nothing to be seen in his Book but the Avarice Ambition Ignorance Mistakes and furious Contentions of the Bishops and the Governours of the Church And they being so bad the People that were guided by their Order and Example could not be much better they were but the Instruments of the Episcopal Ambition to fight their Quarrels to kill all that opposed and to burn and destroy all that came before them turbulent seditious Incendiaries and Murderers and what can be the effect of such an History but that men should believe there never was any sort of People so desperately wicked and so great disturbers of the World the Enemy of our Religion will have reason to rejoyce that his work is in great measure done to his hands for this will serve him as a common place book for railing against Christianity and the Christian Reader will be in danger either of loosing all his Patience or a great deal of that Reverence he had for his Religion and those primitive Worthies that profest and defended it But this perhaps will be thought not to concern the Church but the Bishops only who are charged with these Misdemeanours and dishonour'd by this Representation He must have a strange notion of the Church that can think it unconcerned in the dishonour of those by whom it is governed for if one should write a Book and call it the History of the English Nation which should only represent the Vices of our Kings the Contentions and Disagreements of our Parliaments the Weakness and Corruption of our Ministers of State and Justice and represent all persons that were eminent enough to hold any place in Story under mean and infamous Characters he must needs have a very metaphysical Moderation that could think the honour of the Nation unconcerned and that it was no Reflection upon the English name God forbid I should charge the Design of the Author with any disservice to Religion but well-meaning men do sometimes pursue their Resentments too far and so they can be revenged of their Enemies pursue them into the Church and set upon them in the Sanctuary not considering how much it is violated and profaned by the Action But Mr. B. is not insensible of the evil use that may be made of this book and therefore endeavours to prevent it by wholsome Caution and frequently in his History starting like a man affrighted to see that which he though to have been a Rod turn'd into a Serpent streight applies what Remedies he can against the Poyson he does in the first place warm the Reader that he do not abuse this into Diabolisme But alas it is a poor Relief to forbid an Enemy to make use of those Weapons you have put into his hands to leave the Honour of our Religion at his Mercy and then to desire him to be generous not to make use of his Advantage However if the Scorner should prove perverse and take no Warning Mr. B. proceeds to confute his reasoning and his Inference by saying that this scandalous account of the Bishops and their Councils concludes nothing to the discredit of Church or Religion for there were many good men that were not Bishops but Presbyters Monks or Lay-men nay p. 16. 17. c. many Hereticks obscure good men whose Vertues do not shine in Story nay there were some good men among the Bishops themselves with more to the effect God forbid I should endeavour to invalidate the least shadow of reasoning that is urg'd in defence of the Church of Christ I joyn heartily with him in this part and I must profess it is the greatest end of this Treatise to prevent the Contempt of Religion which this Church History might occasion Nor can I think the Author will be offended that I take his part and Religions against his own Book and that I look upon it as a dangerous piece p. 16. 19. § 49.22 c. when he himself has given such frequent and solemn Warnings against it But I must take leave to pursue this point upon another Supposition than he does for he takes all his History to be a true and just representation of things and upon that supposal makes his Vindication of the Church which I hope is a mistake in him and will endeavour to shew is very far from being true nay on the contrary it is the most injurious Character and the most unsuitable to the persons it is fastned upon that can be imagined this I take the great Confidence to do because I am persuaded Mr. B. would be very glad this dishonourable Character even of Bishops should be found a Mistake rather than it should be true to the Disparagement of the Christian Name It is true that in the Western Church the generality of the Clergy as well as Laity were so grievously corrupted as well in Doctrine as Discipline in some of the Ages that were more removed from our Saviour that we must make use of God's Vindication of the Church of Israel to Elijah to excuse it from a total Defection but for the first four or five hundred years thanks be to God there is no need of that refuge for the generality of the Christians of those times and the Bishops more eminently were men of that Holiness and Integrity as reconciled the most obstinate Prejudices against their Religion men of so exact and punctual a Justice of so frank and unstinted a Charity of so severe a Temperance of so grave and weigh'd Conversation that their Memory does still command an universal Veneration and their Examples remain a reproach to the degeneracy of after Ages What sort of men did the World know that were greater Undervaluers of it Upon whom did the Temptations of Wealth or Honour or Pleasure prevail less What Society of men was ever united by so powerful Bands of Friendship and Affection No Religion had ever so constant and faithful Adherers whom no Danger no Loss no Death could fright from the Acknowledgment of the Truth which is after Godliness in hope of eternal Life And all this owing next to the Grace of God and the Precepts of so holy a Religion to the Guidance and Example of the Bishops It was by their Ministry that Churches were multiplyed and the Kingdom of Christ enlarged by their Care that they were preserved in Peace and Unanimity These were the great Champions for Religion that maintainld the Purity of the Faith against Paul of Samosata Arrius Eunomius Photinus Macedonius Pelagius Nestorius Eutyches and innumerable other pestilent Hereticks and Overthrowers of the Foundation of our Religion But with all this they were men subject to the same Passions and Mistakes with us and if some among them were evil men and the best of them had his Failings it is not to be wondered at much less to be aggravated to the Disparagement of the Order They were generally men of severe Lives and that naturally sharpens the Temper and renders it more rigid and uncomplying they had
Truth is sometimes so miscall'd that no Doctrines are damnable because men have condemned one another for some that are not so Is there no Truth because Contradictions lay claim to it and because that every man honours his mistake under speciousness of that Title for all these confusions of terms the things are the same and a real Heresie is damnable and ought to be reproved and cast out of the Church nothwithstanding that under this pretence the greatest Truths have been discredited Mr. B. gives such an account of those Controversies that exercised the four first General Councils as seems in great measure to excuse those Heresies which were condemn'd by them and to blame their condemnation calling the Bishops in derision Hereticators and Damners because they pronounced Arrius Macedonius Nestorius c. Hereticks men of dangerous Principles and not to be tolerated in the Communion of the Church yet for all this I belive Mr. B's own Rule will absolve them for in his Book called The true and only way of Concord pag. 291. seq he makes a Catalogue of such Errours which men ought to be restrain'd from preaching and propagating now all those Errours condemn'd by the four first General Councils are laid down there not only in the Sense but in the very Terms they were condemn'd in these Doctrines are by him own'd to be dangerous and by no means to be suffered to be preach'd But what if men grow incorrigible and will preach them notwithstanding these Prohibitions and Restraints his Resolution is very moderate that every one should not be ejected or silenced that holdeth or preacheth any one such Errour what then must he be suffer'd to propagate the Infections and to teach these Opinions that are so confessedly dangerous nor that neither for there follows such an Exception in this Toleration as wholly overthrows it for those are to be cast out who consideratis considerandis are found to do more harm than good Now what if the Orthodox Bishops did find that consideratis considerandis those Hereticks they condemned did more hurt than good that they destroy'd with one hand much more than they edified with the other and that the propagating of one of these dangerous Doctrines was not compensated by all the other Truths that they preach'd there is no variety of wholsom food can countervail the Mischiefs of one envenom'd bit and that Physician is not to be trusted that puts in any one dangerous Ingredient though the rest of the Composition were very innocent and this was the Rule they went by the Hereticks in their Opinions were dangerous men they were obstinate in their Opinions industrious in propagating them and were mostly upon the vindication of these controverted Doctrines it was therefore necessary since they did more hurt than good that they should be cast out of the Church Nor is he less displeas'd with the Form than the Matter of this Condemnation and therefore he gives the Bishops the Titles of Hereticating Cursing Damning Bishops but what Antichristian words are these that can move a moderate healing-man to so great Indignation Anathema esto is the usual form of condemnation in Councils which he so frequently calls Cursing and Damning the word is St. Paul's 1 Corintâ— 16.22 If any one love not the Lord Jesus Christ let him be Anathema-maran-atha and he had borrowed it from the Jews which signifies no more than the separation of any thing from common Use and is used sometimes in a good sometimes in a bad sense In the first he denotes any thing consecrated or devoted to God in the latter any thing which we abhorr and separate our selves from for fear of Pollution so that the addition of it to those Errours which they condemn is dangerous As for Instance If any man shall say that there was a time when Christ was not let him be Anathema imports no more than that we declare our abhorrence of such Doctrines and will have nothing common with those that profess them but Mr. B. I know not out of what Dictionary translates it God damn you and calls it the Religion of the Bishops and their Councils Nay though this did imply so much they may plead the Example of St. Paul even in that case since they do no more than apply his general Sentence which he repeats more than once Gal. 1 9. If any man preach any other Gospel unto you than that ye have received let him be accursed And that you may not think that this other Gospel does directly overthrow that which he had preach'd and teach men to deny and renounce our Saviour Jesus Christ we must understand that all this relates to the Legal Observances which some would introduce into the Churches of Galatia and their compliance with those Teachers is by the same Apostle called a turning away unto another Gospel and the preaching of those men the Perverting of the Gospel and so warm is the same Apostle against those Disturbers of the Church that he wishes that they were even cut off which troubled them chap. 5.12 Yet the Councils did not go so far in their Anathema's they did but declare the Leprosie as the Priest under the Law turn'd out the Diseas'd and gave warning to all People of the danger of the Infection and it was but fit that such should remain without the Camp till the Disease was heal'd lest it should spread and the whole Church become an Abomination and Anathema to him whose Faith it had suffer'd to be corrupted This was the Design of the Bishops and their Councils to this end they directed their Anathema's and if they have not always met with the Success that were to be wish'd we must not judge uncharitably and undervalue or deride their Endeavours And now let us consider their Acts and see what it is that they have done The first Councils about the time of the Observation of Easter he passes over with only mentioning for there is little of them remaining Pope Victor was doubtless to be blam'd for endangering the Peace of the whole Church Euseb l. 5. c. 24. upon so light an occasion Ch. Hist p. 34. Whether Victor did actually excommunicate the Churches of Asia or only threatned and endeavour'd to do it is not very clear from the Relation of Eusebius Valesius is of opinion and it seems the most probable that this proceeded no farther than Letters of Accusation Vales in locum which he sent to most Churches to represent the Asiaticks as unworthy of Communion but the generality of Bishops not approving it and advising to Peace it is likely the business went no farther so Schism was avoided by the peaceable counsel and disposition of the Bishops The Councils of Carthage Labese under Agrippinus and that of Arabia under Origen he does but just mention that of Rome c. 2. p. 35. after the death of Fabian held by the Roman Clergy in the Vacancy he makes some Remarks upon
Council in the West since they would not determine this present Controversie Upon which Cecropius Bishop of Sebaestopolis said We desire the Definition may be read and then those that will not subscribe and conform to rightful Determinations let them walk to Rome i. e. to that General Council which the Emperour threatened to call in the West And the Illyrican Bishops seconded this Motion Those that contradict are Nestorians let them walk to Rome What manner of slight this was is not easily guess'd at the worst these Bishops did no more slight Rome than Cecropius did the West whither he bid Dissenters walk to be satisfy'd In the next Paragraph our Author makes Theodoret speak what was never in his §. 26. thoughts nor indeed in any honest mans Theodoret said I take not my self to say true but I know I please God These are not Theodoret's but Mr. B.'s words and very applicable to himself and his Church History For as mean an opinion as I have of his knowledge in Church History I doubt not he can read Latin when he had the book before him and yet when he does that I am afraid that many times He takes not himself to say true But perhaps he may be of opinion that a pious fraud may be accepted and that by calumniating the Bishops whom he takes for Enemies to the Kingdom of Christ and gratifyers of the Devil he may please God Disp 1. of Ch. Gov. I cannot clear him of that in other places so well as in this Here our Authors fault was only ignorance of theodorets language or a mistake of his Latin Translation which I shall rectifie for it is pity the good Father should suffer by it His words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in English In good truth I do not speak but as I know is pleasing to God The Latin Translation puzled our Author Vere i. e. reverà non dico nisi quomodo novi placere Deo The next words of our Author do as much wrong the sense though not so much the Reputation of Theodoret I would first satisfie you of my belief whereas Theodoret said only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. I would perswade you in the first place that I regard not preferment The Latin thus Priùs satisfactio vobis quia neque de civitate cogito c. And at last after a great deal of that debate about Theodoret our Author concludes do not these words here Translated out of Binius agree too well with Gregory Nazianzen 's character of Bishops and their Councils How well they may agree with Nazianzen is not so material but they should have agreed better either with the Original or at least with the Translation out of which our Author Translated them and yet for all this our Author will understand all these Greek Bishops better than they did one another or even themselves In the next place we have an account of Ibas Bishop of Edessa p. 108. sect 28. His Epistle to Maris against Cyril was acquitted at least the Bishop upon the reading of it It is a sad Narrative of the Calamitous Divisions which these Prelates and their Councils made In the first place there is no truth in what our Author says that this Epistle was acquitted for the Council says no such thing In the next place Ibas was not acquitted upon the reading of this Act. 10. Con. Chalc. any more than a prisoner is acquitted upon the reading of his Impeachment but he was upon the defence he made that he communicated with Cyril and receiv'd his Orthodox interpretation of those twelve Articles which before he thought to be full of Impiety Baronius An. 432. deceiv'd by Gregory the Great Gregor l. 7. Ep. 53. Act. 6. and the Acts of the Second Council of Nice concludes this Epistle to be forg'd and falsely father'd upon Ibas but Anno 448. he recants and owns it to be genuine The truth is Ibas himself never pretended to disown it neither at Tyre nor Berytus nor Chalcedon where this was objected against him but confessed that before Cyril explain'd himself he thought him a Heretick and follow'd the Judgement of the Eastern Bishops Some say this Epistle was written whilest Ibas was a Nestorian before the Reconciliation but the words of that letter are express to the contrary for it mentions the Union and Peace of the Churches by the means of Paulus Emissenus How then comes he to give such an odious account of Cyril and the proceedings of the Council of Ephesus The Truth is the Eastern Bishops were not so ingenuous and fair after their Reconciliation with Cyril as he was towards them however he goes in Mr. B.'s History under so odious a character Who ever reads his Letters to Nestorius and to John of Antioch and considers with what candour he acts must needs see that he had very hard measure from those whom he treated with great ingenuity and confidence The Eastern men are still upon the disparagement of Cyril's proceedings and the vindication of themselves with what Truth or Reason has been shew'd already and Ibas here pursues the same prejudices and would insinuate that his party had the Right and Cyril was their Convert But if here was any change of opinion on either side it was on theirs for first they joyn'd with Nestorius and afterwards condemn'd him Yet this Epistle of Ibas shews that there was a core left still In the eleventh Action p. 109. sect 29. two Bishops Bassia nus and Stephen strive for the Bishoprick of Ephesus And saith our Author while the Bishops were for one of them the Judges pass'd sentence to cast out both One would imagine here that the Judges pass'd sentence against the consent or inclination of the Bishops But there is no such matter it was not the Judges but the Bishops past this sentence Act. 11. When the cause of these two Bishops was examin'd the Judges propounded it to the Bishops to determine of the right that was in Dispute the Bishops answer'd that the right was on Bassianus his side let the Ganons take place for Bassianus was the first Possessour The Judges represented to them that in their opinion neither of them were fit to be continu'd Bishops yet referr'd the whole matter to the Council to determine as it should think fit And this Mr. B. calls passing a sentence while the Bishops were against it The Bishops finding that Stephen was not like to carry the cause for they had no great favour for him because he had been a very active Instrument of Dioscorus in the second Council of Ephesus willingly consented the other should be turn'd out too and were so extremely satisfy'd with this expedient that they cry'd it up presently and own'd it to be a Divine suggestion and so the Bishops who Mr. B. says were for one did indeed pass sentence against both Competitors At last our Author enquires after the success of all
A VINDICATION OF THE Primitive Church AND DIOCESAN EPISCOPACY In ANSWER to Mr. Baxter's Church History OF BISHOPS And their COUNCILS Abridged As also to some part of his Treatise of EPISCOPACY Ecclesiae salus in summi Sacerdotis dignitate pendet cui si non exors quaedam ab omnibus eminens detur potestas tot in Ecclesiis efficerentur schismata quot Sacerdotes Hieron adv Lucif Ab illo Deo Patre ab hac Ecclesia Matre nullius me Hominis Crimina nullius Calumnia separabunt Augustin Coll. Carth. 3. Ego illam Ecclesiam defendo hanc assero qualicunque voce in qua quisquid fuero illa Ecclesia est Aug. ibid. LONDON Printed for Moses Pitt at the Angel in St. Paul's Church-Yard 1682. PREFACE IT is a very just Censure that Polybius pass'd upon Phylarchus one that wrote the History of the Achaian War That he did not understand the principal Business of an Historian because he conceal'd all the vertuous and generous Actions of one Side Polyb. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and insisted only upon such as might render them odious to the Reader the Rigor and Seveverity of Execution which the Achaians were sometimes obliged to use are set out with all the miserable Circumstances that can be conceived on such Occasions but not a word of their Clemency and Humanity which they commonly us'd towards their Enemies when they fell into their Power As if says that Noble Writer It were the Office of an Historian to record only the Worst of Humane Actions to reckon up the Faults and Miscarriages of Men and not their great and commendable Actions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and as if the Examples of Sin might be of greater Benefit and Edification to the Reader than those of Goodness and Vertue Mr. Baxter's History of Bishops and their Councils being writ after the same Model falls unavoidably under the same Reproof unless perhaps the Disingenuity that is condemn'd in a Heathen may become a Christian Writer and what the one must not do to his Enemy the other may offer to his Brethren and Fathers to the great Lights and Ornaments of the Christian Church Now this History of Bishops is nothing else but an Account of all the Faults that Bishops have committed in the several Ages of the Church without any mention of their good Actions of the piety and severity of their lives of their Zeal for the Faith of their Charity towards the Poor of their Contempt of the World of their Labor and Diligence in their Office These were things he thought perhaps not to belong to a Church-Historian to relate These were improper unedifying Examples at least wise they were not very agreeable to the Design of our Author which was to disgrace Diocesan Episcopacy This Weeding of Church-History for the Faults of Bishops is not to write or abridge History but to draw up an Indictment and because many things are falsly charg'd it is no better than a Libell But we need not look for a severer Censure of this Church-History than that we have in Mr. Baxter's own Critical Preface to it For as his Church History is design'd to disgrace Diocesan Bishops and their Councils so the Preface looks as it were intended to disgrace this History For the Qualifications of a Credible Historian which he reckons up there appear so little in our Abridger and the Character of Incredible Relators so nearly resemble him that one might suspect a Trick in it and that some of Tom Coryat's Ensurers had given their Testimony to the Work 1. It is supposed says Mr. B. that a Man should believe his Sences Surely our Author was asleep when he wrote this and thought he saw every thing he relates But how shall we believe our Sences since we are told in this History that they were not Presbyterians but Episcopal Men that began the late War against the King 2. The History of the Gospel is certainly credible This would mightily ensure the Credit of this Abridgement if all were Gospel that Mr. Baxter writes 3. Prophets who had Divine Inspiration and Vision had that Evidence that gave them a Certainty tho not to others It may be Mr. B. has heard a Bene scripsisti de me but because he confesses this to be no Evidence to others we may suspend our Faith and upon Examniation believe as much as we shall find reason to do 4. When History delivers a matter of Fact and Sence by the common Consent of all those that knew it tho' of contrary Minds Disposition and Interest The Superiority of Bishops over Presbyters is acknowledg'd by Catholicks and Schismaticks and Hereticks Men of very contrary Minds Disposition and Interest and yet this Church History would have us believe the contrary Here we are in a Streight For whether shall we belive in this Case the Preface or the Book 5. When the History of any Person or Action is prov'd by continued and visible Effects as that William of Normandy Conquer'd England while there are so many Effects of that Conquest in our Laws and Customs And what may be prov'd by more visible and continu'd Effects than the Superiority of Bishops over Presbyters The Laws and Customs of all Churches are full of this all the Christian World being govern'd by Diocesan Episcopacy till the last Age and yet notwithstanding these visible effects we must not believe this Government to be Apostolical when the Ancient History that delivers it as such is prov'd by such Continu'd visible Effects Here we are in a great Streight again which to trust the Critic or the Historian 6. That History is credible which speaketh consentingly against the known Interest of the Author Well but many of Mr. B's Characters of Ancient Bishops are taken from profess'd Enemies or persons manifestly prejudic'd as his Accounts of Athanasius Theophilus Cyril and divers others do manifestly shew But here he does endeavour to clear himself and says What I say of the Miscarriages of Bishops and Councils is most in their own Words Oftentimes they are not the Words of the Bishops or Councils but Mr. Baxter's Own when he mistakes in Translating them What I say against Popes is but the Recital of what is said by the Greatest Defenders and Flatterers of Popes And let those Flatterers and Defenders answer him if they think it worth their while but because upon this occasion he is pleas'd to give Account of his Authors let us consider his Authorities He tells us in the first place who he has not made use of I give you not a word says he out of Luther nor Illyricus nor the Magdeburgenses c. It is no great Matter For they were something disaffected to Popery and therefore they may be liable to Exceptions But it is something hard to reject those that follow No nor out of the Collections of Goldastus Marquardus Freherus Rubrus Pistorius c. So familiar to him that Marquardus Freherus makes two Authors by the
so much Greek as to be able to derive the Anomaei Hereticks that denied Christ to be of like Substance with the Father from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exleges or sine Lege Men without Law Well then let Mr. B. be excus'd in this particular for undertaking to write Church History upon the Credit of Wretched Translations It will be surely indispensably necessary to understand these Transactions But because Mr. B. is so puzzl'd with these Latin Versions I wish'd for his sake that Hanmar had translated Binius I wonder in what Dictionary Mr. B. found that ire ad Comitatum was to go the Palace of Great Prelates p. 56. We have strange Confusion of Discourse p. 88. About the Scriptures the Divine and Terrible Scriptures for want of understanding the Language of those times for all that Scripture is nothing else than Sacra Imperatoris the Emperor's Letter p. 107. Mr. B. represents Theodoret as a Jesuit not I believe out of any Evil Will but for want of a little Latin Theodoret says according to Mr. B's Translation I take not my self to say true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but I know I please God Vere non dico nisi quomodo novi placere Deo i. e. In good Truth I do not speak but as I am persuaded is acceptable to God But p. 112. Mr. B. translates the Translation of Nicephorus something pleasantly Stephanus says he was kill'd by the Boys with sharp Quills Surely these were Porcupin's Quills to do this Execution Yet it is to be acknowledged that he has the Authority of Qui mihi for the Quills but because in the same place these Calami acuti are said to be sharpened like Spears 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it will make new Difficulties The Critics would be at a loss about it if some Dictionaries did not render Calamus a Reed or a Cane which possibly may better agree with the Description of these Fatal Weapons I must confess I was something surpriz'd with Mr. B's singular way of rendring the Names of Places as p. 96. The Council at Regiense at Arausican p. 131. at Toletane p. 217. George Bishop of Praenestine p. 358. D. of Spoletane p. 428. Council of Palentine with many more of this kind It would sound something strange with us to say the Vniversity of Oxonian or of Cantabrigian For my part if he stand upon it I do not love to contend about Words let him have Liberty of Conscience in Grammar as well as Religion But Mr. B's Translation of Canon the 21st of the Council of Tours is something more considerable because Mr. B. makes Remarks upon it in behalf of some Dissenters The Passage is somthing long but to make the Reader amends it shall be the last not for want of Matter but because I would not tire him with too many Instances of one sort the foresaid Canon is thus rendred by Mr. B. p. 187. Those that the Law commandeth to be put to Death if they desire to hear the Preacher we will have to be convicted unto life i.e. not to die for they are to be slain with the Sword of the Mouth and depriv'd of Communion if they will not observe the decrees of the Seniors left them and do despise to hear the Pastor and will not be separate Some Sectaries among us says Mr. B. are of the same mind against putting penitent Malefactors to Death Whatever mind some Sectaries may be of it is plain Mr. B. did not apprehend the Mind of this Council The matter in short is thus This Canon speaks of such as having vowed Virginity do afterwards marry and that tho' the Ecclesiastical Laws do punish such with perpetual Excommunication yet this Council thought fit so far to mitigate the punishment as to offer Pennance and Reconciliation to such who shall seperate from these Marriages which the Council expresses thus Nos vero si quos lex perimi jubet si cupiunt audire praeconem volumus ut convertantur ad vitam Nam perimendi sunt Oris Gladio Communione privandi si relicta sibi Seniorum decreta observare noluerint pastorem suum audire despexerint esse separati noluerint i. e. We order that those whom the Rigor of the ecclesiastical law commands to be cut off if they desire to hear the voice of the Preacher calling them to Repentance should be converted and live For those that refuse to obey the Decrees of the Bishops that have been before us and also neglect their Pastor and will not seperate themselves i. e. from those unlawful Marriages are to be cut off by the Sword of the Mouth and Excommunication And this is explained by what follows presently after Qui verò in hac pertinacia perdurare voluerint potius in volutabro malae Conversationis permanere quam se de vetito Conjugio separare perenni Excommunicatione damnentur i. e. Let those who will obstinately persist and chuse rather to wallow in the Enjoyments of a forbidden Marriage than to seperate from it be condemn'd to perpetual Excommunication I have promis'd to spare the Reader 's Stomach or Spleen in this kind and to add no more Instances of Mr. B's Success in Translating Binius and therefore shall add no more of this kind 3. It is very requisite for an Abridger of Church-History of Bishops and Councils to consult the best Editions of those Historians and Councils least instead of the Words of the Historians or of the Councils he obtrude upon his Reader the Oversight of Copyists If Mr. B. had been at this pains and consulted Sirmond's Edition of the French Councils he must have wanted several Allegations for the Congregational way which are nothing else but corrupt Readings of the Ancient Canons of the Gallicane Church as is shewed more at large in this Book Nor can we suspect Sirmond as too great a Favorer of Diocesan Bishops since it is well known how he is charg'd by the Abbot of St. Cyran under the Name of Petrus Aurelius for having falsyfied a Canon of the Council of Orange to the prejudice of the Episcopal Order to comply perhaps with a Design the Jesuits had then on Foot to Govern the Papists of England independent from any Diocesan Bishops Jesuits care as little for Bishops as our Protestant Dissenters can do 4. It is very requisite that an Abridger of Church-History use some little Diligence in Examining and Comparing of Authors at least in considering that Author out of which he takes his History for want of this little Care it is that Mr. B. tells us out of his own Head That Theodahatus yielded up Rome and the Crown to Belisarius p. 130. Whereas Theodahatus was kill'd before Belisarius came near Rome and it was from Vitiges that Rome and the Crown were forced by that Great General as Procopius and Evagrius do particularly relate It is an odd Oversight of Mr. B. p. 201. where he tells us that King Egica
before the Council of Toledo writeth a Sermon for them the Bishops wherein he tells them that every Parish that have twelve Families must have their proper Governor i. e. a Presbyter Whereas that is not part of the King's Sermon as Mr. B. calls that Prince his Letter to the Council but a Canon of the Council it self For the King's Letter ends long before with a Formal Date Dat. die 70 faeliciter 60 Regni Toleto In the same Page Mr. B. to shew his Skill makes Willibrood and Wilfrid to be the same I wonder the more at this because Binius in this very place from whence Mr. B. takes his account of Willibrood and Wilfrid does plainly make them to be two persons but when Mr. B. goes to play the Critick this is constantly his Success But Binius leads him into a mistake p. 253. where he transcribes out of his Author That Ludovicus deprives him Pepin of his Kingdom of Italy and divideth it between his two Sons by the Second Wife Charles and Rodolphus It is great news to Historians to hear that Lewis had two Sons by his Second Wife since no mention is made of any other but Charles the Writer of that Emperor's Life speaks of no other nor Ammonius who transcribes him nor the following Chronicles Girard Vignier Mezeraye who reckon up Lewis his Children have no such person and say expresly that Judith had but one Son She had a Brother indeed nam'd Rodolphus but he had no share of the Empire But this Division of Pepin's Kingdom was between Lotharius and Charles as the Annal. Franc. before mentioned do deliver Nor was Italy the Kingdom of Pepin the Son of Lewis as Binius and Mr. B. tells us but Aquitain Lotharius had been a good while before made King of Italy and Crown'd by the Pope in the place of Bernard Mr. B. by way of Remark p. 342. says That it was no wonder that Pope Benedict and his Company should condemn Berengarius but Lanfrancus in his Book against Berengarius writes that Leo the Ninth was the first that condemn'd him some Years after the Death of Benedict Anno Dom. 1050. We have a Conjecture of Mr. B's p. 356. that is not unpleasant and that shews his profound Skill in History He cites an Epistle of Gregory the Seventh to the King of Denmark where among other things he invites him to send his Son with an Army to conquer a Maritine province not far from Rome possess'd by vile and sluggish Hereticks What Province he means says Mr. B. I am not certain unless it be the Waldenses It is pretty well guess'd For Gregory the Seventh died in the Year 1085. and P. Waldo from whom the Waldenses had their Denomination began to be taken notice of about the Year 1160. But Fourscore Years break no Square nor is our Author much more happy in his Geography than in his Chronology For p. 421. He tells us that there was a Council held at Vienna near France As if a Man should say the City of Sarum near England But there would be no end of instancing all the Oversights of this Church-History the Reader may dip at adventure and if he do not light upon Mistakes as Remarkable as any of these he has but ill Fortune He that takes any pleasure to trace Beveus and Mistakes may find here an endless Comedy of Errors 5. But I had almost forgot one Qualification very requisite for a Church-Historian which must not be omitted the Learned call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the want of which betrays a Writer sometimes when Fortune is not propitious into great Absurdities I will not be so bold with Mr. B. as to say this was the Occasion of a strange Misadventure of his p. 122. For speaking of the Canon of Scripture concluded upon in a Council at Rome under Pope Gelasius Mr. B. makes a wonderful Discovery that in the Canon they put a Book called ORDO HISTORIARVM And now let the Church of Rome value it self if it dare for having preserv'd the Canon of Scripture entire and undiminish'd since Mr. B. plainly discovers a Book to have been once in their Canon which is not now to be found in any of the Pope's Bibles A strange thing this that no body should ever discover this before But I wonder that he did not find out another Book in that Canon every whit as strange as this and that is Ordo Prophetarum For there it is as a General Title before the Prophets as this Ordo Historiarum is before some Historical Books This mistake is as if a Man should find a Chapter in the Bible call'd Contents or a Book call'd Apocrypha I have given these few Instances out of many of Mr. B's great Abilities in Church-History that the Reader may perceive how much this Infamous Libel against Bishops and Councils is to be depended upon and let any Man that has any acquaintance with these Mattters judge impartially whether this History do really disgrace Bishops or Councils or any body else so effectually as it does the Author And if this be the Effect of having made History ones long and hard Study even let us burn Binius and Baronius and go make Buttons We may with honest Application employ our time so to much better purpose I must detain the Reader a little longer with this Preface while I endeavor to clear some Passages of this Book which may seem to be answered already the Effect of them being said in behalf of Episcopacy and replied to on the part of the Dissenters For some part of this Book being Printed 8 or 9 Months ago and the Subject having been treated by several Hands it could not be but that several things should be said to the same effect in Answer to Mr. B's Allegations for the Congregational Way and in Confirmation of Diocesan Episcopacy with what is written here and being replied to there seem already to have receiv'd their Answer Wherefore I conceiv'd it necessary to take off such Exceptions as prevented any Passages in this Book and because it could not be done conveniently in the Book it self to reserve them for the Preface But upon Examination I found them to be fewer than I did at first imagine For Mr. Baxter since his Church-History and Treatise of Episcopacy has made no farther Impression into this Controversie I have examin'd some Chapters of that Book that pursu'd the Design of this History by the Addition of several Historical Passages to disgrace the Episcopal Government as the occasion of all Mischiefs in the Church As for the first part about the Order of Bishops it had too many particulars to be minutely considered but the Substance of it having been said in short in the first Chapter of his Church and more at large in his Disputation of Church Government has been examin'd in the beginning of this Book Dr. O. hath follow'd Mr. B. in the Congregational way and as for his Allegations out of Antiquity they
in the Catalogue of Bishops ordain'd by Meletius and given in to the Bishop of Alexandria The lastthing I shall take notice of is the Diocese of Theodoret. This indeed I just mention'd and remitted the Reader to the D. of Pauls who had spoke very particularly of it I shall therefore say very little to it here being unwilling to do any prejudice to so good a Cause and so great a Person by a weak and unnecessary Defence But this I cannot omit that if those 800 not 80 Churches as this Gentleman reckons them belong'd to him as Metropolitan and they were all Episcopal this poor Region of Cyrus would have more Bishops than all Africk notwithstanding they were more numerous there than in any part of the World besides I have no more to add but that there was design'd a Chapter concerning the Right of electing Bishops and Church-Officers with an Historical Deduction of the Practice of the Church through the several Ages of it but because it could not answer the Design first form'd without swelling this Book to too great a Bulk It may hereafter in due time be publish'd by it self The Subject affording Variety enough for a large Treatise and requiring some Time and Diligence to do it to any Effect CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS CHAP. I. OF the Design of Mr. Baxter's Church-History and his Notion of Primitive Congregational Episcopacy Page 1. CHAP. II. Of Heresies and the first Councils p. 76. CHAP. III. Of the Council of Nice and some that followed it p. 105. CHAP. IV. Of the Council of Constantinople p. 130. CHAP. V. Of the first Council of Ephesus p. 177. CHAP. VI. Councils about the Eutychian Hereresie p. 228. CHAP. VIi The Council of Calcedon p. 239. CHAP. VIII Of the Authors of Heresies Schisms and Corruptions and whether they were all Bishops p. 276. CHAP. I. A short View of the other Governments set up in Opposition to Episcopacy p. 364. CHAP. II. Of the Rise and Progress of Diocesan Episcopacy p. 433 ERRATA THe Faults that have escaped are almost infinite I have noted some of the most gross Page 5. for the effect read this p. 10. for judicially r. judiciously p. 11. for concident r. coincident p. 5. for the right r. their p. 18. for and so many r. over p. 21. for or Elders r. over p 23. there is a whole passage so mangl'd that it requires some trouble to restore it What refers to the Council of Calchedon cited in the Margin That is left out viz. that at that time they reckon'd 27 Bishops of Ephesus from Timothy that Polycrates reckon'd himself the 8. not the 6. Bishop of that Church for so many understand the passage of his Epistle tho' that does not necessarily follow from the words cited by Eusebius p. 27. for positure law r. positive ibid. the residence r. their p. 29. as they c. d. as p. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. for our Presbyters r. your ibid. for alledging r. alluding 16. for Capital r. Capitol p. 39. in the Margin r. coimus in caetum p. 41. for the generality of Christians r. many Christians p. 57. for made r. many Congregational c. p. 61. for before our Saviour was born correct before his Passion p. 63. r. Pantenus Heraclas p. 68. for shine r. thinne p. 69. r. that he should be p. 81. for is dangerous r. as p. 113. for Constantin's time r. Constantius p 126. for a dozen times r. lines p. 136. for to Meletius r. to Pautinus p. 143. for possum r. portum p. 319. for Observations r. Obsecrations p. 332. for not an Heretick r. Arch-Heretick 16. Arch Heresie d. Arch. There are very many false pointings which the Reader may correct as Isidor Pelus Evagrius Pontious c. where the Comma's are to be blotted out and several other wrong punctations that render the sence sometimes difficult but with a little observation the understanding Reader may restore them CHAP. I. Of the Design of Mr. Baxter's Church History and his Notion of Primitive congregational Episcopacy THERE is nothing so fatal to Christian Religion as our unhappy Dissentions about it especially such as divide the Church into Parties abhorring each others Communion for besides that the very Disagreement between men of the same Profession brings the whole Doctrine under suspition of Falshood or Uncertainty the Method that the Parties contending commonly make use of to set up themselves by the Disparagement and Reproach of the contrary side serves to bring them and their Religion into the lowest Contempt and the Result of all is that the common Enemy is made Judge between them who fairly sums up the Evidence and passes Sentence upon all sides according to their mutual Accusation This sad Truth is but too much confirmed by the experience of our times wherein there are few so happily removed from the noise of profane Conversation as not frequently to hear the scurrilous Blasphemies of the Atheist under pretence of running down the several Factions in Religion 't is this gives them Shelter and Protection and while they pretend to expose this or that Party they have the Opportunity with little change of Company to mock all Religion by parcels and that with the great good likeing and approbation of Christians themselves This is no such News but that most men seem to be sensible of it and bewail the thriving of Prophaneness by the Countenance that it receives from our Differences yet for all this how few abate any thing of their Fierceness How few will be so moderate as to sacrifice even the most disingenious Arts of Contention Calumny and Railing to the Safety and Honour of our common Faith I wish Mr. B. had had this Consideration before him when he set upon the writing of his Church History of Bishops and their Councils abridged he has indeed sufficiently abridg'd all the good Services that Bishops and Councils have done to the Church but their Miscarriages he has enlarg'd upon to purpose and sometimes by a foul Juggle conveyed the best of their Actions into the Catalogue of their Crimes and their greatest Services for Religion prove a considerable part of their Endictment I must confess I never saw any thing that in my Judgment reflected with more dishonour upon Religion than this strange account that he has given of the progress of it and the frightful Representation that he has made of the Church in all Ages Heathens have been civil and modest in their Character of us l. 27. compar'd with this Ammianus Marcellinus though he be something sharp upon Damasus Bishop of Rome yet speaks honourably of the generality of Christian Bishops Zosimus does not mention Chrysostom with any disrespct l. 5. c. 23. though he had a fair occasion nay the scurril Wit of that Buffoon Lucian nor the Malice of Julian the Apostate have left nothing half so scandalous in all their Libels against Christians as this Church Historian has raked up for here is
an extraordinary Zeal for Religion and that oftentimes made them take Alarme when it was not in any extream danger and if their Knowledge and Discretion were not always proportionable to their Zeal surely among Christians it might be allowed to the Frailty of Humane Nature and the Sincerity of a good meaning If they differ'd sometimes among themselves and were warmer than is fit in their Disputes consider that the Apostles themselves had their Misunderstandings and their Contentions sometimes Peter was to be blamed and Barnabas was carried away The Churches founded by the Apostles were immediately divided about Opinions which were presently determined in Council and yet we do not find that the Controversie was at an end Should any one therefore so abridge the History of the Apostles as to represent nothing of them but their unhappy Contention and leave them under the odious Characters of Disturbers of the World and Dividers of the Church would it not justly pass for a Libel against Christianity It were disingenious and base even in an Enemy in a Christian I know not how to call it Having paid this duty to the honour of Religion by a general Vindication of it from such Consequences as might be drawn from this Church History against the Intention of the Author I come now to his design which is laid down page 27. To shew the Ignorant so much of the matter of Fact as may tell them who have been the Cause of all Church-Corruption Heresies Schisms Seditions c. And whether such Diocesan Prelacies and Grandure be the Cure or ever was But surely this is not the way of cureing Church-divisions thus to exasperate These Reproaches cannot serve to heal but to fret and inflame the Wound I have some hopes that I shall be able to shew the Reader so much of the matter of Fact too as may let him see how much he has been imposed on by this History and that all Corruptions and Schisms are very injuriously and against all Truth of History charg'd upon the Bishops Yet suppose the Charge be true is it such a Wonder that men of great Talents and great Authority do sometimes abuse them and by that means become the Cause of Church-Corruptions Private men though neither better nor wiser than the Bishops have not the Opportunity of doing so much either Good or Hurt and their Mistakes or Vices do not draw after them so great Consequences This Accusation though it may serve to render Bishops odious is yet of use to prove their Authority and their ancient possession of the right of governing the Church like his who would prove that they have troubled the World ever since the Apostles time If the abuse of this Power be sufficient reason to take it away or to render it odious what will become of preaching and writing Books What will become of Scripture and Conscience Let him still exclaim the Bishops have been the Authors of all Corruption and Schism were they not Christians and Men as well as Bishops and if a Heathen or a Jew should not lay such a Stress upon the name of Bishop but put that of a Christian in it's place and then make a great Outery wicked Christians turbulent Christians would not this reasoning hold as well as Mr. B's or if some of the graver Beasts should recover the Conversation they had in Aesop's days and talk judicially might not they bray aloud Horrible men Abominable men that will never agree or understand one another and then conclude with the Ass in the Satyr Ma foy non plus que nous l'home n'est qu'une bête Be the Bishops whose History Mr. B. writes as bad as he will have them how will this concern the rest of that order unless they will follow their Examples and own their Corruptions Machiavel was of Opinion that the greatest part of men were Rogues and Knaves but what is that to You and I let every man bear his own Burden But Mr. B. is resolved to cut off this Retreat and to level his Charge not so much against the Persons as the office of Bishops and to this effect he explains himself p. 22. There is an Episcopacy whose very Constitution is a Crime and there is another that seems to me a thing convenient lawful and indifferent and there is a sort which I cannot deny to be of divine Right Here we have three sorts of Bishops and this is pretty reasonable and compendious but in another Book which he refers to in this he gives no less than twelve Disput of Ch. Government p. 14. dividing was much in Fashion at that time though commonly it was without a difference and as they could make a sort of Seekers that neither sought nor found so he gives several sorts of Bishops that were no more so than he or I nay in this Abridgment of the great Division I believe the Members will be concident and that it is but a little artificial Illusion of Mr. B. that makes them appear several take away the little corner'd glass and that great multitude of pieces we saw are in a moment reduced to one poor Six-pence well let us see then what this criminal sort of Episcopacy is and what Mr. B. has to lay to it's Charge That Episcopacy which I take in it self to be a Crime is such as is afore-mentioned p. 22. which in it's very Constitution overthrows the Office Church and Discipline which Christ by himself and his Spirit in his Apostles instituted this is criminal indeed and a thousand Pities it should stand one Moment But where shall we find this Abomination it is not far of if his Judgment may be taken for Such says he I take to be that Diocesan kind ibid. which has only one Bishop over many Score or Hundred fixt parochial Assemblies Is this then their Crime that they have many fixt parochial Assemblies under their Government Had not the Apostles Had not the Evangelists so too And was that Constitution criminal Had not the Bishops of St. Jerom's Notion several fixt Assemblies That Father did indeed maintain that the poor Bishop of Eugubium was as much a Bishop as he of Rome but he little thought that he was more so or that the Extent of the Roman Diocess had chang'd the very Species of it's Church Government Hieron Ep. ad Evagr. he thought they were both of the same sort and that the single and small Congregation of the one and the numerous Assembly under the Inspection of the other had made no difference at all in the nature or constitution of their Episcopacy he communicated with and submitted himself in Questions of the highest moment to the Bishop of Rome Vid Hier. Ep. ad Damas which considering the Temper of the man and his Contempt of the World he would hardly have done if he had judged him an Usurper but would rather have joyned himself to the poor Bishop of Eugubium and done all possible
and one Parish has diverse Chappels for the aged and weak that are unfit for Travel Every one of these Churches then had one Bishop and was in his Opinion all the Diocess of apostolical and ancient Bishops If in any City or Town the number of Christians should exceed what might meet in one Congregation that then they were to imitate the Commonwealth of Bees who when they grow too numerous for one hive send out new Colonies commanded by their own Officers so when Christians grew too many for personal Communion in Doctrine and Worship they must resolve themselves into several Churches and have as many independent Bishops as they have Congregations But this model of a Church I am afraid is like to please no Party for the Dissenters are of Opinion we have too many Bishops already but this Project would make more Bishops in this one City than are now in the three Kingdoms Mr. B. has elsewhere endeavoured to take away this Prejudice Disp 1. of Ch. Gov. Ch. Hist part 2. by saying that those many Bishops he is for are not of the same sort with ours 't is true indeed Dioceses are not to be so large yet their Power within their own Church is to be equal to the others within their Diocess and the Church would fare no better in this Case than the Empire did in the times of Galienus when the People generally discontented with his Government because it was too remiss found themselves immediately enslaved by no less than thirty Tyrants The Presbyterians would never endure that the Power of their Classes and Synods should be settled in congregational Bishops and the Independent's Principles will as little admit this Project the Erastian Party will allow this Bishop no Power of Censures or Church Discipline Lewis Moulin Paraenesis who seems to speak in the name of all the English Independents explodes the use of Excommunication in a Christian State and will have no Ruler but the Civll and some of the greatest men of that party in their Recommendations before his Book though they speak something cautiously yet do not disapprove his Notion What some others of them have writ of the Nature of a Church is so mysterious and seraphical that one must be verè adeptus to understand it the plainest thing I believe can be made of it is that they are above Ordinances and that these Saints on Earth have as little need of Discipline and Censures as those in Heaven The Episcopal men are content with the present Form and do not desire the Bishops should be multiplyed at least not according to this Project for this in their Judgment would lie heavier than the Burden of Issachar So that I cannot see what party or principles this would suit besides the Authors own nor since he is so subject to Change is it likely to please him long However if it be the Primitive Platform it is Reason that all Churches notwithstanding their Prejudices should conform to it and therefore it is not equal it should be rejected though all the World were against it before that great Evidence of History which he alledges in Favour of it is consider'd For this Evidence he refers us to another Book of his 1 Disput of Ch. Government and Worship p 1659. and dedicated to R. Cromwel p. 87. Grotius his Opinion he rejects himself p 6. Edict Vossii Disp p. 88. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 § 22. where the Proofs are set down at large the first Authority he mentions there after the Scriptures is that of Clemens Romanus who mentions only Presbyters and Deacons but this is besides the present Question As for the Pseudo Clement which Mr. Thorndike mentions and is alledg'd by Mr. B. though it may be to the Purpose yet 't is of no Authority The next and the plainest as he confesses is Ignatius out of whom he cites several Passages the first out of his Epistle ad Smyrn Vbi itaque apparet Episcopus illic multitudo sit quemadmodum utique ubi est Christus Jesus illic Catholica Ecclesia as in B. Vshers old Translation with which Vossius's Greek Copy does agree from whence Mr. B. urges That this Plebs or Multitudo is the Church which he ruleth and not only one Congregation among many that are under him for this does without distinction bind all the people one as well as another to be where the Bishop is or appeareth viz. in the publick Assembly for Communion in Worship It is plain therefore there that there were not then many such Assemblies under him otherwise all save one must have necessarily disobey'd this Command To which I answer first That Antiochus cites this Passage quite differently and more at large than it is in the Text and to this Effect § Wherever the Bishop appears Antioch Ser. 124. there let the Multitude be as wheresoever the name of Christ is call'd there let a Church be assembled it is not permitted the Flocks of young Lambs to go whithersoever they please but whither the Sheepherds lead them those that remain out of the Flock the wild Beasts destroy and devour all that which goes astray which Words do not at all imply whether there were one or more Congregations under that Bishop and their design is to prove that Christians ought not to assemble themselves where they please without the Leave of or in Opposition to their Bishop this appears plainly from the Context to which Mr. B. does refer us these are the Words that immediately precede the Passage alledg'd Nullus sine Egiscopo aliquid operetur eorum quae conveniunt in Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illa firma gratiarum actio reputetur quae sub ipso est vel quam utique ipse concesserit So that here is a plain distinction between a Congregation under the Bishop that is where he is personally present and a Congregation assembled by his Permission and Allowance and these Expressions of Ignatius can have no other Occasion than the Usage of the Church even in his time to have several Congregations under one Bishop The next Proof is out of Ignatius's Epist to the Philadelphians where he exhorts them to come all to the same Eucharist and these are his Motives Vna enim Caro Domini nostri Jesu Christi unus Calix in Vnionem Sanguinis ipsius unum altare unus Episcopus cum Presbyterio Diaconis conservis meis Disp p. 89. And thus the old Translation which is word for word according to the Florentine Greek Copy The Passage as Mr. B. cites it is in this Epistle interpolated but making more for his purpose he preferr'd it to the Genuine Reading where there is no mention of unus Panis unus Calix toti Ecclesiae but that which he lays his greatest stress upon is Vnum Altare unus Episcopus and this all Copies do agree in from whence he concludes Here it is manifest that the particular Church which in those dayes was
by Schism I thought my self obliged to consider Mr. B's Notion of a Church and Episcopacy as it lyes scatter'd in his first Chapter and explain'd more at large in his first Disputation of Church Government partly because he insists so much upon it and bends the whole course of his History to favour it as much as is possible partly because he makes it a plea to justifie his Railings against Bishops and Councils as if those he dishonoured in this History had departed from the ancient use of Church Government and Discipline and their Usurpation had drawn after it all those evil Consequences and Calamities which he relates throughout this Book It is time now to enter upon his History and to examine how truly and how fairly he has represented the Actions of Bishops and Councils I shall go along with him as far as the end of the Council of Chalcedon and endeavour to vindicate the Reputation of the four first general Councils which our Church receives from those injurious Representations which Mr. B. has made of them in his History In the next place I shall endeavour to shew how little Truth there is in that general Accusation which this History is intended to make out that Bishops have been the Authors of all Heresies Schisms and Corruptions Thirdly that the way to remedy this is not by multiplying Bishops and that this Expedient is so far from being the Cure of Church Divisions that nothing has contributed more to widen the Breach and to render Peace and Concord impossible within any considerable Compass Fourthly That though Bishops and Councils have been guilty of great Miscarriages they ought not to be imputed to the Order but the Men and if Bishops brought in several Corruptions as well in Doctrine as Discipline after the four general Councils Bishops have likewise reformed the Church from them and have maintained and do still maintain and justifie their Reformation Lastly that latter models of Church-Governments without Bishops have been subject to all the Miscarriages that are charg'd upon the Bishops and have not been able to prevent or remedy the Mischiefs of Heresies and Schisms and that the Independent model is of all other the most unlikely to remedy these Mischiefs and is justly charg'd by the Presbyterians to have given the occasion to all those Confusions in Religion those monstrous Doctrines and endless Separations under which we still labour and almost despair to see a Remedy for them CHAP. II. Of Heresies and the first Councils THE design of general Councils being chiefly to preserve the Unity of the Faith Ch. Hist c. 2. p. 28 29 30. and to reject and discredit all such dangerous doctrines as appear destructive of the fundamental Principles of Religion Mr. B. thought fit before he enter'd upon the History of these Councils to give us some account of Errors which they were designed to remedy his Discourse is very favourable to the Mistakes of men and considering the common Frailty it is but fit that we should forbear as far as is possible with each others Infirmities yet still there are such Errors as are not to be endured and corrupt the very Vitals of Christianity these when they were obstinately maintained were stigmatized by the Church with the name of Heresies a word which Mr. B. has no Fancy to and yet St. Paul and St. Peter made use of it to signifie the worst and most dangerous sort of Errors and such as are not to be tolerated within the Communion of the Church Tit. 3.10 It is Saint Paul's charge to his Son Titus an Heretick after the first and second Admonition reject Galat. 5.12 and reckoning up the works of the Flesh that excluded from Salvation he puts in Heresie and St. Peter 2 Pet. 1.1 to render it the more frightful joyns with it the Epithete of damnable saying that wicked men should come who should bring in damnable Heresies Now since we are warned before hand that Heresies there must be that wicked men will endeavour to introduce wicked Doctrines the Church would be left in an evil condition had it been provided with no Authority no means to remedy those Mischiefs that would certainly overthrow the very Foundations of that Faith upon which it was built Now what defence shall she make against these Assaults Arms she has none but Prayers and Tears and even those may return empty if the Heretick will be perverse and obstinately fortifie himself in his Errors must she then suffer this Cancer to eat up her very â—â—wels is there no way of stopping the Progress of this Plague or to interpose between the sound and the infective Surely it cannot be left so destitute so forlorn so helpless there is nothing of Nature or Society but has some means as well as Inclination to preserve it self and the Church being a Society united upon the Terms of a common Faith and Charity must be supposed to have so much Power within it self as to refuse the Use and Benefit of it's Communion to such as violate the Terms upon which they are associated corrupt the Doctrine destroy Holiness and indanger the Attainments of the ends and Benefits of Religion not only to themselves but to those that converse with them They had Power to reject a Heresie to put away from them wicked Persons and to refuse to receive into or shut out of their Communion such as would not submit to the Laws of their Society The great condition of their Admission into the Church was a Profession of the Christian Faith and they had no right to remain in it any longer than they kept up to that Profession if they brought in Doctrines that were inconsistent with it and did persevere in their mistakes using all endeavours to propagate them it is but just and equal it is but natural that such should be turn'd out of the Fellowship of the Church and it is but reasonable after a sad experience of the mischiefs that attend these Doctrines to endeavour to prevent the liâ—â— for the future by guarding diligently the Entrances of the Church and by taking Security of such as enter into it and if not of all such as enter into it yet at leastwise of those that are admitted to teach or govern the People that they will not revive those dangerous Doctrines 'T is this that Mr. B. finds so much fault with and ascribes all the mischiefs that have befallen the Church to an ignorant zeal against Heresie There is no doubt but this has been the occasion of great Calamities the greatest Hereticks persecuting the Truth under the name of Heresie p. 31. §. 15. p. 32. the Arrians were exceeding violent against the Orthodox Believers and used all manner of Cruelties to reduce them from the right way which they called Heresie they on the other side returned the infamous name though not the barbarous treatment upon their Enemies and what shall we infer from hence that there is no Heresie because
the Secret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and blabs out his Author I have heard says he from a credible Person who was acquainted with these Monks The Relation shews sufficiently he was of the Party and that he had it from them and if a Monk cannot tell his Story sufficiently to his own Advantage and to the Prejudice of his Enemy let him be irregular and to say Truth without this Intimation one might taste something of a Monkish Invention and Spirit the whole Story is so marvelously gross Besides that Socrates and Sozomen are not so credible in this Particular because they every where espouse the Cause of the Novatians to whom Theophilus was no great Friend reason enough to incur a very odious Character in their History as many other good men have done upon the same account But other Historians and more credible than Socrates or Sozomen discover sufficiently the Vanity of this Fiction Posthumianus was in Alexandria immediately after these things happen'd and let us hear what account he gives of this Affair After seven days Sulp. Sever Dial. l. 1. we came to Alexandria where there was a foul Contention between the Bishops and the Monks about the Books of Origen those condemning and forbidding the reading of them because of many dangerous Errors contain'd in them the other Party charging this upon the Hereticks that had corrupted the Works of Origen The Contention in short grew very high and the Bishops according to the Authority they had forbid all good and bad because there were Ecclesiastical Writers enough that might be read with as much Benefit and much less Danger and then instanc'd in several places of Origen that were very extravagant but this could not satisfie the Favourers of Origen who began to be in an Uproar which when the Authority of the Bishops could not appease the Civil Magistrate is forc'd to take the Church-Discipline into his own hands Saevo Exemplo says the Author Upon this the Monks were terrified and made their Escape whither they could and the Edicts of the Magistrates pursued them This person it seems was no Favourer of Theophilus and yet there is nothing he finds fault with but the too great Rigour and the taking of the Governour to supply the defect of Church-Discipline yet it seems there was absolute Necessity for it for these Monks had mutiny'd and rais'd a Sedition and then surely it is time for the Magistrate to look about him 2. The same Historian represents this not as any sudden surprizing Oppression of the Origenists for he mentions several Synods that had been assembled for this purpose 3. He does not make this the Effect of any particular Quarrel between the Monks and Theophilus but makes the Controversie to be between the Monks and the Bishops and which of them had most right to govern the Church and appoint what Books were or were not fit to be read But to return to our Author he tells us farther Sever. The Bishop of that place entertain'd him very courteously and beyond what he could have expected he made him a kind Invitation that he would stay and live with him but that he refus'd thinking it not fit to stay in a place ubi fraterna Cladis tam recens fervebat invidia Then he adds That though the Monks ought likely to have obey'd the Bishops yet on the other side they ought not to have us'd so great a Rigor Here is not a word of Theophilus his Crimes which he would not have dissembled having so fair an Occasion to mention to mention them and they would have been very proper Reasons for his Refusal to stay at Alexandria and would have very much aggravated the Envy of persecuting those Monks Theophilus But here is not a word of Him which the other Bishops are not as nearly concern'd in as himself and lastly here is a plain Confutation of that pretty Story of Socrates That the Origenists were persecuted for believing God to be incorporeal whereas they were the Errors of Origen as that Christ had dyed to save the Devils and such like that the Bishops objected And to say Truth that was a pretty Suggestion that they should be call'd Origenists for holding God incorporeal Was Origen singular in that point Did not every one that ever had any Reason with his Sense teach the same thing And therefore the other Story of the Anthropomorphites urging Theophilus to condemn Origen upon the same Account comes under the same Suspition for by the same Reason they must have forc'd him to condemn all the Ecclesiastical Writers in the World Yet such was the Impudence of these mutinous Monks that they were not asham'd to tell it all the World that all those that were against them were Anthropomorphites Hieron Johan And Chrysostom was so credulous as to believe them and to charge Epiphanius with that Error to which no man was a more bitter Enemy Whereas the Controversie was indeed whether Origen's Works were to be read and this was started sometime before Theophilus was concern'd in it Ep. ad Tranquil 76. Edic Mar. Victorii as appears by St. Hierom who in a Letter to Tranquillinus condemns the passionate Haters and admires of Origen he allows him to be read sometimes for his great Learning as Tertullian Novatus Arnobius Apollinaris but with Caution that we choose the Good and avoid the Evil But if these Passionate Friends and Enemies of Origen will be in the Extream and will either reject the whole as Faustinus or receive and approve the whole and admit no mean his Determination is Libentius piam rusticitatem quam doctam blasphemiam Eligam which shews the Controversie between the Orthodox and the Origenists and serves likewise to vindicate St. Hierom from the Imputation of having prevaricated in this case Sulp. Sev. D. 1. Ruffin Inv. as he is charg'd by Posthumianus and Ruffinus as if once he had been an Origenist himself and that this Letter was writ before the Troubles about that Question in Alexandria is clear from the fathering of that Opinion upon Faustinus which he would never have done if it had so great Patrons as Theophilus and the Authority of several Synods to confirm it And whereas Theophilus is represented so odiously by credible Socrates and the Character is believ'd by credulous Mr. B. it will not be amiss to see what other as credible men as any of his Enemies say of him whether in general or with Relation to the Condemnation of the Origenists St. Hierom blames him for his too great Moderation in this Particular Ep. 68. Super Nefaria haeresi quod multam patientiam geris putas Ecclesiae visceribus incubantes tuâ posse corrigi lenitate multis sanctis displicet ne dum paucorum paenitentiam praestolaris nutrias audaciam perditorum factio robustior fiat This does by no means agree with Mr. B's Authors who intimate as if he had circumvented and surpriz'd them And in another
who were the Authors of the death of Hypatia Some says he fasten it upon Cyril others upon the Alexandrians the most seditious of all mankind as may be seen by their murdering some of their own Bishops all which I suppose are the words of this Damascius Then he goes on to give a more particular account of this Woman and makes Cyril to conceive this envy against her because on a certain time passing by her house and seeing what great resort there was to her and what a number of Coaches were at her door he resolved to make her away This whole story is altogether improbable for Hypatia was an Alexandrian born and bred and so publickly known that Cyril who was bred in the same place could not be so great a stranger to her as that story makes him to be after he was a Bishop He could not be ignorant of her or her School without being the greatest stranger in Alexandria In short this is no other than a calumny invented by this Damascius to render the Christians odious which he endeavoured to do upon all occasions as Photius tells us Bibliotheca l. 180. For this is the character he gives of this Author 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one that frequently snarls at our religion though he be afraid to discover his malice too plainly After this to render Cyril more odious yet our Author reproaches him with that unhappy quarrel with Chrysostome 〈…〉 Atâ—â—â— and his opposition to the restoring his name to the diptychs of the Church and his harsh expression that compares that holy man with Judas This quarrel was it seems hereditary to him and he did prosecute it beyond all equity or decency against the memory of a dead man This was a fault and he that is without any or without any particular animosity especially if he be in any eminent place let him cast the first stone But our Author does charge him with some things injuriously as his calling Alexander Bishop of Antioch that perswaded Atticus to restore Chrysostoms name a bold-fac'd man the word though us'd by Cyril in his Letter to Atticus is indeed the expression of Atticus in his Letter to Cyril and therefore if there be any indecency in it it 's to be imputed to the first Author But however Cyril had behaved himself in this affair it is a little unchristian to blast his memory with those faults he had corrected in his life time for though our Author affirms that no credible Historian tells us that either Theophilus or Cyril ever repented of this yet I believe there is sufficient evidence to the contrary to perswade any reasonable man For besides that Socrates affirms Theophilus before his death to have been reconcil'd to those Monks upon whose account he had quarrel'd with Chrysostome Cyrils Letter to Gennadius shews him to have been satisfy'd in the business of Chrysostome's Honourable Restauration to the Diptychs Gennadius was a Presbyter of the Church of C. P. and refus'd to communicate with Proclus his Bishop for receiving the Bishop of Elia into his communion contrary to the Canons Ep. Cyril ad Gennad which do not own that Bishop as Palaestinae praepositum Here Cyril urges very peaceably that the rigour of the Canons must oftentimes give way to peace and expedience whence it appears 1. That he had chang'd his mind as to the necessary maintenance of the Canons rather than remit any point that would conduce to peace which was his arguing with Atticus 2. It appears from hence that he held communion with Proclus else he had never been so urgent with this Presbyter to communicate with his Bishop 3. That this communion with Proclus supposes him satisfy'd in the restitution of Chrysostom For this Proclus had not only kept his name in the Diptychs but fetch'd home his bones and so ended that Schism of the Joannâ—â—â— so that Cyril must by this have chang'◠〈◊〉 judgement concerning Chrysostom Nâ—â—â—â—is Letter to Atticus which our Authâ—â— cites lays the greatest stress upon this argument that it will be dangerous to restore his name because it may divide the world again since the greatest part had expung'd it out of their Diptychs and could not easily be brought either to re-admit it or to communicate with those that did But finding the contrary it seems he follow'd the examples of other Churches The fiction of Nicephorus about Cyril's Vision was I suppose invented to salve the reputation of Cyril For since after so great opposition he chang'd his mind to remove from him the imputation of levity and to shew that he was carry'd away sincerely and by an invincible mistake he must be reconciled by a miracle However it were whether Cyril repented of this fault or no our Author cannot forbear exclaiming upon the occasion of Cyril's restoring the name of Chrysostom by the authority of a Synod O ductile Synods O unhappy Churches whose Pastors must grow wise and cease destroying after so long sunning and by an experience which costeth the Church so dear It had been doubtless much better there never had happened any difference between the Pastors of the Church but what Church has been so happy what government can secure this uninterrupted Peace Surely our Author cannot pretend to exempt himself from the lash of his own exclamations for I know no man deeper engag'd in the contentions of the Church or that has writ with greater bitterness on all such occasions The writing of a great part of his 80 books being but like so many pitch'd battels he has fought and most commonly in the dark when he was hardly able to discover friend from foe if he scorns to be so ductile as these Synods and to recant his mistakes when they are discover'd to him I pray God give him a better mind and make him to have a more honourable opinion of repentance The last part of Cyril's accusation is taken out of Isidore's Epistles §. 6. some of which are very sharp yet I believe when the Reader shall have weigh'd the circumstances duly this will be no great offence to him Isidore was certainly a good man but very easie to take any impressions and hot in his reproofs this may be evidently seen in his dealing with Cyril For he reproves him in one place for prosecuting his private quarrels against Nestorius l. 1. Ep. 310. under pretence of Zeal for the faith yet the same Author in another place advises him not to betray l. 1. Ep. 324. and give up the cause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and rather to suffer any evil that might befal him than to endure so much as to hear false and pernicious doctrines So that the same Isidore who reproaches this man upon a false information retracts afterwards and gives him commendations no less extravagant than the reproofs he us'd towards him before for he is very large and passionate in his commendation when he recommends to him the miserable estate of the Church of
Dioscorus cry'd cum Patribus ejicior and his followers were afterwards call'd Eutychians though they did not own his doctrines as some of the Eastern Christians are call'd Nestorians though they do not really hold the doctrine of Nestorius but the very same with the Eastern Bishops that mistook Cyril and with Theodorus Tarsens and Mopsuest who were misunderstood on the other side by Cyril But of this we have said enough already CHAP. VII The Council of Chalcedon NOw comes the great Council of Chalcedon under the new Emperour Martian p. 99. §. 14. where all is chang'd for a time yet Pulcheria who married him and made him Emperour and whose power then was great was the same that before had been against Nestorius in her Brothers reign Thus far our Church Historian It is a marvellous observation that all should be chang'd for a time and yet Pulcheria be the same that condemn'd Nestorius in her Brothers reign She was the same person I suppose though I dare not maintain any identity against the splitting instruments which he borrows of Derodon those Metaphysical terms I mean which we have mentioned before and our Authors charms and imaginary remedies against Heresie those Notions that he bewails the ancient Bishops were so dull as not to be able to find out But if out of special grace he will allow Pulcheria to be the same Pulcheria in and after her brothers reign we must acknowledge his good nature in the concession But where is the wonder all this while that matters should change and yet she be still the same It may be that she might not have always the same credit and authority with her brother and if Nicephorus may be believ'd in a story that hangs very well together and is very probable l. 14. c. 47 c. her interest was very low when the Second Council of Ephesus was call'd for the end of it was to ruine her favourite Flavian who had given her notice of a Court-plot that was form'd against her to shave her and thrust her into a Monastery So that it is not much to be wondred at if Pulcheria when she had the power in her own hands should change some things that had been done against her will and perhaps design'd by the Court on purpose to affront her This then cannot be the wonder and it would vex a man to see one stare and stand agast and yet not be able to find out the subject of the admiration It may be for I will venture to guess once more that the wonder is that the same Pulcheria should condemn Eutyches that had condemn'd Nestorius before But why should we wonder at this in Pulcheria more than in Flavian in Eusebius Doryl and a great many others that did the same thing at that time Nay did not all the world in a manner all the Catholick Church condemn both these Will he say that these are contradictory Doctrines and therefore one must be true and the other false But Mr. B. has determined already that Cyril Nestorius Flavian Eutyches all of them meant the same thing and what wonder then is it if a devout Lady could not find this secret consent of doctrine under appearing contradictions when the learned Bishops could not do it nor after ages nor the subtile distinguishing School-men no nor Derodon himself However since we cannot discern the drift and shrewdness of the observation we ought thankfully to accept what we can understand though that be no great news That Pulcheria that was Empress after her Brothers death was the very same that condemn'd Nestorius in her Brothers reign This profound Remark is immediately follow'd by another of great acuteness p. 100. sect 14. That it was never truer than in the case of general Councils that the multitude of Physicians exasperateth the disease and kills the patient And yet our Author will have these Physicians multiply'd without end If every Congregation have its own Bishop what general agreement can we then expect what unity in a Nation when Bishops are grown so inordinately numerous Since it can be no otherwise than by a consultation of these Physicians that the publick Peace and Unity can be preserv'd Or if this Expedient should fail what other way is there left Our Author comes in here and relieves us in a great strait and offers a remedy more Soveraign than all the Hereticating Councils in the World In short it is this The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the one nature after Vnion the words One Will and one Operation had never done half so much mischief in the Church if the erroneous had been confuted by neglect p 100. sect 14. and Councils had not exasperated enraged and engag'd them and set all the world on taking one side or another It is an admirable way to cure Heresie to neglect it and to preserve the Church by despising such small differences as may be reduced into a Word It was but a word that divided the Arians and the Orthodox It was but the Trinity Servetus said that divided all the World Despise the disputes about this and then Christians Jews and Mahumetans may be comprehended under the same Rule It is but the Import of the word Episcopus that our Dissenters stand so much upon why does not Mr. B. perswade them to despise this Verbal Controversie and study rather to be quiet than to write about it But we find he cannot perswade himself to this otherwise the Shops would have wanted divers books that he hath publisht this year Nay we find that he himself will not be answer'd with Neglect So that we are like to find little benefit of this rare project for confuting the disturbers of the Church For though six of his Books that came out in little more than six months were let pass without any Answer that I know of yet this Patience has been so far from mending his humour that he writes and writes on still runs us down with Repetitions proclaims his own victories and insults over our silence and in short he cannot be more violent and outragious more bitter and malicious under all the provocations imaginable than he is under that Neglect which himself is pleased to prescribe for the cure of them I wish our Author had taken his own advice before this Book was written practic'd this Mortification upon himself And not gone on as he does still to disturb the world with perpetual contentions to no purpose but to shew how much he wants of a Scholar and a Christian But however men may be confuted yet they are seldom convinc'd by neglect and therefore lest that expedient might fail our Projector slurs in another p. 100. ubi supra One skilful healing man that could have explicated ambiguous terms and perswaded men to love and peace until they understood themselves and one another had more befriended Truth Piety and the Church than all the Hereticating Councils did And why may not this skilful man
please But the best of it is that if God permitted a Bishop of so eminent a Church as that of Antioch to fall into Heresie he on the other hand rais'd up Godly and Orthodox Bishops to oppose him and to vindicate not only the Christian Religion but the Order of Episcopacy also which he had dishonour'd For the Neighbour Bishops assembled in the Second Council of Antioch Condemn'd and Depos'd him Dionysius of Alexandria being now very old and unfit for Travel could not be there but writ to him says Theodoret Theod. Haer. Fab. l. 1. Eus l. 7. c. 30. Eusebius cites the Epistle of this Synod that expresly denys that saying that Dionysius of Alexandria had writ to the Council but had not vouchsafed so much as to salute Paulus From which passage Valesius concludes that the Letter of Dionysius to that Heretick Bishop in the Bibliotheca Patrum is forg'd Vales Annot in Eus l. 7. c. 30. notwithstanding Baronius receives it for genuine Now because Mr. B. promises to shew not only Who have been the cause of Heresies c. but also How It will not be impertinent to shew briefly how this Bishop also fell into Heresie It was in short by the way of Comprehension for Zenobia Queen of Palmyrene after her Husbands death being very considerable in the East and being Proselyted to the Jewish Religion for which reason likely Lâ—nginus her Favourite speaks so favourably of Moses this Paul Bishop of Antioch thought that by reducing Christ to be a meer man he might reconcile both Religious and take away the Partition-wall that divided the Jews and Christians nothing being so great an offence to the Jews as that Christ was own'd by his Disciples to be God And thus compliance and vain projects of Comprehension made this man a Heretick But Philastrius is not to be regarded Phil. Haer. 17. Ap. Biblieth Patr. who charges this Bishop with being turn'd Jew and teaching Circumcision and bringing over Zenobia to Judaism Before this time there is another Bishop reckon'd by some Collectors of Heresies as the Author of one Nepos Nepos an Egyptian Bishop who taught out of the Revelation of St. John as he pretended Euseb Hist l. 7. Theod. Haer. Fab. l. 3. that the Saints should live a Thousand years of pleasure here on Earth If this be a Heresie it was much older than this Nepos Just Mart. Dial. cum Tryph. p. 307. Ed. Par. For it was so ancient and so general an opinion that Justin Martyr did not believe they were perfectly Christians that did not believe it For all that were Orthodox did look for the Restauration of Jerusalem and that Christ should reign there gloriously with his Saints a thousand years which he endeavours to prove out of the Revelations and the Book of the Prophet Isaiah Iren. l. 5. c. 33 34 35. Ireneus endeavours to prove the same thing at large and derives the Doctrine from Papias and by him from St. John the Beloved Apostle So that if Nepos prove Heretick for this he is like to find very good company but Author of it he cannot be It is some favour to him that Epiphanius and Philastrius pass him by for I do not remember that either of them mention him However you will say that though he was not the first that taught this Doctrine yet he was the first that divided the Church about it And that is a heavy fault that Mr. B. charges upon the Bishops that they divide the Church about unnecessary nice Speculations But this Nepos is as far if not farther from the Imputation of Schism than that of Heresie For Dionyfius charges him not with Schism but only with writing a book for the Millenary opinion which others afterwards laid a great stress upon and by that means several Churches were divided and some entirely carried away and all this after Nepos his death They might have done the like with Justin Martyr or Irenaeus if they had pleas'd and made the same stir and yet those Fathers not at all concern'd in the Schism this is manifestly the present case there is no account of any Schism made about this point till after this Nepos his death And Dionysius who writes against him thinks himself oblig'd to make his Apology before hand saying that he honour'd the man for many great good qualities and was sorry that he was forc'd to write against his Brother in the defence of Truth And as to the matter of fact it was thus He found in the Region of Arsinoe several Churches distracted about this matter so that they began to make Schisms in several places The Bishops surely must be concern'd where there is any Schism or Heresie they must have a hand in it But here by good fortune no such thing appears Euseb l. 7 here is mention only of Presbyters and Teachers whom this Bishop assembled Presbyters of the Villages and these after some Dispute he at last perswaded to Peace But what became of the Bishop of that Region will you say It may be he was dead and that this Nepos was the man unless one may imagine the Diocess of Alexandria to extend so far for the Country adjoyning to the Lake Mareotes and call'd by that name was part of the Alexandrian Diocess as we have shew'd before out of Athanasius and the Arsinoeites was the next Region to that But however this be our point is sufficiently clear'd that this Nepos was neither Heretick nor Schismatick Nor does it appear that any Bishop was concern'd in that difference save only Dionysius of Alexandria who by his Prudence and Authority did compose it To conclude For the first three hundred years after Christ there is but one Bishop found who was the Author or rather the Reviver of a Heresie and yet Mr. B. looks upon it as a strange thing that there should be a Heresie rais'd by one that was No Bishop The following Ages were not so happy but as Christians generally degenerated so did the Clergy too but yet not so much as our Author would make it appear The beginning of the fourth Century was very unhappy to the Church not only by reason of a most violent Persecution rais'd against it from without but also of Heresies and Schisms from within Meletius an Egyptian Bishop Meletius and the first of that Order that began a Schism forsook the Communion of the Church because they that fell from the Faith under Persecution were receiv'd into it Epiph. as Epiphanius tells his story though others of better Authority give other Reasons that this Bishop had himself deny'd the Faith and being condemn'd by a Synod of Bishops he set up a Schism But of this we have said enough elsewhere Athan. Ap. 2. About the same time started up the Schism of the Donatists Donatus named so from one of their Bishops Aug. de Haeâ—es that lived a good while after the rise of that Faction this was carried
Correspondence and Communication between them and this begetting a mutual knowledge of each others opinions and practice differences will arise and endanger their peace and what remedy is there since there is no common Court to put an end to it It must be a lamentable case when every quarrel becomes a War and there is no end but either Ruin or at last when they are tyr'd with contention their Voluntary Acquiescence But you will say there is the same Inconvenience in Episcopacy for if Bishops fall out about Religion who shall judge between them if you say Metropolitans and Synods suppose two Metropolitans then should differ or two Councils It were much better they would agree but if they will quarrel it is not quite so bad as if those that live in the same City and under the same Government should fall out suppose our Church could not adjust all Articles of Faith and Discipline with the Churches of France or Suitzerland good men would wish that it might be made up and that there were a perfect Harmony in our Confessions But in case this could not be effected yet the Controversie would remain pretty quiet within the books that should be written about it But if within the City of London those Controversies should be unhappily started and one Parish take one side of the Question and another the contrary it would be something more dangerous and an Intolerable defect in the constitution of our Church to have no effectual remedy to apply to the beginnings of this Division But what hurt is it you may say let both enjoy their own opinion if they would do so with Peace it were something but these little republick Churches like Descartes his Vortexes grate and make Impression one upon the other Some members of one Congregation may be seduc'd by the other and the whole perhaps in danger of being carried away with evil Doctrine or example what shall be done in this case They can submit to no Judge for they are immediately under Christ they must have no Diocesan no Classes no power to Controul them what then They must wrangle to the worlds end or Dissolve and come to nothing as many of their Congregations have done The Independents have been made very sensible of this by a sad experience of great and Irremediable dissensions and some of them have been so ingenuous as to confess it and enter'd into some measures for an effectual Prevention of these disorders by way of Consociation or Synods but neither can relieve them as long as they maintain the principles before mentioned i. e. as long as they are Independents For 1. What Consociation can there be between those bodies of men that cannot be United under any Common Government to which the particulars are to be subordinate Without any Laws to correct them without authority to execute them without any subordination of the Members what Permanent Consociation can be expected that must depend upon the pleasure of every Congregation of that Association that remains still Independent and under no obligation to submit any farther than it self thinks good This is the case of the Independents either there must be General Officers to take care of this Consociation as Bishops or Supervisors or some Committees any Synods and these must have some pow-over the particular Congregations under their Inspection or there must be no such Officers If that be allow'd it is no more Independence but Diocesan Episcopacy or Presbytery And overthrows the Fundamental principle that the Congregations immediately under Christ and that the constitution cannot be alter'd for any convenience If they have no Persons appointed over the Generality then wherein does this Consociation consist or how are they United But suppose they have Synods as they had one in the Savoy 1658. What can they be able to do They may advise and discourse the matter but if any particular Congregation be obstinate they cannot censure that Importing a Superiority which destroys the notion of Congregational Independence to make this clearer if possible suppose something like Hobbs his State of nature That Twenty men who can have no pretence of authority one over the other were cast upon an Island and their Common necessities would oblige them to live together and maintain some Commerce and agreement and that every one should believe firmly that God had not only made him free but that he had laid an obligation on him so to continue and never to subject himself to any Creature upon the pretence of any conveniences of life How should these men do They might consult and agree upon a rule they might make a distribution of proprieties and promise never to hurt or injure one the other But these men being subject to the same Appetites and disorders with others it is not to be expected they should live long without some bodies transgressing his duty And then what shall be done to preserve this Consociation of Kings Every one is sacred and cannot be called before any Tribunal but his own Conscience and that perhaps he may dispense with he must not submit to any one nor to all his associates together nor can they continuing in that opinion of Original Freedom usurp any Authorities over him What can such a Constitution produce Either their indignation or necessity must prevail over their principles and so they must submit to Government or else if they retain these fancies of Independant Soveraignity and freedom they must dissolve and break all to pieces and renounce all communication one with the other You will say that good men will agree and preserve such an union as their common necessities require without any superior power to inforce it But the Independents know by woful experience that all have not proved Saints that they have received for such though they were as punctilious in the admitting of them as the Pope in a Canonization besides this reason will destroy the discipline of Congregational as well as of associated Churches for every good man will do his duty and what need therefore of any power in the congregation to censure It is plain therefore that Congregational Churches unless they renounce the Principles of their Independence cannot enter into any solid and lasting union having no means to preserve it and all the union that their Principles will admit can be no other than that of a heap of sand where the parts are loose and unconnected and therefore unavoidably scattered and dissipated by the first Wind that shall arise Nor is this Congregational Constitution less pernicious to the Peace of Particular Churches than it is to a General union of many Congregations which I shall make appear by the following reasons First in General and then by examining the different forms there may be of Admininistring this Congregational power 1. He that lyeth under an unjust sentence of a Congregation has no relief for this being Independent there is 〈◊〉 Appeal left and this is the more griâ—rous by how much