her The happy Queene the blessed Queene whose vnmatched wisedome and vnconquered prowesse to vse his words crowned her the peerlesse wonder of her sexe All which tendeth to the exprobration of Catholicks for hauing had so happy peerles a persecutour and to the insultation also ouer the Pope for calling her in his Breue as he saith Miseram Foeminam a miserable woman which how true or false it is I leaue to the prudent Reader out of the former discourse about her byrth youth age and end to censure XV. Secondly I do heerin but imitate the first ancient Fathers that wrote for defence of those holy Martyrs that dyed for Christian Religion in the Primitiue Church as namely Iustinus Martyr Irenaeus Tertullian and others who to comfort the afflicted and to honour more their cause did put them in mynd what manner of people their first persecutours were as namely Nero and Domitian what lyfe they led what end they made and the like And that indeed they were fit instruments to be the first in such a worke And the like we may say to Catholicks of Q. Elizabeth that she being the strangest woman that euer was borne for diuers circumstances now partly touched and the first absolutly of that sexe eyther Christian or created that tooke vpon her Supreme power in Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters it must needes be some comfort to Catholicke people that God chose such an instrument to be their first scourge out of all woman kynd XVI And lastly for that this Apologer will needs take vpon him to sacrifice to her Manes I thought my selfe obliged to offer some incense in like maÌ„ner to the same for mitigating the euill sent which that notorious vntrue assertion must needs import to the senses of all vnderstanding Readers That Queene Elizabeth neuer punished any Papist for Religion Nor made any rigorous law against them before Pius Quintus his Excommunication nor since that tyme but vpon priuate plots machinations c. For cleare confutation wherof I remit those of the elder sort that lyue in England to their owne eyes eares and other externall senses and those of yonger age to the books of Statutes of Q. Elizabeths tyme Iohn Stowes Chronicle and other such publicke Records And so much of this poynt XVII Next after these exaggerations of the clemency and indulgence of Q. Elizabeth towards Catholicks
and honoured receyued so gladly and with vniuersall ioy meant to serue faithfully trusted that as he had vnited the two Kingdomes in one Obedience by his Succession so would he by his liberality vnite and conioyne the harts of all his Subiects in bearing a sweete and equall hand towards them all From such a King I saâ— or vs to expect liberty of ConscieÌ„ce and equality with other Subiects in this poynt at least of freedome of soule what height of pryde may it be called May it not rather seeme height of pryde in this Minister his â—ellowes that hauing bynâ— oâ—d enemyes and alwayes borne a hard hate uâ—â—hand and tongue against his Ma. tie both in their Sermons Bookes Speaches all the tyme of the late Queenes raigne now vpon the suddayne sine vllis meri is praecedeâ—â—ious will needs be so priuiledged assume vnto themselues such a confident presumption of his Ma. ties speciall fauour as to suffer no man to stand by them but to hold it for height of pryde in vs to hope â—or any freedome and liberty oâ— our Conscience at alâ— What is height of pryde and soâ—lâ— iâ— this be not XXIV But his Ma. tie is wise will as we hope according to his prudence in tyme looke into this sort oâ—men and manner of proceeding And to returne to the Apologer he reckoneth vp therby to exaggerate the more our ingratitude the particuler fauours his Ma. tie did vnto vs at his first entrance as That he did honour diuers Catholicks with Knighthood being open Recusants That he gaue audiece indifferently to both sydes bestowed equally fauours and honours vpon both professions gaue free conâ—inuall accesse to all rankes and degrees of Papists in his Court and company freeing Recusantes from their ordinarie payments gaue order to his Iudges with his owne mouth to spare execution of all Priests though they were conuicted gaue libertie by his gracious Proclamation to all Priests not taken to go out of the Countrey by such a day and all Priestes that were taken were sent ouer and sett at liberty and many other gracious fauours benefittes VVhich saith he tyme and paper would fayle me if I would make enumeration of them all in recounting wherof euery scrape of my pen so vse his words would serue but for a blott of the Popes ingratitude and iniustice in meating his Ma. tie with so hard a measure for the same So as I thinke quoth he I haue sufficiently wiped of the teares from the Popes eyes for complayning vpon such persecution c. XXV Thus writeth this man who in naming the Popes ingratitude must much more include ours that are Catholicks for that these benefitts such as they were appertayned nothing to the Pope but only in Christian charity as a common spirituall Father and Pastour he being otherwise a stranger vnto vs in bloud and for other worldly respects And as for Catholicks they accept gratefully whatsoeuer least fauour hath byn or is done vnto them and do not doubt but that if his Ma. tie had not bene preuented by sinister information persuasion of others they had tasted of much greater as due vnto them in that they are naturall borne Subiects of the Realme most loyall in hart affection neuer meaning otherwise but to liue in most orderly and dutifull Subiection and Obedience to his Highnes as to their liege Lord and Soueraigne XXVI And wheras this man for proofe of the contrary nameth the powder-treason of a few therby to discredite the whole though this calumniation haue beene answered before yet now I ad further as one said Distingue tempora scripturam concordabis If there had bene no persecution before that treason this might haue beene assigned for some probable cause of the subsequent tribulations but all England knoweth that this is not so but that his Ma. ties sweete myld aspect towards Catholicks at his first entrance was soone by art of their enemyes auerted long before the conspiracy fell out For that not only all the most cruell Statutes and penall Lawes made by Q. Elizabeth were renewed and confirmed before this with addition of others tending to no lesse rigour acerbitie but also the exaction of the same was put in practice with great seueritie namely the paymeÌ„t of the twenty poundes a moneth or two partes of their goods and landes for Recusants once remitted by his Ma. tie as heere is confessed were not only recalled againe but the arrearages therof in like manner exacted and for leuying wherof throughout sundry shyres of the Realme especially in the North there was such ransacking of mens houses such dryuing away of their Cattell froÌ„ their groundes such strayning of their Rents such vexing of their tennants not knowne perhaps to his Ma. tie as if the whole Countrey had byn gyuen ouer to spoyle desolation XXVII Nor were mens goods and persons only afflicted but the lyues also of sundry taken away for cause of their Religion before this powder-treason fell out which desperate treason to ascribe as an effect and fruite of too much clemency in his Ma. tie as this Minister doth is a strange assertion no doubt for so much as such effects do not proceed but of exasperated myndes which clemency worketh not eyther in men or beasts Neyther did euer any learned Philosopher that wrote of the good institution of any Common wealth or of the security of any Prince in his Gouernment put such effects for fruits of clemency but rather of the contrary manner of proceeding And if all the disasterous ends of the most vnfortunate Princes that euer haue byn destroyed should be layd togeather and the causes therof exactly inquired it would be found so and consequently that this Minister is no good Counsellour to his Ma. tie in this so great weighty affayre And we hope that Almighty God by the mercy of his dearest Sonne our Sauiour and through the prayers of his Ma. ties good Mother and other holy Princes of his Royall bloud now in heauen will neuer suffer him at the egging of such exasperating people to follow so violent troublesome and dangerous a course and so contrary to theirs whiles they lyued vpon earth and so alienate from his owne sweete nature and Princely disposition XXVIII But to proceed a litle further in the narration of some poyntes of heauy persecutioÌ„ that insued soone after his Ma. ties being in England much before the powder-treason was attempted Who doth not know what afflictions were layd vpon Catholicks euen in the very first yeare of his Ma. ties raigne especially towards the end therof much more throughout all the second yeare before the said powder-treason fell out For then not only in the Shires and Prouinces abroad but euen in London it selâ—e and in the eyes of the Court the violence and insolency of continuall searches grew to be such as was intollerable no night passing commonly but
things or not If it be lawfull as I neuer heard or read it doubted of then why is the Pope so vniust and cruell towards his owne Catholicks as to commaund them to disobey their Soueraignes lawfull commandement If it be vnlawfull why hath he not expressed any one cause or reason therof But this Dilemma is easily dissolued or rather falleth of it self both his pillers being but broken reeds framed out of false suppositions For that the Pope neyther denyeth it to be lawfull to obey the Soueraigne in Cyuill and Temporall things nor doth he command Catholicks to disobey their Prince his lawfull commādements but only where they be vnlawful to be performed as he supposeth them to be in the taking of this Oath Wherof he expresseth sundry causes and reasons I meane so many as the Oath it self cōteyneth points cōcerning Religion to which end he setteth downe the whole Oath as it lyeth with intimation that those points cannot be sworne with integrity of Catholicke Religion good conscience which is sufficient for a Iudge who disputeth not but determineth So as hereupon to make illation of the Popes vniust and cruell dealing towards Catholicks by this his decision as though he sorbad Ciuill Obedience is to buyld vpon a voluntary false ground supposing or rather imposing the Pope to say that which he doth not and then to refute him as though he had said it indeed And is this good dealing LVIII But yet he goeth forward vpon the same false ground to buyld more accusations against the Pope saying That if the foundation of his exhorting Catholicks to beare patiently their tribulations be false as this Apologer auoucheth it to be then it can worke no other effect then to make him guylty of the bloud of so many of his sheep whome he doth thus willfully cast away not only to the needles losse of their liues and ruyne of their famylies but euen to the laying on of a perpetuall slander vpon all Papists As it no zealous Papist could be a true Subiect to his Prince and that Religion and the Temporall Obedience to the Cyuill Magistrate were two things incompatible and repugnant in themselues Thus he LIX But who doth not see that these be all iniurious inferences inforced vpon the former false suppositions to witt That Catholicks suffer nothing for their Conscience That there is no persecution at all in England That there is nothing exacted by this last oath but only and meerly Cyuill Obedience and that in this the Pope exhorteth them to disobey the Temporall Prince in Temporall dutyes and thereby giueth iust occasion to the Prince to vse his sword against them and consequently that he is cause of the effusion of their bloud and of the infamy of Catholicke Religion as though no Catholicke by his Religion could be a true Subiect to his Temporall Prince All which suppositions being vtterly mistaken and not true the more often they are repeated the more exorbitant seemeth the ouersight of the wryter And in my opinion the very same might haue bene obiected vnto S. Cyprian and other Fathers of the Primitiue Church that they were guylty of so many Martyrs bloud willfully cast away and of the ruyne of their familyes and other inconueniences by exhorting them not to doe against their Consciences nor to yield to their Temporall Princes Commandements against God and their Religion no not for any torments that might be layd vpon them nor for any losses that might fall vnto them of goods life honour same friendes wife children or the like which were ordinary exhortations in those daies of persecution as by their Bookes yet extant doth appeare LX. Neyther is it sufficient to say that those tymes and ours are different for that the things then demaunded were apparantly vnlawfull but these not for that to vs that are Catholicks these things are as vnlawfull now as those other were then to them for that they are no lesse against our Consciences in matters of Religion For why should it be more damnable then and indispensable to deliuer vp a Byble or new Testament for examples sake when the Emperour commaunded it then now to sweare an Oath against our Conscience and Religion when our Temporall Prince exacteth it For that this perhaps is called the Oath of Allegiance Who knoweth not that the fayrest tytle is put vpon the fowlest matter when it is to be persuaded or exacted And he that shall read the Historyes of that tyme and of those auncient afflictions shall see that Act also to haue beene required as of Obedience and Allegiance and not of Religion being only the deliuery vp of materiall bookes and yet did the whole Church of God condemne them for it that deliuered the same and held for true Martyrs all those that dyed for denying thereof for that they would not doe an Act against their Consciences LXI Well then to draw to an end of this second paragraph about the two Breues of Paulus Quintus two things more writeth this Apologer whereunto I must in like manner say somewhat The first is That Pope Clemens Octauus sent into England two Breues immediatly before the late Queenes death for debarring of his Maiestie our now Soueraigne of the Crowne or any other that eyther would professe or any way tolerate the professours of our Religion contrary saieth he to his manifold vowes and protestations simul eodem tempore and as it were deliuered vno eodem Spiritu to diuers of his Maiestyes Ministers abroade professing all kyndenes and shewing all forwardnes to aduance him to this Crowne c. Wherein still I fynde the same veyne of exaggeration and calumniation continued by the Apologer For hauing procured some knowledge of those two Breues I fynde them not sent into England togeather nor immediatly before the late Queenes death but the one diuers yeares before shee dyed and the other after her death and this to different effects For in the first the Pope being consulted what Catholicks were bound to doe in conscience for admitting a new Prince after the Queene should be dead for so much as some of different Religions were or might be pretenders he determined that a Catholicke was to be preferred not thinking as may be presumed to preiudice therein his Maiesty that now is of whome vpon the relations and earnest asseuerations of those his Maiestyes Ministers abroad who heere are mentioned he had conceaued firme hope that his Highnes was not farre from being a Catholicke or at least wise not altogeather so alienate from that Religion or professours therof as reasonable hope might not be conceaued of his conuersion though in regard of not preiudicing his Tytle in England the said Ministers auouched that it was not thought expedient at that tyme to make declaration therof LXII This was auerred then how truly or falsly I know not But many letters and testifications are extant hereof which were the cause of those demonstrations of Clemens Octauus to fauour
to be whipped at Rome the latin Interpreter turneth it Vt Legatum suum Romae virgis caesum passus sit as though he had bene scourged with rodds vpon the bare flesh or whipped vp and downe Rome wheras so many hundreds being yet aliue that saw that Ceremony which was no more but the laying on or touching of the said Embassadours shoulder with a long white wand vpon his apparell in token of submitting himself to Ecclesiasticall discipline it maketh them both to wonder and laugh at such monstrous assertions comming out in print and with the same estimation of punctuall fidelity doe they measure other things here auouched IXL. As for exāple that our King Henry the second was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-house glad that he could escape so too for which he cyteth Houeden and this he insinuateth to be by order of the Pope in respect wherof he saith the King had iust cause to be afraid But the Author doth plainly shew the contrary first setting downe the Charter of the Kings absolution where no such pennāce is appointed secondly after that againe in relating the voluntary pennances which the King did at the Sepulcher of S. Thomas for being some occasiō of his death doth refute therby this narration as fraudulent and vnsyncere that the King was whipped like a school-boy by order of the Pope as though it had not come frō his owne free choice and deuotion L. That other instance of the Emperour that lay agroofe on his belly which I suppose he meaneth of Fredericke the first and suffered Pope Alexander the third to tread on his necke is a great exaggeratiō and refuted as fabulous by many reasons and authorityes of Baronius to whome I remit me The other in like māner of Celestinus the Pope that should with his foote beate of the Crown from the head of Henry the sixt Emperour being only mentioned first of all others by Houeden an English Authour and from him taken by Ranulph of Chester no other writer of other nations eyther present at his Coronation as Godesridus Viterbiensis his Secretary or others afterward as Platina Nauclerus Sabellicus Blondus Sigonius Crantzius so much as mentioning the same though yet they write of his Coronation maketh it improbable and no lesse incredible then the former LI. That also of the Emperour Philip affirmed to be slaine by Otho his opposite Emperour at the incitation of Pope Innocentius the third is a meere slaūder For that according to all histories not Otho the Emperour but an other Otho named of VVitilispack a priuate man one of his owne Court vpon a priuate grudge did slay him And albeit Vrspergensis that followed the faction of the Emperours against the Popes doe write that he had heard related by some the speech here sett downe that Innocentius should lay That he would take the Crowne from Philip or Philip should take the Myter from him yet he saith expresly Quod non erat credendum that it was not to be belieued And yet is it cyted here by our Apologer as an vndoubted truth vpon the onely authority of Vrspergensis in the margent LII The like may be said of the tale of Frederick the second attempted to haue bene poysoned first in Apulia by Pope Innocentius the 4. and afterward effectuated by one Mansredus as hyred by the Pope which is a very tale in deede and a malicious tale For that he which shall read all the Authors that write of his life or death as Platina whome the Protestants hold for free in speaking euill of diuers Popes Blondus Sabellicus Nauclerus Crantzius Sigonius others shall fynd that as they write very wicked thinges committed by him in his life so talking of his first danger in Apulia by greuous sicknes they make for the most part no mention of poyson at all and much lesse as procured by the Pope Innocentius praysed for a very holy man and to haue proceded iustly against Fredericke And secondly for his death they agree all that it was not by poyson but by stopping his breath and stifelyng him in his bed with a pillow by Mansredus his owne bastard Sonne to whome he had giuen the Princedome of Tarentum for feare least he should take it from him againe and bestow it vpon Conradus his other soone But that the Pope was priuy to this or hyred him to doe the fact as our Apologer affirmeth there is no one word or sillable in these Authors therof LIII But you will say that he cyteth one Petrus de Vineis in his margent and Cuspinian in the life of Fredericke both which are but one Authour for that Cuspinian professeth to take what he saith out of Petrus de Vineis which Petrus was a seruant to Fredericke and a professed enemy to the Pope and wrote so partially of this contention as Pope Innocentius himself wrote Libros Apologeticos as Blondus recordeth Apologeticall Bookes to coniute the lyes of this Petrus de Vineis in his life tyme And yet yow must note that he auoucheth not all that our Apologer doth nor with so much stomacke or affirmatiue assertion For thus relateth Cuspinian the matter out of Petrus de Vineis Non potuit cauere c. The Emperour could not auoyd but when he returned into Apulia he perished with poyson the 37. yeare of his raigne and 57. of his age on the very same day that he was made Emperour For wheras at the towne of Florenzola in Apulia hauing receaued poyson he was dangerously sicke and at length by diligence of Phisitions had ouercome the same he was stifeled by Mansredus his bastard sonne begotten of a noble woman his Concubine with a pillow thrust into his mouth whether it were that Mansredus did it as corrupted by his enemyes or by the Pope or for that he did aspire to the Kingdome of Sicilia So he LIV. And albeit as yow see he saith more herin against the Pope then any of the other Authours before mentioned for that he desired to cast some suspitions vpon him yet doth he it not with that bold asseueration that our Apologer doth saying That both his first sicknes was by poyson of the Popes procurement and his murthering afterward by hyring of Manfredus to poyson him againe whereas the other ascribeth not the first poysoning to the Pope if he were poysoned neyther doth so much as mention the second poyson but onely the stifeling and finally leaueth it doubtfull whether the same proceeded from the Emperours enemyes or from the Pope or from his Sonnes owne ambition and emulation against his brother LV. To the other obiection or rather calumniation out of Paulus Iouius that Alexander the third did write to the Soldane That if he would liue quietly he should procure the murther of the Emperour sending him his picture to that end It is answered that no such
thing is found in that second booke of Iouius by him here cyted nor elswhere in that History so far as by some diligence vsed I can fynde and it is not likely it should be found in him for so much as he beginneth his History with matters only of our tyme some hundreds of yeares after Alexander the third his death LVI So as the only chiefe accusation that may seeme to haue some ground against any Pope in this catalogue for procuring the death of any Prince is that which he alleadgeth out of Cuspinian that Alexander the sixth tooke two hundred thowsand Crownes of Baiazetes Emperour of the Turkes to cause his brother Gemen to be put to death whome he held captiue at Rome which he performed saith our Apologer by poyson and had his pay this I say hath most apparence for that some other Authors also besides doe relate the same affirming That albeit Prince Gemen the Turke when he dyed eyther at Caieta or Naples or Capua for in this they differ was not the Popes prisoner but in the hands of Charles the 8. King of France who tooke him from Rome with him when he passed that way with his army yet that the common fame or rumour was that Pope Alexander the sixth had part therin or as Cuspinias words are Pontifice non ignorante the Pope not vnwitting therof The reason of which report Guicciardine alleadgeth to be this to wit That the euill nature and condition of Pope Alexander which was hatefull to all men made any iniquity to be belieued of him Onuphrius Panuinus writeth that he dyed in Capua of a bloudy flux without any mention of poyson And Sabellicus before him againe relateth the matter doubtfully saying Fuerunt qui crederent eum veneno sublatum c. There were some that belieued that he was made away by poyson and that Alexander the Pope was not ignorant therof for that he was so alienate in mynde from the French-men that he was loath they should take any good by him Thus we see that the matter is but doubtfully and suspiciously related only and the French-men being angry for his death by whome they hoped great matters might easily brute abroad a false rumour for their owne defence in that behalfe LVII But as for the two hundred thowsand crownes though Iouius doe say that they were offered by Baiazet as also Vestis inconsutilis Christi The garment of our Sauiour without seame yet doth he not say that they were receaued eyther the one or the other So as whatsoeuer euill is mentioned of any Pope our Apologer maketh it certayne and when it is but little he will inlarge it to make it more and when it is spoken doubtfully he will affirme it for a certaynty wherin he discouereth his owne humour against Popes and therby limiteth the Readers faith in belieuing him though we do not take vpon vs to defend the liues and facts of all particuler Popes but their faith and authority being forewarned by our Sauiour that vpon the Chayre of Moyses shall fit Scribes and Pharisyes whome we must obey in that they teach and not follow or imitate in that they doe And this shall serue for this point Card. ll Bellarmyne I doubt not will be more large If a man would go about to discredit Kingly authority by all the misdeeds of particuler Kings that haue byn registred by Historiographers since the tyme that Popes began he should fynde no doubt aboundant matter and such as could not be defended by any probability And yet doth this preiudicate nothing to Princely power or dignity and much lesse in our case where the facts themselues obiected are eyther exaggerated increased wrested or altogeather falsifyed The third Part of this Paragraph THERE remayneth the last part of this impugnation of the Cardinalls letter which consisteth in the examining all the Authorityes and Sentences of ancient Fathers alledged by him in the same As first of all the comparison of the art and deceipt vsed by Iulian the Emperour surnamed Apostata and recounted by S. Gregory Nazianzen in placing and inserting the images of his false Gods into the pictures of the Emperour in his Imperiall banner so as no man could bow downe or reuerence the Emperours picture as then was the custome but that he must adore also the images of the false Gods Which art of temperament the Cardinall doth compare vnto this mixture combination of clauses lawfull and vnlawfull Cyuill and Ecclesiasticall in the Oath proposed so as a man can not sweare the one but he must sweare also the other Which similitude although it do expresse most fitly the matter in hand yet the Apologer being sorely pressed therwith seeketh many euasions to euacuate the same by searching out dissimilitudes and saying That albeit a similitude may be admitted claudicare vno pede to limp or halt on one foote yet this saith he is lame both of feete hands and euery member of the body And then he taketh vpon him to set downe at length the diuersityes that may be picked out As first that Iulian was an Apostata but our Soueraigne is a Christian he changed the Religion which he once professed but our King not he became an Ethnicke or an Atheist our King is not ashamed of his profession Iulian dealt against Christians but his Ma. tie dealeth only to make a distinction betweene true subiects and false-harted traytours And so he goeth forward to weary his Reader with many more like diuersityes which must needs be loathsome to euery man of meane iudgment who know that a similitude requireth not parity in all poynts for then it should be idem and not simile but only in the poynt wherin the comparison is made as heere in the compounding and couching togeather of lawfull and vnlawfull things in the Oath as the other did in his banner LIX For if a man would tryfle as our Apologer doth and seeke out differences betweene things that are compared togeather as like in some certayne poynts but vnlike in other we should ouerthrow all similitudes whatsoeuer and consequently we should eneruate many most heauenly speaches of our Sauiour in the Ghospell that stand vpon similitudes As for example Be yow wise as Serpents and simple as Doues What enemy of Christian Religion might not cauill and calumniate this seeking out diuersityes betwixt a serpent and a man and betweene the malicious craft of that malignant creature and the wisedome that ought to be in a prudent man But it is sufficient that the similitude do hold in that particuler poynt wherin Christ made the comparison And so agayne When our Sauiour maketh the comparison betweene the Kingdome of heauen and the litle grayne of mustard-seed who cannot fynd out infinite differences betweene the one and the other making the similitude to halt and limp in many more parts then it can go vpright But it is sufficient that it stand and
vnity or fellowship of the high name of Rocke of the Church which Christ our Sauiour the chiefe and fundamentall Rocke imparted to none but to S. Peter and consequently that vnity of name of Rocke was indiuisible betwene them which if eyther M. Iewell or M. Reynolds or our Apologer would haue equally considered they needed not to go about to disgrace so ancient a Father with so meere a cauill or at leastwise it being once answered they ought not to haue so oftē repeated it againe without some new matter or reason for the same or impugnation of the former answere LXX But I will not trouble yow with any more at this tyme albeit there ensue in the Apology diuers other poynts that might be stood vpon not for that they conteyne any great substance of matter but for that they seeme to proceed out of no small auersion of mynd acerbity and gall in the writer against all sortes of Catholicke people which CHRIST IESVS amend and mollify and giue him light from heauen to see the truth that he so bitterly impugneth LXXI And as he dealeth with S. Leo so doth he much more in the same kynd with D. or Sanders and Cardinall Bellarmine cyting out of their workes dyuers sentences culled and layd togeather that seeme lesse respectiue to the Authority of temporall Kings and Princes and all this to incite more his Ma. tie against them and those of their Religion and fynally against the Cardinall he concludeth in these wordes That God is no more contrary to Belial light to darknes and heauen to hell then Bellarmines estimation of Kings is to Gods Which is a very passionate Conclusion if yow consider it well for that setting asyde the preheminēce for iudging in matters of Religion which in his Controuersyes he proueth both by Scripture and testimony of all antiquity to appertayne to Bishops and not to Princes so was practised for 300. yeares after Christ when few or no Kings or Emperours were yet Christians in all other poyntes he speaketh so reuerently of them and defendeth their Supreme Authority with as great respect as any Authour perhaps hath euer done before him And to pretermit other places let the Reader but looke ouer the first 16. Chapters of his Booke de Laicis and he shall fynd not only the Authority of Princes proued to be from God by many Scriptures Fathers Councels Reasons and other Authorityes of Saints against Anabaptists Atheists and other miscreants of our tyme but the quality also and excellent power of the said Princely Authority so exalted both for making of lawes iudging condemning waging warre and like actions of supreme power as will easily refute this cauillation LXXII And among other propositions tending to that effect he hath this in the beginning of his eleuenth Chapter which he proueth largely and of purpose throughout the same not only That Temporall Princes are to be obeyed out of Conscience or for Conscience sake but also Quod lex Ciuilis non minùs obligat in Conscientia quà m lex Diuina That the Cyuil law of the Temporall Prince doth no lesse bynd the Subiect in Conscience thē the law that commeth immediatly from God himself And how then is Cardinall Bellarmyne said heere to be no lesse contrary to God concerning Kings Authority then light to darknes and heauen to hell But especially if yow consider further that when Cardinall Bellarmyne in that booke commeth to treat of the Authority of Temporall Princes in matter of Religion though he set downe this Conclusion That Non pertinet ad eos Iudicium de Religione The authority of iudging of Religion which is true or false belongeth not vnto them but vnto Bishops yet Pertinet ad eos defensio Religionis the defence and protection of Religion appertayneth vnto them as also the cyuill gouernmēt in cyuill matters ouer all persons as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall which is so much as a Catholicke man can giue to Caesar reseruing to God that which is Gods LXXIII And albeit this might be sufficiēt to shew the tooth that is held against Cardinall Bellarmine and the ardent appetite these Ministers haue to disgrace him in somewhat yet am I inforced to lay forth some few examples more wherby as in a cleere glasse the indifferent Reader will see behold and wonder also at the manner of dealing vsed against him to that end LXXIV And now we haue already seene what general Conclusions haue bene gathered against him That he vseth to contradict himselfe wittingly so often as euer he is pressed with any hard argument by his Aduersary That his common tricke is to tell the sentence of his Authour without his sense That he seeketh euery-where to debase Kingly authority and the like Which generalityes as in truth and reason they may not be inferred but vpon proofe and induction of many particularyties so when it commeth to tryall yow haue seene not so much as any one particuler sufficiently proued Now shall yow heare some more examples of calumnious dealing with him LXXV Pag. 92. the Apologer speaking of S. Gregorie the Great and going about to interpret those wordes of his alleadged by the Cardinall where he calleth the Sea Apostolicke Caput fidei the Head of faith in regard of the direction in matters of Faith that is to be taken from thence as from the Head the Apologer would haue it vnderstood that for so much as in that place he speaketh to the Bishop of Palermo about the vse of the Pall accustomed to be gyuen by the sea Apostolicke to Archbishops S. Gregories meaning is that the Sea Apostolicke of Rome is head only in matters of Cerimonyes and then he inferreth thus VVhich sense saith he if yow will not admit giue me leaue to say that once of one Gregorie which Bellarmyne himselfe saith often of many of the Fathers Minùs cautè locutus est Gregorie spake not so aduisedly And the latin translation hath Quod ille de multis saepe dicit ex omni numero Patrū That Bellarmyne saith it often of many and of all sortes of Fathers to wit that they spake inconsideratly and yet when I went to examyne the two places of Bellarmynes workes cyted by our Apologer in the margent I found a strange abuse to wit no such thing at all spoken of the Fathers but only of one Nicolaus de Lyra made a Christian of a Iew not much aboue two hundred yeares past who seeming by some words of his to hold a certayne extrauagāt opiniō that S. Peter S. Paul were not put to death at Rome but at Hierusalem against the generall consent of all antiquity Cardinal Bellarmyne expoundeth first what his true meaning was to witt nothing in deed differing from the Fathers expositions and namely of S. Hierome and then addeth Quanquam minùs cautè locutus est c Albeit Lyranus in his manner of speach was not so wary as he might haue byn in giuing