are in great esteem with the reformed and his praise is in all the Churches and whatever come of the book his reasons stand firme and valide In the History of our Reformation Pag. 397 398. edit in 4 to Edinb we finde that Iohn Knox had the Apology of Magdeburgh subscribed by the Ministers there declareing the defence of the towne against the Emperour to be most just and lawful and offered it to Secretary Lithingtoun who then was disputeing against him to read And having now made Mention of Mr. Knox what was his judgment in this poynt that history doth abundantly demonstrate His words to the Queen are remarkable see history of Reformation Pag. 317. When she asked him if he thought That subjects having power might resist their princes He answered If princes do exceed their bounds and do against that wherefore they should be obeyed there is no doubt but they may be resisted even by power for there is Neither greater honour nor greater obedience to be given to Kings and Princes then God hath commanded to be given to Father and Mother But so it is That the father may be stricken with a phrenzie in the which he would stay his owne children Now if the children arise joyne themselves together apprehend the father take the sword or other weapon from him and finally binde his hands and keep him in prisone till that his phrenzie be over-past think ye Madame said he that the children do any wrong or vvill God be offended vvith them that have stayed their father from committing wickednesse It is even so with princes that would murther the people of God that are subject unto them their blinde zeal is nothing but a very mad phrenzie and therefore to take the svvord from them to binde their hands and to cast them into prisone till that they be brought to a more sober minde is no disobedience against princes but just obedience because it agreeth vvith the vvord of God thus he vvho knevv not vvhat is vvas to feare the face of any breathing in the defence of his Master's cause and interest and vvas an eminent divine a holy Man of God living in near communion vvith God and vvas far above the reproaches and calumnies of his adversaryes And it is considerable that this vvas a particular vvhich he had frequent occasion to be thinking upon and no doubt this holy Man vvould be often reflecting upon the matter and upon his ovvne judgment and consulting God and his vvord there anent that he might knovv vvhether his grounds vvere such as he vvould not have cause to be ashamed of vvhen he vvas to appeare before his judge being oft called to shevv his judgment concerning that matter And his constant practice being consonant thereunto And yet vve never finde that his heart reproached him for maintaineing any such opinion vvhile living or vvhile dying nor did he ever change his judgement thereof yea not when the maintaineing thereof might have been a sufficient ground of an accusation and doubtlesse he vvould before hand examine if he vvould lay dovvne his life upon such a ground yet constant vvas he in that cost him vvhat it vvould or could he vvas no changeling nor had he so drunken in truth Yea in the end of that conference vvith Lithingtoun he told them that he vvas not only fully resolved inn conscience but also had heard the judgements of the most godly and learned that he knevv in Europe in that particular and in all other things that he had affirmed I came not sayes he into this realme without their resolution and for my assurance I have the hand-writeing of many Neither was this his judgement alone but also of Mr Georg Hay vvhom the Earle of Mortoun vvould have had disputing against Mr Knox. But sayd he I will not oppose my self unto you as one willing to impugne or confute that head of Doctrine which not only yee but many others yea and my self have affirmed farre be it from me for so should I be found contrarious to my self And of Mr Craig Mr Knox's collegue vvho told vvhat a conclusion he heard defended at Bonnonia Anno 1554. by Thomas de Finola Rector of the University and approved by Vincentius de Placentia as agreeable both to the lavv of God and man viz. That all Rulers be they Supreame or inferiour may ought to be reformed or bridled by them by whom they are chosen or admitted to their office so oft as they break that promise made by oath to their subjects because that the prince is no lesse bound by oath to the Subjects then the Subjects to the Princes therefore ought it to be keeped reformed equally according to law and condition of the oath that is made of either party and when some said that Bonnonia was a Republick He answered My judgement is that every Kingdome is or at least should be a Commonwealth albeit that Every Commonwealth be not a Kingdome and therefore I think that in a Kingdome no lesse diligence ought to be taken that lawes be not violated then in a Commonwealth because that the tyranny of Princes who continue in a Kingdome is more hurtful to the subjects then is the misgovernment of those that from yeer to yeer are changed in free Commonwealths but to assure yow and all others that head was disputed to the utter-most and then in the end was concluded That they spoke not of such things as were done in diverse Kingdomes and Nations by Tyranny and negligence of people but what ought to be done in all Kingdomes and Commonwealths according to the law of God and unto the just lawes of Man and if by the negligence of the People by the Tyranny of Princes contrary lawes have been made yet may that Same people or their posterity justly crave all things to be reformed according to the original institution of Kings and Commonwealths and such as will not do so deserve to eate the frute of their owne foolisnesse thus he see Hist of Reform Pag. 399. 400. Edit in 4. Yea this was the judgement of all the reformed preachers at that time as we see witnessed by the Congregation vindicating the doctrine of their preachers concerning obedience to be given to Magistrats in these words see Hist of reform Pag. 184. In open audience they declare the authority of Princes and Magistrates to be of God and therefore they affirme that they ought to be honoured feared and obeyed even for conscience sake provided that they command nor require nothing expresly repugning to God's commandement and plaine will revealed in his word Moreover they affirme That if wicked persones abuseing the authority established by God move Princes to command things manifestly wicked That such as can do bridle the inordinate appetites of misled Princes cannot be accused as resisters of the authority which is God's good ordinance To bridle the rage and fury of misled Princes in free Kingdomes and Realmes they affirme it appertaineth to
and bloody way by armed mercylesse and bloody souldiers which looketh rather like the execution of a bloody act for massacreing then of a law made for the good of the Commonwealth This last toucheth our case as was shovved 6. It is one thing to speak of resisting and offering violence to the very person of the Magistrate and another thing to speak of resisting his bloody Emissaries 7. So it is one thing to speak of resisting his bloody Emissaries cloathed with a commission to exact the penalty imposed by law But it is a distinct thing to speak of resisting his bloody Emissaries exorbitantly exacting what they please without any regaird had to the standing unrepeled law though sufficiently grevious 8. It is one thing to speak of vvhat privat persons may or ought to do when injured oppressed there is some door open to get themselves eased of these oppressions by complaineing or appealing to the superior Magistrats or by simple petition and supplications But it is a far other thing to speak of what a People may do when all door of hope is closed and when simple supplicating would make them lyable to the crime of lese Majesty which was their case 9. It is one thing to speak of what a company of private persons may do in their owne particular case without the concurrence of the rest of the community who are not concerned in their case nor particularly engaged to help and concurre with them in that particular and another thing to speak of what privat persons though the minor part of a community may do in a case which concerneth not themselves alone but is common to all though it maâ— be they suffer most of the heat of persecution upon the account of that common cause and in a case wherein all the whole community is bound and obliged to other to stand to and maintaine one another in the defence of that common cause and that by solemne bonds vowes and Covenants Now this was their case 10. It is one thing to say that the minor pairt of a community may rise in armes against all the Magistrats and seek to exauctorate them and overturne their power and against all the rest of the body and presse them to be of their minde and another thing to say they may take armes in their owne self defence when tyrannically oppressed for adhering to that Covenant and cause which the whole body of the land was engadged to maintaine with lives and fortunes no lesse then they without any intention to wronge the Magistrat's Just power and authority or to do the least injury to any of the community who would not carry in a hostile manner towards them Now such was the case and carriage of that poor people 11. It is one thing to say that private persons when injured by unjust lawes and when able to resist and oppose the Magistrate may never submite unto undue penaltyes which he salsly fathereth on Naphtaly But it is a far other thing to say that in some cases hic nuâ—c privat persons may resist the unjust and illegal force of Magistrats or that it is false to say that in no case imaginable private persons may resist unjust violence offered to them by Magistrats Or which is all one that in every case whatsomever it is the duty of privat persons to submit unto the most iniquous illegal and tyrannical impositions penaltyes and exactions or unto tyrannical and unjust lawes Now this is the true state of the question in thesi and if this be granted we seek no more as to that being persuaded the hypothesis will follow clearly from the thesis and hing on it without many knots of arguments to fasten it 12. It is one thing to say that private persons may call their superiour Magistrats when making defection to an account judicially processe them and formally give out sentence against them vvhich he injuriously allaigeth upon Naphtaly as any vvho vvill impartially consult the places by him cited vvill finde But it is a far other thing to say that private persons in some cases in way of defence and maintenance of the reformed Religion may stand to its vindication and this is all the vindicative povver vvhich Naphtali Pag. 18 19. the places vvhich he citeth speaketh of as incumbent to private persons From these things it is apparent to any of an ordinary reach in those matters hovv far that vvhich he maketh the knot of the question is from the true plaine full and reall state of the businesse novv controverted vvhich vve have laid dovvne And vvhat unfaire dealing vve way expect thorovv the rest of his pamphlet any may judge by what we here finde in the very stateing of the controversy But he vvill say that the Author of Naphtali vvhom he ignorantly tearmeth the libeller but in truth the honest vindicator of the innocency of the suffering people of God hath so stated it in his book It is true this Surveyer sayeth so Pag. 21. But vvhy did not he direct his reader unto the page vvhere such a state of the question vvas to be found I appeale to any vvho ever read that book to judge vvhether this man speaks truth or not Ay but you vvil say He hath cited Pag. 13 14. Naphtalies very vvords and hath cited the pages where these are to be found out of which words the State of the controversy as by him proposed may be drawne I Answer It is one thing to draw conclusions or consequences from the words of an adversary while he is prosecuting his arguments and out of these raise a state of a controversy and another thing to say that his adversary doth so state the controversy while as he speaks no such thing now both these are soloecismes the one in morality the other in way of disputing and of both he is guilty first it is an un truth to say that Naphtali doth so state the question as he allaigeth he doth and it is no better to say that Naphtali doth so state the question because here and there in his book he hath some expressions that seem to look there away Againe it is an absurd way of disputing and intolerable to draw the state of a question out of a mans expressions here there uttered in the prosecution of his arguments Whereas the state of the controversy is that which all his arguments prove conclude But what if al these expressions which he hath raked together out of Naphtaly will not bottome his assertions or the state of the question as he proposeth it sure every one must take him for a meer wrangler animpudent ignoramus in the matter of handleing a controversy if it be so And whether it be so or otherwayes let us now try The words he citeth first are out of Pag. 8. viz. these which I shall not curtaile as he doth but set downe fully And it will also appear that the necessity of convocations and combinations though
the King had violated the conditions made had caused burne by the hand of the Hangman a paper containeing explications of some tearmes used by him in the treaty of Peace had denyed accesse to their commissioners afterward when he had signified his willingnesse to heare such as they should send such as were sent were committed to prisone and one of them viz. The Lord Lowdon ordained secretly to be beheaded in the Towr of London and in the meane while warre was concluded against the Realme of Scotland in the King's Council The Earle of Northumberland was made General a Parliament was convocated both in England and Irland for raising of subsidies to the carrying on of this warre The Deputy of Irland with some there had promised much assistence The Prelates of England had offered great summes to carry on this Bellum Episcopale as they named it Scottish shipes were intercepted their goods taken away and the seamen cast into prifsones and miserably handled The sea ports were closed up with frigots The castle of Edinbrugh oppressed the City with their shot and killed many both young and old Were all these things no beginnings of a warre nor no acts of hostility How can he or any else then say that the King was not the first aggressor or that Scotlands warre was not purely defensive 2. As to these things wherein he would make his reader beleeve that the Honest people of Scotland were the first invaders what a malitious fool doth he manifest himself to be for 1. How or what way was his authority invaded was it because they would not receive a masse book in English obtruded upon them by his sole authority without the concurrence of Church or State 2. What lawes were troden upon Weknow no lawes but acts and statutes of a lawful Parliament made for the glory of God and the good of the land and what such were trode upon 3. What way were his proclamations despised Is it to despise a King's proclamation for free subjects to vindicate them selves of what is unjustly laid to their charge in this proclamations by faithful and humble protestations of their innocency 4. What were those castles seised upon Some be like in Vtopia for before this warre was begun Anno 1639. The Covenanters seised upon none of the King's castles When they savv the King bore a hostile minde against them and intended no good they watched the castle of Edinbrugh that more ammunition and provision should not be carryed into it And this was all they did until they were necessitated to put themselves into a posture of defence then they seised upon some houses here there the lawfulnesse of which is demonstrated by Lex Rex the Apology 5. What illegal courts were those which were set up Sure those tables as they were called were no courts assumeing to themselves any judicial determination in any matter of State civil or Ecclesiastical nor conventions for disturbance of the peace or usurpation against authority but meer meetings allowed by the light and law of nature for consultation and advice anent the matter and manner of supplications which they were to present to his Majesty and his Council and of propositions to be presented to the lawful State and Church-judicatories 6. Who were those subjects walking according to the lawes who were persecuted We know of none who were troubled at that time except the Prelates the Troublers of our Israel and all the persecution they met with was that the honest Covenanters did give in complaints against them and offered to make good what they allaiged upon the highest perill and did supplicate the Council whereof some of them were Members that they might not fit there as judges but stand as Rëi and answere for themselves and that the General assembly indicted by his Majesty after mature deliberation and full examination did excommunicate them for high and notorious crymes to be seen in the registers of that Assembly But 2 will these things to judicious persons lay the ground of a lawful warre by the Magistrate against his owne subjects Are these who cannot yeeld obedience unto unlawful commands who humbly protest for their owne innocency who meet together for drawing up supplications and ordering matters thereanent and who give in complaints against the Pests Troublers of the land and exerce Church censures upon the scandalous invaders of the Soveraign's authority And when a King upon these grounds invadeth his subjects with an army of armed men can any man of common sense think that his war is not an invasive vvarre Hath not Magistrats other lavvfull vvayes to defend their ovvne authority and lavves and orderly subjects and to reduce the disorderly then fire and svvord Sure for a King to cut off his subjects is to diminish and annihilate his authority and lavves both And for a King to vvage vvarre against the Body of a land to pleasure Fourteen of a fevv of the basest and most unvvorthy of all the subjects vvould seem to be the result of no grave and sage Council nor vvould it appeare to be much for the Kings honour to have his Soveraigne authority imbarqued vvith a fevv abjects so as if they did sinke to the bottome of the sea It could not swime The next thing and that is the 2 hypothesis he allegeth is That they represent him in their virulent he should say nervous writeings as Nerone ipso Neronior a great persecuter of Religion intending the total ruine and destrustion of the protestant profession and the total ruine and destruction of the whole people of the land Answ They represente him no othervvayes then his owne publicke owned and avowed deeds and declarations did represente him to all the world What was his secret intentions God knoweth but his deeds did declare that he minded no good to the poor Church and State of Scotland for to pleasure a few abjects that had drunken in much Popery and Arminianisme and stirred him up to urge upon our Church 2 Popish publick service book of canons and ordination Popish ceremonies and such Romish trash he sought by fire and sword to reduce us to ashes We shal not now trouble his Urne by speaking to what this Surveyer sayeth afterward This we knovv That he died but vvhether as a glorious Martyr for the true Religion of God vvhich yet may admit several senses so ambiguous is it though vve let it passe in the best and lavves and liberties of the people as he sayeth many doubt At length he closeth his digression thus If there was any thing that could not have a favourable interpretation in that unhappy book that gave therise to the troubles how timely was it retired and great satisfaction and security given for religion If through default of Ministers of State any thing had creeped in that could not abide the test of law how willingly was â—treformed yet all could not sist begun course of violence till through God's dreadful indignation against a sinfull
consider also how the Author of Naphtaly hath been miserably misunderstood by him It is not our purpose nor our present businesse to speak unto this head and shew for what causes or by whom kings are to be questioned deposed or executed Far lesse is it our purpose to defend the taking away of the late King's life though this railing Pamphleter thinks to fasten this upon Naphtaly And therefore we might palse what he sayeth to this purpose Chap. 3. Yet as in the preceeding Chapter we have shewed how ill he hath maintained the union and conjunction of his Majesties Dominions So in this vve shall shovv hovv vveakly he hath guarded his life against such as vvould oppose themselves unto him in this question But first vve vvould take notice vvhether Napthtali hath given him such ground to fasten upon him the justification of the murther of the late King as he allegeth The matter sayes the Surveyer in dealing with Magistrates according to Naphtali's minde rests not in a meer resistence of them by meer private persons but goes on to a retaliating and revenging upon them wrong supposed to be done for his man againe jeers at the Soveraigne Powers Privilege and Impunity of Divine exemption Ans Doth this man know what he writeth Doth Naphtaly say That private persons may revenge wrongs upon the Supream Magistrate because he jeers at such as plead for such a Privilege and impunity unto Soveraigne Powers as will exempt them from all tryal and punishment both of God and Man What meaneth he else by this impunity of divine exemption Then he tells us pag. 71 and 77. That Naphtaly Pag. 29. reflects not obscurely upon the horrid murther of our late Soveraigne Let us hear Naptaly's words then shall we better judge And as these inferiour Princes sayes Naphtaly Pag. 29. Do often forget their subordination to the most High in their unjust commands and would usurpe his throne by an uncontrollable Soveraignity So the Lord by the warrand of his Word and approbation of his providence and also of the People when by them oppressed but by himself animated strengthened hath declared made void this their pretended exemption impunity removed the carcasses of such Kings and broken their scepter amongst which precedents the instance of these times whereof we now speak is worthily recorded and deserveth better to be remembered Now Naphtali is speaking of what fell out betwixt the year 1494. and the year 1560. in that place and makes no mention of what fell out an 1560. and afterward till he come to Pag. 31. c. Sure then the times he is speaking of being before the year 1560. are far from the times wherein King Charles the first was executed But sayes he there was no such thing as murthering of Kings or dethroning of them at that time Answ Yet the Lord at that time declared and made void the pretended exemption and Impunity of Princes and Soveraigne Governours by removing in his providence their carcasses and by the approbation of the people when by them oppressed by himself animated breaking their scepter as vve finde was done to the Q. Kegent anno 1559. when she was by the People the Nobles Barons and Burgesses assembled to deliberate upon the affaires of the commonwealth Octob. 20. deposed from her Regency and upon the ninth of Iâ—n the next yeer God removed her carcasse by death so that the land was no more troubled with her Who may not now see what a poor ground this Railer had to father such a tenet on Naphtali as he doth And what advantage the King's cause hath gotten by this we shall novv see He tels us Pag. 72. That most of the venome this man meaning Naphtali hath against the powers ordained of God he hath sucked out of the breasts of Lex Rex It were not right to dig up all the pestilent untruths of that piece set forth in most impertinent and sophistical reasonings mixt with infinite humane bitternesse against the late King Only as it were to be wished that such errours might be buried in eternal oblivion so it is to be regrated that too too many of the Ministry and others in Scotland have been poysoned with such principles and the same not being very like to be suddenly extirpat the more need have the powers above us to be watchful Ans The author of Lex Rex and of Naphtaly also ascribe as much to the powers ordained of God as God's word will allow and are no way opposed unto them but only unto Tyranny which is no Ordinance of God and this Man rather spitteth venome in the face of the power ordained of God vvhen he goeth about to patronize and defend their illegal and iniquous exorbitances as if these were the ordinance of God which are rather the ordinance of Satan Sure this is not farr from blasphemy to call such courses the Ordinance of God 2. He hath taken a short cut I confesse to answere that unanswerable book Lex Rex To say that it is full of pestilent untruthes set forth in most impertinent and sophistical reasonings Had King Charles the first when he read that book remembered this or thought upon it he would not have said he feared as is reported he did that it should not have been answered But what Man who hath not de nuded himself of all wit and reason will take upon this perjured Apostat's word these Truthes which Lex Rex hath demonstrated which this Man was so unable to answere that I much question if he well understood many of them or if his lumpish braine could discerne betwixt a sophistical reason and a true and real reason to be untruthes and these truthes so wholesome and useful to all Republicks and necessary to be knowne and wel digested by all who consult the welfare of commonwealths to be pestilent untruthes and his unanswerable reasons to be impertinent and sophistical 3. I am sure all the Cavaliers and the Malignant squade would have thought him well worth his gold if he had in a sober rational manner discovered the impertinencies and sophistical reasonings in that book which yet is like to speak after it is burned and under a legal restraint though he should have spent the most part of his dayes upon it it may be the Royal cabal would have thought it Dignum opus and have canonized him for it and advised the King of Remember the issue of such a worthy singular pillar of the tottering throne But the man knew how far his stock would reach and that all the gold in the Kings treasures could not make his head stronger then it was how ever it might superabundantly fortify his purse and therefore seing his short horns could reach no further his Majesty must rest satisfied with this And Lex Rex must be declared as it is to be furder unanswereable 4. Seing he wisheth that such errours might be buryed in oblivion why did not his vvork follovv his vvish Why did
I sinned saying that David spoke so because he feared none And of Ambrose on the same words saying that he was King and under no Law and therefore he did not sin against man But all this is no purpose For 1. himself will grant that all Kings are not thus exempted and his adversaries will prove the King of Britane one of these limited and restricked Kings that are obnoxious to examination and punishment and these sayings cannot prove that all Kings are so yea or ought to be so 2. Tertullian to vindicate the Christians who would not acknowledge the Emperour to be God and to shew how notwitstanding they respected him according to his place would give him as high titles as he could though not out of flattery and so make him the highest person in the Empire and above the heathen Gods yet he did not set him above all the People in their Representative the Senate or if the did the Senate proved him to be in a mistake by taking course with several of these leud and wicked Tyrants 3. David's single act of adultery and murther were no such acts of Tyranny as are censurable with deposition and so it speaketh not to the case 4. It might be that de facto he did not fear another as Ierome sayes But that will not say that David might have destroyed the inheritance of the Lord without controlle or that other Princes are or should be exempted from restraint and punishment if they turne ingrained and habituated Tyrants 5. Himself will not stand to what Ambrose sayes for he addeth immediatly There is no doubt but David was sensible both of the horrid injury he had done to Uriah the occasion of that Psalm and of the scandal he had given to God's People in which sense he might be well said to sin against both 6. The words of the text vvill not beare that vveight viz. That he had no other judge but God or that as Deodate sayeth he was exempted from all punishment of men was obnoxious to no humane tribunals but as other commentators say the words are to be taken in a comparative sense that this was the greatest aggravation of his guilt that it was such a hainous trasgression in his sight who was privy to it however he did conceale it from all others so far as he could see the Dutch Annot. on the palce and therefore to expresse his spiritual sense of the sin commited against God against whom properly sin as sin is commited he useth this rhetorical ingemination And if the words should have imported what the Surveyer would have them to import they had not been apposite to expresse his spiritual grief sense of the hainousnesse of the crime commited Then he tels us what excellent Mr Calvin sayeth Instit Lib. 4. cap. 20. § 27. and 31. and then sayes It is a wonder how many who pretend respect to Calvin should dar to violate the sacrosanct Majesty of Kings if they will but read over that chapter But is it not a wonder how this man who seemeth to have read over that chapter and particularly § 31 should passe by what worthy Calvin sayeth in the end of that section or should have so little respect unto that worthy man whom he himself accounts to be worthy of respect and but deservedly as to plead for an incontrollable power in Kings When yet famous Calvin tels us there that if the Ephori or States of Parliament connive at the King's tyranny and suffer him to oppresse and insult over the poor People they are wickedly perfidious and palpably betraying their trust Then in the 4 place he tels us That it is not denyed that the King is bound before God to rule his People according to the Law of God and that it is grosse to say Regi quicquid libet licet This is good but what then What if he deviate We maintaiâ—â— sayes he that as sure truth That impunity as from subjects necessarily attends Soveraignity by the Law of God reason and nature For no man can be judged or punished but by a judge above him and the Supreame hath none such c. Answ But Mr Prelate your adversaries will maintaine the contrare as a sure truth We looked for a fourth proof and not for the thing in question or a repetition of what is said The same thing repeated six times will not make six arguments Mr Bishope give a new proof if you can of this firme truth which you maintaine We maintaine by the Law of God Nature and Reason No man hath an uncontrollable power to destroy millions to cut off the heretage of the Lord to destroy his Interest And we have shewed our grounds for this 2. How was Athaltah judged And what a judge was Iehu 3. It hath been told him that the supreame governour hath a supreame power above him The power of the People that made him Supreame governour is above him and can depose him and put another in his place He may be a Supreame governour dispensator and yet their servant accountable unto them and censurable by them when he deviates and turnes a Tyrant and a Wolfe and a Tyger When one King wrongeth another that other will both judge and punish him if he be able and yet is not properly a judge above him Much more may the Representative of the People who set him up and impowered him both judge him and punish him But the good man thereafter would advise Kings not to abuse this inviolablenesse but so much the more to fear sadder punishments from God and for this cause would have them reading the 6 chapter of Apocryphal Book of Wisdome But was there no texts in all the divine Word of God that he would put into the King's hand to read that he must send him to the Apocrypha It is true Kings would do well to remember that they have a God above them who will not be mocked but will bring them to an account of their doings though they should escape Mens hands and to the end they may be put in remembrance of this they stand in need of other monitors then the Men who have forgote it and send them to Apocrypha to finde it And this should keep them within the boundaries of God's Law But as the fear of punishment from Man will restraine some from stealing whom the fear of God would little overawe So it may be the feare of punishment from Men would have no small influence to make some Kings walk by a rule And Subâ—rdiâ—aâ—a non pugnant He would do well to minde them of both and it is like he would finde that more effectual to suppresse Tyranny then to tell them that their sacred persones are inviolable as to Men but yet they would do well to read the 6 chapter of Wisdome He cometh Pag. 77. to speak particularly to what Naphtaly said and alledgeth that It is most falsly and wickedly said that God's providence or God's Word approves the
and reproaches He vvhether he had medled with this work or not the rest with their underlings are the true hirelings wolves destroying the flock of God in this work thought there be not otio sum silentium there are otio sa verba and vvorse praetereanihil and an unvaliant impudent affronted pleading for untruth tyranny and vvickednesse vvhich is neither a product of prudence nor magnanimity And vvhen he hath cited Prov. 26 5. and Tit. 1 10 11. he hath adduced his ovvne Doom and accordingly he is ansvvered and his mouth let it be is vvide as it vvill gaged and stopped not with butter which is unfit to stoppe a breathing mouth but vviht more solid stuff so that vve are confident the gangraene of his vvords shall not creep far not infect such as are cleane and as for such as are uncleane they owe their infection to some other not so innocent in vviâ— and parts as he is 11. Novv the dye being cast and he resolved to say something he is as much perplexed anent the way of handling this businesse Yea he sayes There is a greater difficulty in dealing vvith this Man of no forehead or if he have any it is of the hardest metal of little conscience but of infinite loquacity and of a most unbridled tongue vvhich is a treasure of all revileing language Yet he finds him and vvill possibly yet more finde him a man vvhose fore-head is of harder mettal though not in impudency shamelesse audacity then he is able to stand against and a man of more conscience then to contradict himself either in vvords or deeds as this verlumnus a man of a debauched conscience doth a man not of infinite loquacity or of an unbridled tongue vvho repeateth not the same thing over and over againe ad nauseam us que nor one who speaketh non-sense at randome as this poor pamphleter doth but a man of more solid reason and nervous succinct expressions then he vvas able to comprehend And vvho so shall compare the tvvo together shall finde he hath put the saddle on the vvrong horse But where did the difficulty lye The great difficulty vvas sayes he hovv to moderate and temper a stile of vvriting tovvard such an one difficile est satyram non scribere contra satyrum for hardly can a man meet in any book vvith more bitter invectives against all authorities and dignities appoynted and approven of God then are here to be found all that have gone that way before him seem but Children in vvickednesse in comparison of him he deserves to be in the first classe of these Jude v. 8. Who despise dominion and speak evil of dignities Answ Naphtaly it is true is no base sycophant nor slatterer nor is he because of free and faithful holding forth of the wicked and sinful carriage of these in authority and of these who have usurped authority to be accounted a writter of Satyrs or of invectives else the Prophets writings shall not escape that sharpe censure Nor is he upon this account to be reckoned among far lesse to be put into the first classe of these who despise dominions c. unlesse by this ignoramus who knoweth no medium betwixt base flattering of dignities and speaking evil of them Yet in the following part of that Paragraph he sayes he deserveth well because of his plainnesse though it be but his sancy to think that Either King or Nobles are in hazard to be dispossessed by private persons in a Phine as like Spirit yet he is truely and especially afrayed of the ministry and mainly of the Bishops because such strokes approach neare to himself and the burnt Childe feareth the fire And his fear blindeth his eyes so that he cannot see to read Naphtaly a right And I think no heroik person will desire to imbrew their hands in their blood who are far below the wrath of a man far more the indignation of an Heroik person though they shall never be found innocent be pursued when they will He but lyeth when he sayeth in the following words That Naphtaly with his tragical oh's awakeneth the rage of the rudest multitude which becals Zeal of God to execute judgement on them that the fierce angco of God may be turned away Nor doth he tell them if they do not so they are plagued with sâ—upidity and blindnesse It is true which he sayes that All soris of Rulers in the land may see their dittay and their doom drawne in that book But no otehrwise then as the word of God giveth warrand and there they would read it and repent in time lest they sinde it verified He is but like himself a false lyar when he sayes that Naphtaly Discovereth the malicious cruel and bloody designes of his party For they have no malicious cruel nor bloody designes their only designes being to maintaine their integrity and their reformed Religion which Enemies combined against Christ are seeking to destory This man imagineth a snare where there is none but seeth not the snare which Satan and his owne hands are setting for his soul neither will he and the rest take warning though the word of the Lord do clearly discover wrath and vengeance at hand and whether then they be worthy of a faire hood and bells Let any judge but sure I am they shall one day see their folly and madnesse and write Abner's Epitaph over themselves But we wish them rather repentance and to be wise in time not against their will but willingly 12. And furder ibid Pag. 13. he tells us It were irksome and unsuteable to one who desireth to keep the constant compsure of a Christian Spirit to indulge an humour of retaliating And that he is at a great disadvant age because it almost transcends in his apprehension humane patience to treat mildly with such an insolent one O! Who would not pity this man who is put off the constant composure of a Christian Spirit But can he be in the composure of a Christian Spirit who is so easily moved off it by that which should rather settle him in it Can his patience be good which is so stirred by hearing of truth told And who can think that he hath been of any composure of a Christian spirit who hath not indeed indulged an humor of retaliating but of brawleing in a transcendently insolent manner without ground given being transported beyond the bounds of humanity let be humane patience Then Pag. 14. he Sheweth what reason he hath to use a more then ordinary vehemency of a keen stile saying Shall Masters of consusiâ—n as if he were not a Davus Indulging themselves in their proud moro suy â—unworthyly demeane themselves toward the sober defenders of the truth but who are these And will not this be a sufficient Apology for them to put forth some sting But good Sir I fear your sting be gone long since because you are become a drone We have seen your good will to shoot your sting
they were Was there any masse monger fined to this day Yet we know that precious worthy Christians have been rigidly inhumanely handled and mulcted for hearing an honest and worthy Minister of the Gospel preaching the Gospel in a privat place Ay but now he thinks he hath exonered himself and discharged a piece of duty both for himself and all his fraternity by saying It were to be wished Rulers looked to it And is this all the remedy he prescribeth What will He do May he not dar he not grieve or vex his Elder Brethren What shall we then say of his inspection Is it lawful or is it of Gold which is wholly imployed and exercised in persecuteing of the honest seekers of God's face and countenanceth and encourageth Papists No certanely That power whose proper work is to root out piety as haveing that only in commission and which fostereth and incourageth profanity and Idolatry is a power of Satan tending to advance his work and interest in the Earth and to establish and enlarge his Kingdome What further But truely sayes he when she Spirit of such writeings as this is considered it will be found there is cause to feare unlesse the wisdome and goodnesse of Cod and the prudence of the King and Governours under him prevent it That as one way the Roman Antichrist may come in So some furious Successour of John of Leyden under pretence of a Phineas like Spirit come in another way upon our Church and Land to lay it waste and to make it a field of confusion and blood Answ Were there no Papists in Scotland or was there no appearance of the approaching of the Roman Antichrist before these books came abroad What a Spirit I pray is that which is in these books which can give any cause of feare that the Roman Antichrist may come in upon that account What tendency I pray hath any thing that is asserted in these books to the introduceing of Popery His needle head shall never be able to poynt this forth Yea let the true designe of these books be once obtained and I promise him that ere few weeks passe there shall be few or none in all Scotland who shall be so bold as to professe either Popery or Prelacy These must be strange books which open two contrary doors at once upon the one hand a door for the Roman Antichrist and upon the other hand a door for some furious Successour of Iohn of Leyden but both are alike true that is both are manifestly false Though his fear for the coming in of the Roman Antichrist be first named yet it is the least of the two with him for the thing which most affrighteth him is this last but he needeth not fear it let King and inferiour Governours joyne piety and true divine Zeal for God his glory with their prudence and set themselves to establish the covenanted Religion as it was reformed in Doctrine Worshipe Discipline Government purge out such things as offend especially that bitter root of Prelacy which we abjured and prosecute the ends of the Covenants and the vvisdome and goodness of God shall preserve both Church and State But so long as there is no repentance of the horrible Apostasy and defection vvhereof King and all ranks are guilty And particularly that Apostate pack which care neither for Church or State King or Counâ—rey but in subordination to their ovvne bellies and bese lusts is not extirpated vvithall their adherents vve have no ground to expect that God shall preserve either Church or State from destruction and ruine Because vve have forsaken the Lord God of our Fathers vve can not but fear that he shall forsake us and cast our carcases upon the carcases of our idols and his soul shall abhorre us and he shall lay our cityes waste bring our Sanctuaryes into desolation and shall not smell the Savour of our sweet odours yea and shall scatter us among the heathen and draw out a sword after us and our Land shall be desolate and our Cityes waste c. Though we had all the security imaginable that never one of the furious brood of Iohn of Leyde should arise to lay the Land waste as indeed nothing asserted in these books may put rational Men in feares thereof from that hand though his lieing mouth addeth that the seeds of future miseries being too visibly sowne by this Man and his Complices whose mouths are full of blasphemies as their hearts and â—ands are full of blood and in so saying is like the whore in the common proverbe who calleth her honest Neighbour whose first whole mouths are more full of blasphemies their or ours all may judge who either read their writeings or heare their speaches in publick or in private And whose hearts and hands are more full of blood theirs or ours dayly experience will suffer no Man of common sense who marketh both once to put it to a question At length he apologizeth for his slowensse in comeing forth with his Survey telling us That this libel and like are not more quickly followed with meet animad vertsions is not to be marvelled at by any who knowes they are like the pestilence that walks in darkensse and that hardly do they come to the hands of any but such as are willing to be deceived by them being intended for the blinding of these not for the opening of the eyes of others But truly He might have for borne to have made such an Apology For it may be some who have most imployed him and rewarded him too for his paines will think that he hath but too quickly followed with his animadversions and possibly shall wish that they had never seen the light since he hath done so little good by them to the cause which he becometh a Patrone unto both in starting needlesse and dangerous debates for the Kings Throne and Kingdomes yea for his Life in managing these debates so poorly as he hath done to speak nothing of his weake defending of the maine cause controverted which is abundantly discovered by this vindication Whereby also he hath occasioned the more accurate ripeing up of that debate touching defensive armes and laying it open and naked unto the judgment and capacity of the meanest so that the truthes which he endeavoured to shake and overturne are now more firmly then ever riveted in the hearts of all vvho search after truth Yet sure had be been able he â—ight have brought forth this brood of his braine sooner to light for he had time enough after the publick Proclamation vvas made that such a book vvas come forth by the fire prepared of purpose at the crosse of Edenbrâ—ugh to consume it into asses before which time I suppose very fevv knevv of such a thing And by this solemne fiery Proclamation the curiosity of some was kindled to enquire after the book who othewise vvould have used no great diligence to have obtained one of them yea possibly would never have learned that there was such a book in the World and so could have been in no hazard to have been infected thereby And before this time that they met vvith this solemne recaption there vvas not as is sufficiently knovvn many of them abroad for it came but too soon into the hands of such as put that honour on it which vvas expected and thereby helped forvvard the Authors designe Is it any wonder that such pieces must keep themselves as long as they can out of such fiery hands Seing the first salutation they meet vvith is a brief sentence of condemnation by the Council and a 〈…〉 or execution rather by the hand of the Hangman in the â—â—repared of purpose for that solemne Disput Let him if he â—ar or can procure a free imprimatur for such necessary and useful books and liberty for stationers to expose them to open sale and then it will be seen whether they or his shall hide themselves longest in the corner of shopes and be at lengh laid aside for other uses then at first they were intended for He sayes they were intended for the blinding of these into whose hands they come not for the opening of the eyes of others But he speaks like himself They were really intended for the opening of the eyes of all who would but read and seriously consider what is said and would not willingly shote out their owne eyes And as for his Pamphlet I verily beleeve what ever was his intention it shall deceive none but such as are already deceived or very willing to be deceived shall open the eyes of none unlesse per accidens by making them to apprehend more clearly then formerly they would truth upon the other side by discovering the childish frivolous and weak evasions and exceptions which he is necessitated to make use of In the last Page He giveth us a short hint of what he mindeth to do in the following part of this his elaborate work where we are like to finde him as impudent and shamelesse a Patron of perjury as here we have found him a pleader for Tyranny But we shall forbeare to say more at this time till God offer an opportunity of considering and answering what he shall say further upon these heads and digressions The Lord establish truth in the Earth visite his owne inheritance and send a plentiful raine to confirme the same when it is weary for his owne names sake AMEN FINIS