them But he sayes one greate hogge may doe as much mischiefe in a garden as many litle swine And it seemes that the like evill spirit as entred into the heard of swine hath possest this libeller and driven him on head long in his Rebellious impudence The King sayes he was some times prone to thinke that had he called this last Paâ—liament to any other place in England the sad consequences might have been prevented To shew that the place could have made noe change the libeller instances in his Majest first Parliament at oxford which was dissolved What doth that prove to contradict what his Majest sayes that if he had called the Parliament at another place these sad consequences might have been prevented Does the libeller thinke that because there was misvnderstanding betweene the King and some of his Parliaments that they would therefore have run to the same extreamities that the faction in this last did or that these factionists could have brought this mischeife vpon the kingdome by like Tumults in another place He goes on to say that the King called his last Parliament at Oxford a Mungrell Parliament consisting all of his friends Noe doubt there were in that Parliament many loyally affected to his Majest but it cannot be denyed for time hath tryed it that there were many among them that were spyes and disturbers corrupted by the Rebell faction at Westminster and their owne base inclinations who sought to disorder all Councells and consultations The libeller would comprehend the whole people of England within the Tumults interprett the Kings prayer against the tumults to be a prayer against his people Is it not God that stilleth the raging of the sea madnes of the people And is not a prayer for the people to pray they may be delivered from such madnes and yet this libeller sayes that the king praying to be delivered from the Tumults prayeth to be delivered from the people and blasphemously concludes God save the people from such intercessours And we cannot beleive that God is in his thoughts whose mouth soe often abuseth his name Vpon the Bill for TRIENNIALL PARLIAMENTS and for setling this c. HE sayes the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments was a good Bill and the other for setling this at that time very expedient And this he sayes in the kings owne words was noe more then what the world was fully confirmed he might in Iustice reason honour and conscience graunt them for to that end he affirmes to have done it This man hath a confirmed enmitie against truth cannot make a right recitall The kings words are that the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice reason honour and conscience I could to the happy succes of this Parliament I willingly past the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments The greatenes of the trust which his Majest put vpon the people by passing that Bill was a strong Argument that he would deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he might graunt not that the world was confirmed he might graunt that Bill in reason honour and conscience in respect of the matter of it for a greate part of the world was of opinion he might with better reason have denyed it had not his desire to shew his purposes of contributing what he could to the happy successe of the Parliament moved him And they might be confirmed thereby of his purposes to deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he could contribute to the happy successe of the Parliament It is the Kings manner to make vertues of his necessities and that neither prayse nor thankes are due to him for these beneficiall Acts. It cannot be expected that Rebells will retaine gratitude that have cast of loyaltie but let vs looke on his reasons and the first is that this first Bill graunts much lesse then two former statutes yet in force by Edw. the 3. that a Parliament should be called every yeare or oftner if neede were Either the libeller is vaine in producing this instance or in commending the Bill that gave much lesse then two former lawes in force and he must make the Parliament very inconsiderate that would soe much importune a law soe farr short of what former lawes had enacted His ancient law booke called the mirror and his late Treatise that Parliaments by our old lawes were to be twice a yeare at London carry as litle Authoritie as cleerenes what those Parliaments were they mention but neither the statutes nor law bookes did ever affirme the right of calling Parliaments in any other then the King or that he might not deferr the calling of them if he saw cause and these statutes were made to declare the subjects dutie to attend the King in his Parliament once a yeare or oftner if neede were and there was noe reason why oftner should have been inserted into the law if any obligation were intended thereby vpon the King And its contrary vnto the writt whereby Parliaments are called that the time of Parliaments should be defined for it is recited to be an Act of Councell to call a Parliament which needed not if it were necessary at a prefixed time The second Bill he sayes was soe necessary that nothing in the power of man more seemed to be the stay of all things from ruine then that Act. We are sure that nothing did more confirme the designes of the Traytours nor hasten that ruine of the Kingdome they have wrought then that Act. All men descerne the fraudulent artifices vsed to gaine that Bill by pretending publique debts which seditious faction had contracted and intended to encrease for the carrying on of their Rebellion and his Majest in graunting that Bill hoped to take of those occasions of it the Reports which they cast out among the people of his vnwillingnes to rayse money for discharge of the Armyes These charges were occasioned by the Kings ill stewardshipp but the world is satisfied it was from a trayterous conspiracie of the guides of this Rebellion He alleadges his needeles raysing of two Armies to withstand the Scotts which noe man but a profest Rebell can soe call for should he have raysed noe Army but left all to the mercy of the invader next he had beggerd both himselfe the publique When by this libellers owne confession the King had received noe supplies from the publique for raysing those Armies and these shameles Traytours blush not to talke of the Kings beggering of the people when the greate plentie his Government had enriched them with is soe visible in those vast leavies which the Rebells have since made vpon them The King left vs vpon the score of his needy Enemies If they had not been too much friends to the traytours of England there had been noe score to them for all men know whatever they received from England was by the contrivance of the Trayterous faction in Parliament to accomplish their ends To
out surely if there had been either such an vnwritten law and soe constantly enjoyed and claimed it would have been often enrolled ere now but the libeller expected applause for his conceite not creditt to his assertion If the Scotts could charge the King with breach of their lawes for breaking vp that Parliament without their consent it were vnreasonable that the wisedome of England should be soe wanting to it selfe as not to provide against the not calling or arbitrary dissolving of Parliaments If they had provided against it where was the confidence he talked of It followes not that because the Scotts charged the King with breaking of the Parliament without their consent that therefore the King offended in it neither was the wisedome of the English nation wanting to it selfe in leaving the calling and dissolving of Parliaments Arbitrary to the King it being a power essentiall to Monarchy and we have seene that the taking away of that power dissolves the Government and drawes confusion and miserie vpon the state and it cannot be avoyded but that from a power erected to affront the soveraigntie there must follow sedition and Civill discord People must depend vpon their Kings grace and goodnes for redresse of their greivances whose power and safetie consists in their welfare not seeke by violence to be their owne Carvers and the people never found soe greate suffering by submission to their Kings as by seeking wayes to oppose them It appeares that if this Bill of not dissolving were an vnparalleld act i◅ was a knowne and Common right That it was an vnparalleld Act he doth not deny that it was a Common right noe where appeares and how can that be an vnparalleld Act that is a Common right He sayes it s not enrolled and how then shall it appeare to be Common right What needed written Acts when as it was anciently esteemed part of his Crowne oath His Crowne oath is well knowne and may not be tryed by estimation but inspection The libellers estimation hath as litle proofe as authoritie He referrs the lawerlie mooting of this point to a booke called the rights of the Kingdome written it seemes by some Author of as much fidelitie in his quotations as this libeller in his narrations and to other law Tracts being neither his Element nor proper worke since the booke which he hath to answeare pretends to reason not to Authoritie And he holds reason to be the best Arbitratour and the law of law it selfe And it appeares by his writings that reason is neither his Element nor worke heere for had he vse of reason he would not referr vs to bookes that are onely of Authoritie to prove the ignorance and boldnes of the writer neither could reason judge it a law that a king should not dissolve a Parliament till all particular greivances were considered though the setting of it might prove an incurable greivance but his reason would have the Parliament defend the Kingdome with their votes as the Roman Senatours their Capitall with their robes against the Gaules The King must not be at such distance from the people in judging what is better and what worse That the people are not the best judges of what is better and what is worse the libeller himselfe acknowledges saying they are excessive in all their motions and is it not reason that the King then should be at such distance in judging but the libeller seekes to be at greate distance with truth that sayes the Kings owne words condemned him that he had not knowne as well with moderation to vse as with earnestnes to desire his owne advantages Where as the King spake not of himselfe but others his words were If some men had knowne as well with moderation to vse as with earnestnes to desire advantages of doing good or evill Doth this man thinke reason the law of law or falshood the Master of both law and reason that soe palpably belyes the booke before him The King sayes a continuael Parliament he thought would keepe the Commonwealth in tune To this sayes the Libeller Iudge Commonwealth what proofes he gave that this boasted profession was ever in his thought The king doubtles thought not that every Parliament would keepe the Commonwealth in tune but a Parliament that preferred publique good before private faction The King saith as he relates him some gave out that I repented me of that setling Act. The Libeller sayes his owne Actions gave it out beyound all supposition for he went about soe soone after to abrogate it by the sword Heere the Libeller omitts a materiall word which the King vsed which was soone for the Kings words are that I soone repented It is well knowne that the wicked vse which the Traytours made of that setling Act might give the king just cause to repent him of it but as the king vsed not the sword till many Moneths after the passing of that Bill soe the cause of his Armes were the violent and Trayterous Actions of a faction not the abrogation of that Bill The King calls those Acts which he confesses tended to their good noe more Princely then friendly contributions as if sayes the Libeller to doe his dutie were of Courtesie and the giving backe of our Liberties stood at the mercy of his contribution He would have it beleived that Parents can doe nothing for their childrens good out of favour all is of dutie and noe thankes belongs to them from their children nor any from subjects to their Soveraignes or rulers for the greatest benefitts they receive by good Government and all the vigilance watchfullnes pietie of Princes for the peoples good is not at all thankes worthy theis are the Maximes of Rebells and if Kings will not yeelde vp their power they may be compelled and the quitting of Government for which Kings must give account to God is by theis mens Divinitie the giving backe of liberties being noe other then to give licence to all wickednes and beare the sword in vaine The kings sayes he doubts not but the affections of his people will compensate his sufferings for those Acts of confidence To this sayes the libeller not his confidence but his distrust brought him to his sufferings and he trusted nere the sooner for what he tells of their pietie and Religious strictnes but rather hated them as Puritans whome he allwayes sought to extirpate The libeller himselfe cannot deny but that if the king had not had confidence that those Acts of his would not have beē abused he would not have graunted them for if he had not been so confident it had been much more eligible for him to hav run the peril of a war without graunting them and wee have seene by experience that many as well as the king were deceived in those that profest pietie and Religious strictnes and though the king had just cause to hate the faction of the hipocriticall Puritan yet he thought that there could not soe much impietie lurke in
to prevayle more then other injuries and why should deluded and deceived persons be deprived of Justice And is it Justice to suffer deceived persons to be injured This man sees the horrid Injustices acted by his Masters and that must be a kinde of justice because in his sense vpon deceived men Though wicked Kings and Tyrants counterfeite the sword yet shee communicates not her power to any but such as are just or at least will doe Iustice. Doth justice communicate her power to every just man or that will doe justice and are they not Tyrants that take the sword which is not given them by the Libellers owne judgment He would needes make justice a Goddesse and Poeticall fancies realities and Bellona must leade an Army without a Generall Kings have their power from God and God gives the sword ye even to wicked Kings and because the power is given them for justice it is called the sword of justice though they vse it oft-times to Injustice and though there are soe many instances of wicked Rulers who yet had their power from God yet this impudent Blaspheamour sayes It were extreame partialitie Injustice the flat denyal overthrow of her selfe to put her owne Authenticke sword into the hand of an vnjust and wicked man or soe farr to accept and exalt one mortall person above his equalls that he alone shall have the punishment of all other men transgressinge not receive like punishment from men when he himselfe shal be found the highest Transgressour He beleives not the Scripture tellinge vs Gods advancement of diverse Kings above their equalls to that condition of impunitie And must it not necessarily follow from his principles that God is vnjust and partiall in soe doinge And if all men be not punisht equally in this life for the same offences Can there be a greater Blaspheamy Were it not the height of Injustice if the governed should judge and punish the Governour Were it possible for mankinde to subsist in such a state or can there be a possibilitie of any right or Justice in such confusion The Scripture forbids vs to judge another mans servant but this man will have the father punisht by the childe the Master by the servant the Prince by the people Iustice is and ought to be strongest The strength of publique Justice is the Magistrate Though Justice ought to be strong in our affections and Actions yet all men are not obliged nor permitted to doe all Acts of Justice The execution of Civill Justice is the Magistrates office it is the strength of Injustice to vsurpe the calling of others From this Lunaticke discourse of the strength of Justice he concludes That if by sentence thus written it were my happines to set free the mindes of Englishmen from longing to returne poorelyvnder that Captivitie of Kings from which the strength and supreame sword of Iustice hath delivered them I shall have done a worke not much inferiour to that of Zorobabell The sentence of this braine sicke Libeller is very weake to worke on any opinion but the hath set free some Englishmen from the Captivitie of a received errour for they were made beleive they fought for their King and this man tells them it was to shake of Kings and surely his vainities and deceites and his Masters Tyrany will perswade the Englishmen to seeke their returne vnder the free and glorious Government of Kings from the Captivitie of theis Tyrants vsurpers that have enslaved them And that horrid murder of the King vnder the shamelesse pretence of justice must necessarily worke detestation of the fact and a longing to be delivered from the Dominion of such Monsters Noe doubt this Libeller would thinke it an happines to be secure in his stolen power but he must expresse more reason and lesse impietie to effect such a worke he may be assured that as long as there are men soe ingenuous to acknowledge Justice that they must detest his cause and him And though Kings be vnaccountable to men for their Actions it is noe way contrary to the wisedome of Zorobabell who names not Justice and if he had given that strength to Justice which he did to truth it had been in the same sense vnderstanding the force of Justice as of other vertues The strength of the King is over the persons that of truth and Justice over the minde But if the King be accountable to men are not they to whome he is accountable by the libellers Argument not only stronger then the King but stronger then Justice And soe Justice is not strongest vnles the sword be putt into a madd mans hand and the giddy multitude from whome nothinge but Injustice can be expected may punish their Rulers To what end were Governments ordained if justice be only in the Governed Were ever like Tyranies and Injustices committed by single Rulers as by the vnbridled multitude and yet justice must have noe strength in the mouth of a King and the word of Rebells only must be the strength of justice and this Champion that bindes justice to Rebell power and excludes it from Kings hopes to be a Zorobabell to the Englishmen for his wise sentence That noe law of God or man gives the subjects any power of Iudicature without or against the King he will prove most vntrue and by that most ancient and vniversall law he that sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shedd and heere he sayes is noe exception of a King Though it be plaine that he to whome the power of shedding the blod of the offender is committed must necessarily be excepted vnles they will suppose he must kill himselfe doth the Libeller imagine that by this law all men were judges or that the subject may judge the soveraigne who is not permitted by any law to judge an Equall As the divine law appointed punishments soe likewise Rulers and if people may judge their Rulers it anulls all the Commaunds of obedience to superiours all subordination in humane societie and all decision of Controversie while every one may pretend his owne opinion the Rule of justice Next he hath found the place in numbers Ye shall take noe satisfaction for the life of a Murderer But judges to whome the law was given were appointed to declare who was guiltie of Murder and we may easily see who had beene the Murderers if every man were to judge a superiour or the multitude their Rulers and this the Libeller might have found in the same booke where the people charge Moses and Aron with killing the people of the Lord and Moses sayes they were ready to stone him And the Libeller may with his Anabaptisticall brethren vpon better grounds abolish Magistracie then make every man a Magistrate as by this reason he would Though the law appointed noe satisfaction for the life of a murderer yet we finde David pardoned the murder of his son Absolom and Civill punishments are not of immutable law and it had been
only of truth he would finde no adversary and if his partie would act according ly there would be no neede of a new warr for then they would restore King and lawes but this Author by falsifying of Actions att corrupting of principles endeavours to draw men into a state of Rebellion against God and their King and make the warr endles the people helpeles and his pretended Charitie is more odious then the Hipocrites Almes this respecting only selfe glory that of this Author a snare to destroy others As to moment of soliditie he sayes in the booke it selfe stuft with nought els but the Common grounds of Tyranny and Poperie suguered a little over or any neede of answearing in respect of stayed and well principled men I take it on me as a worke assigned rather then by me chosen or affected He would have it thought there was no moment of soliditie because he hath none in this Iconoclastes stuft full of the common grounds of Rebellion confusion which are only of Moment to the support of vsurpation the measure of his well principeld men to whome a rayling libell is more convincing then a Logicall Argument That the booke is stuft with nought els but grounds of Tyrany and Popery when the most part of his exceptions comprehended not those heads is an Hiperbole vnbefitting any but such as had sacrificed shame and conscience to a wicked cause If the publishing of his Majest booke as he sajes conteyning nothing but grounds of Tyrany and Popery were a designe of his partie surely it must concurre with the Authors ends for the cheife Calumnies whereby the Rebells sought to draw the peoples affections from his Majest were that he would introduce Tyrany and Popery and the publishing of such a booke in his Majest name was most effectuall to make good what was obiected And the man that thinkes the Kings partie so voyde of sense may thinke them well principeld men that swallow such crudities as he hath provided for them and they may be excused if they be not moved with his Majest booke for it cannot be expected they should vnderstand and receive reason and for those doubtles the Author writt his booke for it could not be hoped that they who had any dram of reason and had not resolved to continue in Rebellious vndertakings against all the light of Religion and reason would be fit readers of such incoherent Barbarismes Grounds of Tyrany and Popery are not so subtile to escape all the world without the helpe of this authors finger to point att it and had the booke conteyned any such matter he would have vsed lesse rayling and more reason heate fowle language proceede from impotencie of defence and thence is the greate noyse of words and insignificant matter of Iconoclastes Common angers disorder reason but vnnaturall furious distempers destroy it The present Traytours att least as many of them as sate in the beginning of his late Majest Parliament where this Rebellion was hatcht protested before God to defend with their lives and fortunes the doctrine established in the Church of England and that must conteyne the grounds of Popery or the author will finde none in that booke but in the sence of Traytours Church is Popery King is Tyrany If they that assigned this worke on the Author differed not in judgment from him touching moment of soliditie in his Majest booke they shewed a very slight esteeme of a Champion so confident of his parts but they knew his malice not his soliditie And they knew it was in vaine for them to seeke to answeare his Majest booke with soliditie falsities and detractions being all their hopes and they knew not a man els whose credit they could more easily prostitute nor any man more greedy of so base ane imployment He sajes if the late King had thought sufficient those answeares and defences made for him in his life time they who on the other side accused his ilGovernment judging enough had been replied the heate of this controversie was in likelihood drawing to an end and the farther mention of his deedes not so much vnfortunate as faultie had in tendernes of his late sufferings been willingly forborne and perhaps for the present age have slept while his adversaries calmed with succes had been lesse vnfavourable to his Memory The late King thought those answeares and defences made for him in his life time a bundantly sufficient and so did all indifferent men and it was not any thought of defect in theis that moved him to write on particular occurrents of most moment in the time of his troubles and as his memory will not stand orfall att the Rebells courtesie so their aspersions will rather increase then diminish it This Author thinckes that men are daunted with his Contumelies and that if the King had knowne what words he would have written against his booke he would not have adventured vpon such pikes but as the Kingly Prophet David sang to his harpe and wrote his Divine meditations while his Enemies sent foorth their sharpe Arrowes bitter words against him and that of so much venom as he sajes the poyson of Aspes was vnder their lipps so his late Majest composed those his meditations while his Enemies compassed him on every side and ceased not to persecute him with their Tongues set on fire of Hell and though his person suffered by them his cause and innocencie was a bove their reach His Majest expected the vtmost of their malice after death vpon his name as he had felt it in his life and it was so farr from his desire that mention of his deedes should be forborne especially those his Enemies excepted to that his endeavours were cheifely bent to make them manifest to the world with all the obiections and invectives that had been made against them and time hath tought this Author and others of his crew that many have been convinced of the wickednes of theyr Rebellion by the declarations and replies they made against his late Majest Truth feares nothing but to be hidden his late Majest needed noe other Advocate then the cleere discoverie of his deedes that he was vnfortunate was the greate wrath of God vpon the nation where so many in the middest of so great blessings of peace and plentie as they enioyed vnder his Raigne continued murmuring and vnthankefull and it is not the least signe of the heavines of his displeasure that makes the people executioners of it one vpon another and that they should act such execrable wickednes by words and Actions against that King who was freest from personall vices and publique pressures of all his Predecessours that had Raigned so long as he had done The present age must nedes have a deepe sense of his losse and posteritie aswell as strangers will wonder when they reade his story and finde such groundles slanders and barbarous cruelties acted against so eminent vertue and the confidence in obtruding such grosse absurdities for
them beleive those men loyall to the King that raysed a warr against him The Parliament in one of their declarations told the King that if they should say that the evill Acts they complained of were done by his Maj they should speake contrary to the law and the Testimonie of their owne hearts In another that they were ready to lay downe their lives and fortunes and spend the last dropp of their blood to maintaine his Crowne and Royall person in greatenes and glory and cast themselves downe at his Royall feete What would he have the world thinke of this so stoutly acted vehemence only a Ceremonie Certainly one of the most pernitious that ever was practised and an impudent defence suites well with a discovered falshood They professe themselves Enemies to stage playes but it is that they might engrosse the trade to themselves for their Pulpits aswell as Pamphlets sound principally this representation of passion stage devotion but it is a sollesisme in so greate an actor as this Author that speakes alowde that all is but a Ceremonie for he thereby gives the world to vnderstand that he intends the same falshood in his slanders then the faction in Parliament vsed in their professions of dutie and loyaltie This course of his in laying the faults on the King he sayes is that they who from the beginning or but now of late by what vnhappines he knowes not are so much infatuated not with his person only but with his palpable faults dote vpon his deformities may have none to blame but their owne folly if they live and die in such a strok'n blindnes as next to that of Sodom hath not happened to any sort of men more grosse or more misleadinge Wee have found many by hellish impulsion hating his Majest person and authoritie and seeme not to thinke that God hath given them vp to a reprobate sense and strong delusion would be thought to beleive all those that love or honour their King infatuated and thence it is that the Author knowes not by what vnhappines it is that men are so infatuated for he would have it beleived a greate happines to hate and detest his King to reproach not only his person but his office Persecutors endeavour to make them vnhappy on whome they exercise their cruelties and they wonder at those that run not with them to the same degree of wickednes this Author makes it an vnknowne vnhappines that men runnot from their protested and sworne Allegiance and loyaltie into so disperate a Rebellion as he maintaines he may well say he knowes not by what vnhappines it comes but it is an vnhappines of greater wonder that soe many should renounce the very names of loyaltie and obedience make Rebellion the most renowned vertue and this after soe many vowes and oaths to the contrary that men who some few yeares since professed the greatest hatred of a Traytour to their King should now thinke no man soe prayse worthy nor any blindnes soe neere to that miraculous stroke of the men of Sodom as that of the opinion of loyaltie If his Majest faults had been as palpable as this Authors falshood it could not diminish his subjects dutie nor excuse the Rebells impietie nor the taunting scurrilitie of this Author but his vertue being soe eminent calls for vengeance on the heads of those that call good evill and evill good this prodigious blindnes is a beginning of his punishment that finding noe man abroade or at home of learning Religion or sobrietie that detest not the courses which he seekes to defend and this soe knowne to him yet he objects blindnes to them all and as those negroes that paint the Devill white will have none free from blindnes but such as Rebell against him that sent that blindnes vpon the men of Sodom while they inhumanely pursued their wikednes and while these men with fury breake downe the fences of humane societie and seeke to turne men into beasts the spirit that rules in the children of disobedience hath blinded their eyes and taken possession of their soules confirming their sin not only without remorse but with augmented impudence their writings being composed of language to outface truth and jeere at pietie If this Author had intended a right information of men as he pretends he would not have played the painter in every period as he hath done in making Chimeraes and goblins to affright men Can he hope that any reading his booke will conceive him rightly relating Actions or cases that tells men they are blinde infatuated with the palpable faults of their Murthered King and doting vpon his deformities Doe not men see he bends his strength to misleade those that see reteyne those in blindnes that were like to recover Some men have by Policie accomplished after death that revenge vpon their Enemies which in life they were not able and instances that the will and legacies of Caesar being read wrought more in the vulgar to the avenging of his death then all the art he could vse to win their favour in his life It s true that the vertue and worth of many injured persons hath appeared more evidently after their death and hath caused greife and repentance in their Enemies moving revenge in those that were seduced to destroy them and the cruelties exercised on his late Majest and his eminent vertues in his sufferings have manifested vnto many how vnhappily they were mislead to the destruction of a King of so greate goodnes and to place their confidence in such false and bloody hipocrites But he sajes those Apologies and meditations are over late It s true they cannot prevent the evill past and the Author holds their strength invincible though he be not confident of mens inclinations without the efficacie of his pen. But would those Apologies and meditations have been more powerfull if sooner knowne Truth will wrest some thing from him vnawares for he must confesse if men that were drawne into this Rebellion against his late Majest by slanders had vnderstood what now they doe by this booke they had stayed long before and it wil be a greate vnhappines to the poore people of his Majest Dominions if they be soe over late vndeceived that they be not able to revenge his blood nor redeemce themselves from the yoke of those Traytours vnder whome they serue This intent he sajes appeares by the conceited portraiture before his booke drawne out to the full measure of a masking seene and set there to catch fooles and sily gazers And are Portraitures of the condition of persons and their sufferings only to catch fooles and silly gazers to what end then is the portraict of the house of Commons with the speaker in his Eminence and the rest set in a serious posture soe frequently published And are the portraitures in M R. ffoxes booke of the Acts and monuments of Martirs only to catch fooles and silly gazers The Authors catching at flies shewes the impotencie
of his malice and disorder in his vnderstanding Next this intent appeares by the latine wordes Vota dabunt quae bella negarunt Intimating that what he could not compasse by warr he should atcheive by his meditations for in wordes which admit of various sense the libertie is ours he saâ—es to chuse that may best minde vs of what our restles Enemies endeavour In words of various sence that interpretation is to be chosen which is most probable to be the Authors meaninge an interpretation for politique ends is vningeâ—…uous and iniurious and when it is against the apparent signification odious and the Author shewes with what candor he deales that makes constructions to serve his turne least the truths conteyned in his Majest booke should prevaile with any he will make such a sense as may prevent the right vnderstanding of them His Majest prayers and desires through his whole booke whereto the latine words are referred were directed to God for blessings vpon his Kingdomes and restoring right and Justice to them and all men may hope they will have a gracious acceptance and returne from the Almightie though the warrs procured it not but this Author will referr these wordes to the publishing of the booke because it best mindes them to prevent what their Enemies endâ—…avour and because it may vsher in a conceite which he makes much of For he sayes heere may be well observed the loose and negligent curiositie of those who tooke vpon them to adorne the setting foorth of this booke for though the picture in the front would Martir him and saint him to befoole the people the lattine Motto which they vnderstand not leaves him as it were a politique contriver The lattine being taken in the right sense what roome had there been for this curious observation And if they which set foorth his Majest booke had been curiously or stupidly negligent the Author had detracted nothing from his Majest It is not the picture but the crueltie exercised vpon him that made him a Martir and these miscreants are enraged to see their owne Actions in picture which they shamed not to commit in the face of the world The picture is farr short of the measure of his Majest pietie and sufferings and wee may expect hard measure vpon the booke when a picture in the front cannot escape the Image breaker This Author its likely wrote from them that vnderstood not lattine that seekes to make the front and lattine in the end so different when the front hath a picture in the posture of prayer and the lattine in the end is applied to the efficacy of prayer If he had expected to worke on such as vnderstood lattine he would not have obtruded such an insignificant observation of misconstrued lattine Doth the commendatious of a mans devotions shew him a politique contriver They that published his Majest booke are heerein free from that negligent curiositie the Author would have seene by contriving a sense which himselfe will not affirme to be theirs which vsed the words but his owne by a libertie of choice where are different senses to be made but the Author shewes himfelfe an vnpolitique contriver of detraction when he inserts the detection of it in the relation Quaint Emblems and devices begg'd from the old Pageantry of fome twelf nights entertainment at white hall will doe but ill to make a saint or Martir The Traytours are loath to see the Emblems of their owne inhumane crueltie and how insteed of harmeles Pageantry they erected the Theatre of their Barbarous villanie at white hall The wickednes of those that Martired his Majest may be shadowed by Emblems but neither art nor wit can fully expresse it Bloody Massacres are the Pageantry of Tyrants and the scritches of Martirs their Musique If the people resolve to take him sainted at the rate of such a Cannonizing I shall he sayes suspect their Calender more then the Gregorian He is very Kinde that will suspect their Calender no more then the Gregorian for that Calender which hath nothing peculiar or notable but the new account of the yeare is received by a greate part of the world for the truest and if the Author have no greater aversion from the Calender he supposes he is likely very neere the beleife of it but it seemes he had a minde to make a conceite from the word Calender therefore produceth the Gregorian Calender of computation insteed of the Calender of saints The Authors Pageantry playing with a picture is not the way to vncannoinze a saint The peoples opinion of his Majest sanctitie is not wrought by a picture and if they have any esteeme of such representations of his sufferings their just passion condemnes this Authors malitious detractions The Memoriall of the just shal be blessed in despight of the malice and scorne of men God lookes on their sufferings puts all their teares into his bottle and their death is right deare in his sight And if we looke vpon the eminencie of the Sufferer the pride and crueltie of the persecutors the true causes on the part of the sufferer or the pretended causes of suffering on the part of the persecutors we shall finde few Parallells in Calenders among saints to that of his late Majest and its memorable in his story that his persecutors their expressions so much resemble the cursed Jewes that crucified our blessed saviour This man would make his Majest after death a politique contriver the Jewes our blessed saviour adeceiver This Author pretends a plot to worke by this booke published after his Majest death that revenge which he could not obteine in his life the cursed Jewes pretended the beleife of our saviours resurrection of greater danger then his Miracles in his life time Such as preserve the Memory of the sufferings of holy men in Calenders have Zeale for their warrant and it was an ancient practice in the Church of God and such as deride that Custome to cast reproach vpon the persons they have persecuted will have their memories rott as they have their faces hardned and their consciences seared We may see what answeare this Author intends to his Majest booke that makes such observations vpon the Claspe frontispice Is it the way to confute a booke to revile the printer Iconoclastes hath an indignation at any holy meditations in his Majest booke and tells men there is danger of a Designe and to keepe men from reading it gives Caveatts against the outside In one thing he must commend his opennesse who gave the Title to this booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the Kings Image by the shrine he dresses out for him certeinly would have the people come and worshipp Was man made to be worshipt because the Scripture tells vs he was created in the Image of god And is this author so greate a stranger to the expressions of such as writ the lives Actions of woorthy persons who terme some men patternes or Images
late Majest on whome malice it selfe hath not yet layd such a Cryme encreaseth the Libellers infamy not the weight of his charge To say therefore that he called this Parliament of his owne choice and inclination argues how little truth wee can expect from the sequell of this booke which ventures in the very first period to affront more then one nation with an vntruth so remarkeable If the venturing vpon an vntruth in the first period be an argument to expect little in the sequell of the booke what may we expect of this Author whose whole booke is a confutation of his first period not to descant on the Kings misfortunes That in seeking to disprove this first period adventured on so many palpable vntruths and stickes not to pervert the very period it selfe and affront not only more then one nation but all indifferent men For if his Majest had been necessitated either through the disorder of persons to dissolve Parliaments or for beare them he might yet call a Parliament by his owne choice considering that not the condition of Parliament but the male volence of some persons were cause both of the dissolution forbearance The often Parliaments in Ireland the precedent Parliaments in England to that which he mentions maintaine the truth of that first period against the many remarkeable falsities of this Image breaker And presumes a more implicit faith in the people of England then the Pope ever commaunded from the Romish laitie or els a naturall sottishnes fitt to be abused and ridden Kings may expect credit to their words from their people Rebells cannot though experience hath confirmed that if a greate part of the people of England had not followed them with a more blinde and obstinate beleife then ever Romish laitie did their Pope they could never have been ridden and jaded as now they are And Iconoclastes could never presume the beleife of his extravagant assertions if he thought not his readers of worse then naturall sottishnes to be abused for while they lye groveling vnder the Tyrany of their present oppressours and lament the losse of their happines vnder the Kingly Government this man will perswade them out of their sense and memory While in the judgment of wisemen by laying the foundation of his defence on the avouchment of that which is so manifestly vntrue he hath given a worse foyle to his own cause then when his whole sorces were at any time overthrowne Surely there wisemē shewed as little reason in judging an assertion as knowledge in military affaires that made by comparison of this period to the defeat of an army If his Maj have given so greate a foyle to his cause by the first period of his booke whence comes the danger that Iconoclastes would prevent Was this first period vnintelligible without his comment and what is it to the Kings cause whether he called the Parliament of his owne choice or not It s very likely his wife men heere are the same with his wel principled men he mentioned els where their principles or impiety being the same with his their judgment is as corrupt as their conscience and as farr from wisedome as the libeller from modestie and if any had such a judgment they might soone finde their errour which all others descerne and such a judgment were a greater foyle to their wisedome then to his Majest cause They therefore who thinke such greate service done to the Kings affaires in publishing this booke will finde themselves in the end mistaken of sense right minde or but any mediocritie of knowledge and remembrance hath not quite for saken men They will finde themselves no whit mistaken if sense right mi◅de and mediocritie of knowledge and remembrance have not quite for saken men but the libeller will finde himselfe very much mistaken if he expect that his sense shal be so received against apparent truth as to give a greater foyle then the defeate of Arimes and vnderstanding must have left the world where the Author of such a comparison findes credit He comes now to prosecute his Majest discourse in pursucance of that period and first to what his Majest affirmes of Parliaments to have allwayes thought the right way of them most safe to his Crowne and best pleasing to his people he sayes we felt from his Actions what he thought of Parliaments or of pleasing his people The people feele now that which makes them confesse that they had just cause by what they felt from his Majest Actions to be well pleased with them to beleive what he affirmes heere to be his judgment of Parliaments and if any people were pleased with the ill way of Parliaments they have seene their errour by the evill consequents and now thinke the right way of them only most safe for the Crowne them and that nothing but ruine to the Kingdome can be expected from disorderly Parliaments He goes on to that which his Majest adds that the cause of forbearing to Conveene Parliaments was the sparkes which some mens distempers there studied to kindle To this the libeller sayes they were not temperd to his temper for it neither was the law nor Rule by which all other tempers were to be tryed but they were chosen for sittest men in their Counties to quench those distampers which his inordinate doings had inflamed Is the choice in Counties the law and rule whereby rempers are to be tryed And would the libeller have it beleived that all such as are chosen in the Counties are of better temper then the King If choice be the law of temper why doth he justifie those men which have affronted scorn'd and punished such as have been chosen by the Counties If all a◅e so well temperd why are some so ill handled and excluded And if there may be distempers as he must confesse in despight of impudence why was it not a just reason of his Majest fo◅ebearance if he found it We know what fires small sparkes kindle in greate Assemblies and we have felt the flame of them like the sudden eruption of burning Mountaines when all was quiet and there were men that studyed to turne the Parliament into confusion having not the temper to quench but to enflame Were these men that were of the two Parliaments in the first yeare of his Majest Raigne The first called within two moneths after he begun the second within twelue chosen to allay those distempers which his inordinate doings had inflamed what were these inordinate doings that could inflame so suddenly We neede not argue this Authors credit from one vntruth but he would obtaine some credit if one entire truth could be found in him If that were his refusing to conveene till those men had been quallified to his will wee may easily conjecture what hope there was of Parliaments had not feare and his insatiate povertie in the middest of his excessive wealth constrained him His Majest might with reason exspect that many who through errour
To folly or Blasphemy or both shall wee impute this shall the Iustice of God give place serve the mercies of a man all other men who know what they aske desire of God that their doings may tend to his glory And doth not he that prayes he may be able to shew mercy to his Enemies pray that his Actions may tend to Gods glory Is not God glorified in the mercies of men Is not mercy in men a guift of God and can this tri◅ler pretend sin in that prayer which desires of God that his Justice may not prevent their mercie to their Enemies May not men pray for their Enemies pray to have judgments diverted from them pray to have an occasion to shew them mercy But this libeller that esteemes soe litle to Blaspheame is careles how falsely he charge it on others Vpon the listing AND RAYSING ARMIES HE begins with the Kings mention of Tumults the demonstrations he calls them of the peoples love loyaltie to the Parliament Which in their nature more then the kings denomination were demonstrations of disobedience to law hatred of Government disloyaltie to the king Their petitioning was in the Authors owne judgment the height of violence Barbarisme which he compares to the Iron flaile those Armes which he cals defensive were so apparently a Trayterous histolitie that the ends which he assignes for them admit not the least colour for the appellation of defensive The King takes noe notice that those listed about him were the beginners of these Tumults Neither could he of soe strange an imagination The king sayes his recesse gave them confidence that he might be conquered The Libeller sayes other men supposed both that and all things els who knew him neither by nature warlike nor experienced nor fortunate yet such sayes he are readiest to imbroyle others How well he performes the first period of his booke not to descant on the kings misfortunes his readers may heere see that makes the kings misfortune his reproach and a ground of their wicked confidence to Rebell against him but that such men are readiest to imbroyle others is not soe certaine but vndoubted they are not readiest to imbroyle themselves and noe valour nor experience whereof his Majest is wel knowne to have had a greate measure can stopp a slandrous tongue The mischeifes brought vpon his Majest kingdomes sprung from such persons as sought their advantage by such broyles which all men see the King could never expect The King sayes he had a soule invincible And the Libeller sayes what prayse is that the vnteachable man hath a soule to all reason invincible And is an invincible courage noe prayse He seekes to shew his witt by applying invincible to vnteachable when as if he had cited the Kings next words as he ought he had lost his jest for the King sayes he had a soule invincible through Gods grace enabling him but he breaketh sentences and truth least he should breake for want of matter That the King labours to have it thought that his fearing God more then man was the ground of his sufferings The Libeller sayes he pretended to feare God more then the Parliament who never vrged him to doe otherwise And did they not vrge him to doe otherwise when they vrged him to doe that which was against his conscience But there neede not more be spoken of this for the Libeller calls that a narrow conscience which will not follow a multitude against its owne perswasion He shewes his levitie beyound that Creature he calls the vulgar who now affirmes the King was drawne by his Courtiers and Bishopps and yet in the beginning of his booke he sayes that the discourses and preachings of Courtiers and Prelates against the Parliament was but a Copy taken from his owne words and Actions that all remissenes in Religion issued originally from his owne authoritie all miscarriages in state may be imputed to noe other person cheifely then to himselfe He goes on to compare the words of Saul that he had performed the Commaundement of God to the Kings mention of his fearing God the kings vpholding the Prelates against the advice of the Parliament example of al reformations is not much vnlike if not much worse noe neerer like then this Authors writings to modestie loyaltie Is the advice of the Parliament and the example of all reformations equall to the expresse Commaund of God The examples of all Reformations himselfe tells afterward are not concurrent in the matter he mentions and if they were soe are all points of reformation equally necessary and of the same obligation with the commaund of God and was the Reformation of the Church of England noe reformation Why then doth he say all Reformation And is not the Church of England equall if not superiour to any part of the world that hath reformed But we see what account these hipocrites make of the Example of all Reformation that have set vp schismaticall confusions of Religion in contempt of all Reformation His Majest did noe more in vpholding the Prelates then what the example of the most primitive times Godly Emperours holy martyrs instructed him in which noe Reformation ever contradicted and he had no reason to hearken to the advice of such as then called themselves a Parliament who had broken all the lawes and priviledges of Parliament expelled the members and were governed by Tumults a company of Bedlam Sectaries against the doctrine and practice of the vinversall Church The practice of Saul in persecuting David wel sutes with the course of these Rebells but they have gone beyound him in malice and disobedience in the matter both of David and alsoe the Amalekites he brake the Commaundement of God in sparing Amaleke these traytours presumptuously breake the Commaund of God in destroying their King Church And this man exceedes Sauls presumption that makes the preservation of an order continued in the Church in all ages as bad or worse then the sin of Saul He sayes acts of grace are proud vnselfe knowing words in the mouth of any King who affects not to be a God Certainly this Libellers words shew him not only in affection but in Act a proud vnselfe knowing man Are there noe Acts of favour noe Acts of mercy in Kings but all of necessitie but enough hath been said to these brainesicke dreames Never King was lesse in danger of violence from his subjects till he vnsheathed his sword nay long after when he had spilt the blood of thousands they had still his person in a foolish veneratiō Should a Christian cal that which God Commaunded David practised foolish veneration but they whose wisedome is Rebellion hold Divine wisedome foolishnes And was he in so litle danger from those that held that veneration foolish were there none that held soe when they affronted him and threatned him every day To what end should multitudes come about his Pallace and cry Justice when they sought murder What
the Masse booke prescribed prayer aswell as reject formes of Devotion because they were in the masse booke It was the Carnall feare of divines and Politicians that modelled the Leiturgie noe further of from the old masse least they should incense the people This hath been the conceite of Schismaticall Politicians though the lightnes of it be very apparent for it cannot be thought that the people would be more incensed by an alteration of the prayer then an alteration of the language and the taking away of the externall superstitions was more likely to incense the people as it did then any alteration of the Leiturgie and it had been very easie to have made any alteration in the Matter when the language was changed and in the time of Queene Elizabeth when no such feare could be pretended the demaunds of the schismatickes for abolishing the leiturgie were held frivolous and seditious The Libeller sayes good desires rightly conceived in the heart wholesome words will follow of themselves But wholesome words will beget good desires and how publique prayer in the congregation can be vsed vnles a leiturgie be admitted noe true Christian can finde a way That the prescription of a Leiturgie was not imposed nor practised by the first founders of the Church is an apparent falshood The Lords prayer and the prescriptions of the Apostles to make prayers for all men for Kings al in authoritie that we might leade a quiet life in all godlines and honestie and the many leiturgies yet extant convince all but willfull gainsayers and it had been in vaine for the Apo◅le to commaund the people to obey such as had the oversight of them if they had noe authoritie to prescribe things lawfull and honest and this Libeller that hath been florishing with autho◅tie of the reformed Churches h◅re condemnes them all who none excepted vse Leiturgies Without whose meaning the first founders of the Church precept and example how constantly the Priest puts on his gowne and surplisses soe constantly doth his prayer put on a servile yoke of Leiturgie It seemes the mention of gowne and surplesse are instede of Arguments to his well principled men and soe is yoke of Leiturgie though by his owne confession that yoke is not in the Leiturgie it selfe but only for the supposed want of precept or example for if there had been either of them as both are apparent there had been noe yoke in his judgment neither can that be a yoke in Religion which is not sinfull and sin there cannot be without breach of a law and if the Libeller could reduce Leiturgies within that compasse he neede not vse those beggerly negatives and if the vsing of Leiturgie by the Priest be a yoke doe not the peoples prayers that put on the Priests extemporary words put on a yoke of Leiturgie For are not his words asmuch yoke to them as the publique Leiturgie of the Church to him And it is evident that they who vse noe set formes in publique prayer direct them more to the hearers then to God studying for expressions of their owne parts while others that vse set formes have their affections more enlarged and not yoked to the search of words Set formes are not rigorously forbidden to any mans private infirmitie But they are rigorously forbidden if they are thrust out of the Church and every mans prayers and spirit imprisoned in the pinfold of set words hastily shuffled togeather by a man often times as defective in wholesome words as sound Devotion whose doses of vnprepared words and matter leade the people into imprecations rather then prayers these men that would confine all publique devotions to the sudden raptures of every vnlearned Levite seeke to shutt heaven at their pleasure though their hands are as short as their vnderstanding and the spiri◅t of vtterance as it respects our prayers is not exercised in words but in the affections which are vtterances to God What we may doe in the same forme of words is not soe much the question as whether Leiturgie may be forced as he forced it And why doth he say forced it meaning the King when it was established by his Predecessours with consent of Parliament which the Libeller soe much pretends to reverence And he may easily answeare his question that would have the forme of words vsed by every Minister to be forced vpon all congregations and we may justly vse the same words allwayes that containe pititions of all things necessary The Leiturgie comprehends not all truth And doth he thinke that all truth should be comprehended in prayer or that any benifitt or vse of sacred expressions is de◅ed vs vnles all the expressions of Scripture are conteined in publique prayer We have the full benifit of all sacred expressions if our nece◅ties are fully represented but his spirit of vtterance is the vse of varietie in expression as if there were a necessitie to vse all expressions to the same sense and he would have ws beleive that the benifitt of sacred expressions is barralled vp in the new tub men whose prayers not only want salt but are besmeared with prophanes Though God raigne downe new expressions into our hearts yet it is not fitt for the whole Church to be yoaked to the fancies of every Levite who often mistake Satanicall injection for the dew of heaven and he is much mistakē in his comparison of retaining the forme of wholesome words to reserved Manna but the loathers of this Manna of wholesome words are the true offspring of these murmerers that loathed the Celestiall Manna and bread of Angles because they had it all wayes accounting it a light foode in regard of their sensuall appetite as these men now thinke the formes of the Church light in regard of the ordinary vse of their owne parts which they would expose to the people and therefore if Leiturgies were Manna it selfe yet if whorded vp and enjoined they will be found sayes the Libeller like reserved Manna rather to breede wormes and stinke For the varietie of words though God have given vs plentie and that we ought not to be nigardly of them to him alone yet we finde long prayers and vaine repetitions condemned by God and we are commaunded when we come before him that our words be few and the questing of Scripture Phrase in prayers is now found wanting in leiturgies that was soe lately scorned by the libeller for the lipp worke of every Prelaticall leiturgist Sectaries prayers though dressed with varietie of words are accompained with a nigardly devotion wherein God cheifely requires vs to be copious this libeller is copious in blasphemy that wil have the word of God if whorded vp and injoyn'd to breed wormes stinke The libeller would have his scoffes received for Argument to vilifie the vse of sett formes brings in the famine of the seidge of Ierusalem whē the Priests brought still the same loaves of the shewbread not being able to procure new he would give
vs stones for bread the Pharisees still continue their old leaven of hipocrisie though their words be varyed If the Lords prayer had been a warrant for leiturgies why was neither that nor other set forme after vsed mentioned by the Apostles or commeÌ„ded to our vse It had beeÌ„ very needelesly prescribed by our saviour if it had never beeÌ„ vsed afterwards it had been disobedience in the Apostles if they did not vse it being by our saviour commaunded It is the commoÌ„ argumeÌ„t of heretickes to accuse God of improvidence vnles he proportioÌ„ his revelations to the measure of their fancies though the Counsel of God supernaturall truths to be beleived were fully revealed wâ—… may not beleive that nothing was left to Christian prudence in the Church of God and we cannot pretend want of revelation in this point where we have such expresse prescription of the Lords prayer and particular injunctions of the Apostle St. Paul and if we mâ—…st expect such revelations where is it revealed that every congreâ—… must vse only such words as the Minister thereof extemporally dictates in their prayers If God left our words to be putt into vs without premeditation why then doth the Libeller allow any mans private infirmitie to vse helpes will not God help private infirmitie that way Or is every one in the congregation without infirmitie How is any assured if the promise be vniversall Our saviour encouraged his disciples with promise of assistance without their premeditation And why doth he object want of Christian diligence to set formes if it be a fault to vse it and all must be done without premeditation And it s like his preachers pray sermonize without premeditation by the stuffe they vtter and we see what respect they beare to God that pressed diligence in their actions touching this life Rebellion exclude it from devotion that which concernes God what soever the Libeller sayes concerning Gods graces is nothing to the question touching the vse of Leiturgies vnlesse he would have that in the publique congregation every person should have his prayer a part and bring that disorder which the Scripture forbidds Voluntary prayers are lesse subject to formall and superficiall tempers then set formes for in those hee who prayeth must consult first with his heart which in all likelihood may stirre vp his affections But he doth most commonly consult with his braine both for matter what is most pleasing and what most proper in expression and it is incident vnto most to fall into an affection of their owne conceptions and abilities in these voluntary prayers rather then true devotion Affections grow lasy in set prayer and come not vp easily at the call of words But much more easily then in the labour for words and matter and those words are most emptie of devotion and prayer which are the ostentation of the presenters abilities who is apt to seeke satisfaction in contemplation of his owne parts and his fervour is greater in looking on himselfe then God Ostentation and formalitie may taint the best duties And why not then the best institutions and if vnpremeditated babling may be restrained without forbidding the spirit of God which is in his sense his extemporary prayer why may not lasines and formalitie be reprehended in such as vse the publique leiturgie without forbidding the vse of it but it is as himselfe sayes the Custome of hipocrites to take advantage at the least abuse of Good â—…gs that vnder that covert they may remove the goodnes of those things â—…her then the abuse Constancie attributed to the vse of set formes he calls the constancie of the Câ—…oe to be allwayes vsing the same Leiturgie And what then are his best reformed Churches this shewes him one of those chattring birds that Abraham drave from his sacrifise and this wretch trembles not to compare the sett formes appointed by God himselfe in the Scripture to the Cuckoe and tâ—…e vse of the Scripture is the constancy of the Cuckoe The booke for aught we know was composed by men neither learned nor godly But they are vngodly that without knowledge will suppose them neither learned nor Godly but was the Martirdome of many of them noe proofe of their Godlines And are there noe workes that prove the learning of those Composers doth this man thinke vpon the credit of the protestant Religion Noe doubt the spiritt helpes our infirmities but we have noe promise that the spiritt shall enable every Christian to compose prayers for the whole congregation neither doth the Libeller beleive that all his Ministers of the new Religion are soe endowed if he doe he hath few associates It is Gods promise that where two or three gathered together in his name shall agree to aske any thing it shable graunted And how can they agree without a prescript forme is the agreement that all must follow the desires of one That there was a Leiturgie in the Chuch of the Jewes hath not been denyed by any learned man its apparent by the Titles of many of Davids Psalmes that they were vsed by the singers in the ordinary service of the Church That Christians vsed the Lords prayer and other sett formes cannot be denyed and the Libeller is much deceived in his computation of the time when Leiturgies begun for the Church never wanted them and we have seene by experience that true pietie followed the vse of Leiturgies disobedience and prophanes the rejection of them such as have rejected them have proved not only Truants but Apostates to all sanctitie What is said of Leiturgie is said of Directorie and soe farewell Presbiterian We finde that none make such presumptuous claime to Ministeriall guifts as ignorant and braineles persons that have noe Title by calling or endowment The King had noe reason to object that the Common prayer booke was 〈◊〉 because it prayed soe oft for him for large and laborious prayers were made for him in the pullpits But it s well knowne that the Sectaries were neither large nor laborious in such prayers and it s justly doubted not sincere when they vsed them but would have men heare their hipocriticall formalitie not God to graunt what they seemed to pray for and all men can witnes what prayers were made for him in pulpits after the leiturgie was rejected al the largenes and labour appearing in their prayers was to reproach his person and procure him dishonour and miserie The King in his prayers presumes Leiturgies to be lawfull What should hinder praying that the Church and he might never want them And what sayes the Libeller could be worse prayed extempore he might have answeared himselfe that Prayer to want them was to call for Desolation vpon the Church Of the Differences in point of CHURCH GOVERNMENT THe Libeller sayes the Author in this Chapter discovers more of misterie and combination betweene Tyrany and false Religion then from any other hand would have been credible T is strange that soe obvious
vnder Episcopacie the extent of the Christian Religion over soe greate a part of the world doth sufficiently testifie the corruption of many in that order doth not take away the benifitt of it which acrewed vnto the Church by the labours of others and all ages have recorded persons of greate learning and holines of life in that order He talkes againe of the Kings Coronation oath to give vs such lawes as our selves should chuse when he knoweth that the clause which he pretends to be in that oath imports noe such thing nor was that oath wherein the clause is pretended ever ministred to the King nor diverse other Kings nor ordeined to be soe In likelihood they were neerer amendment that sought a stricter forme of Church discipline then that of Episcopacie But they that sought to remove Episcopacy would have the Church discipline in their owne hands that it might be loose and in likelyhood they would not be strict to themselves his boasting of what the Scotts could worke by power shewes that he regards nothing right but power and soe he can prevayle despises all Justice and conscience Vpon the VXBRIDGE TREATIE THat men may treate like beasts aswell as fight noe way opposes his Majest Aphorisme which affirmes Treaties a retiring from fighting like beasts to agreeing like men Treaties being managed only by the vse of reason fighting by force and his Majest spake of the nature of Treaties not the abuses of men in them and though some fighting may be manlike yet the Act is common to beasts rationall Treaties cannot The Kings march and fight at Brainford the Libeller would make a thirst of warr though in the rigour of Marshall law it might have been excused in a naturall Enemy that makes a trade of warr And may as justly be defended in the King whome that faction which proferred a Treatie to him at Cole-brooke intended to surprize him having disposed their forces in such places as must have effected it if he had not speedily prevented it by that onset What he intimates touching Oxford Bristow and scarborrow naming noe particulars he can expect no answeare whoever lookes over the memoriall of passages touching Treaties will finde that the Kings offers were soe large as nothing but desire of peace could have moved him to it and nothing but guiltines and ambition could be the cause of their refusall That the faction in Parliament would have compelled him to part with his honour as a King the Libeller denyes not but askes what honour he had but the peoples guift yet he seekes to defend the Actions of theis villaines as defending themselves and resorts to his common principles that Kings are but the servants of the people who may dispose of their Kings and their honour as they thinke best And by his doctrine the King and people must be the prey of every powerfull Traytour It neede not be repeated that the peoples welfare consists in supporting the rights of their King and that it is their miserie to deprive themselves of him and turne into confusion and slavery to vsurpers And it is Monstrous that a kings highest Court sitting by his regall authoritie should bandie themselves against their soveraigne and like vipers eate out the bowells of their parent fighting against that power which gives them being and by an vnnaturall malice of the members to the head cast the whole body into an incureable consumption This insolence and presumption of the pretended Parliament hath brought the loose rabble and lawles Army to despise the representation which they soe much magnifie and doe that vnto them which they did vnto their king It cannot be doubted that subjects cannot with dutie treate on equal termes with their king and the practice of all times makes it manifest that none but Traytours attempted it and it was a sufficient proofe of the kings desire of peace that he sought a Treatie where a submission was due to him The Kings instructions were to bribe their Commissioners with promise of securitie rewards and places How he proves such instructions he tells vs not but we are sure that the demaunds of their Commissioners were securitie rewards and places for they would have all in their power There were but three heads of the Treatie Ireland Episcopacie and the Militia the first was forestalled by a peace that the King might pretend 〈◊〉 word against the Parliaments Arguments And if there had not been a peace made it was a most detestable Rebellion and blood thirstie crueltie to continue an intestine warr against the King and his people of England vnles a few Tribunes might have the management of that warr in Ireland and exclude the King from any interest in that kingdome and yet this must be a defensive warr on the Rebells part The King bids the Queene be confident he will never quit Episcopacy which informes vs by what patronage it stood And how could that informe you even as well as the Kings telling her that Religion was the sole difference betweene them informes you that the Queene directed him in matters of Religion The sword he resolves sayes the Libeller to clutch as fast as if God with his owne hand had put it into his And there is noe doubt but he had and it was a Rebellious wickednes in that faction which sought to wrest it from him in despite of Gods ordinance and their owne sworne subjection In all these the King had reason honour and conscience on his side and his pretence that the Queene was Regent in all these is farr from credible when causes to the contrary are soe obvious to every vnderstanding The Libeller himselfe professes their intentions to take away the Kings right and would suggest to the world that it was only the Queenes Councell that he would preserve his Crowne Wise men could judge the composure likely to be more miserable then happy But these wise men were taught by their guilt never to thinke themselves secure and to preferre their power before their conscience and the Kingdomes peace The English were called Rebells during the Treatie And why not till the Treatie had made an abolition of their offence for did they forbe are any of their reproachfull termes or Rebellious actions against the king and his partie during the Treatie The Irish were called good and Catholique subjects And that some of them might be though the Libeller cannot produce the instance of it The Parliament was called a Parliament for fashions 〈◊〉 and in the Counsell bookes enrolled noe Parliament That it was no Parliament all knowing men agree and the enrolling of their opinions that held it noe Parliament was noe injury to the Treatie and the Kings appellation of them a Parliament because they would not be treated with otherwise gives them noe right nor shutts vp him from that opinion of their condition which was true and reall Christians treate with the Turke by those appellations he will be called by though they doe not
in a judge yet his sentence not soe bloody as a malefactours Cryme he that charges a Magistrate with a wrong end in giving a Just sentence doth not diminish the Cryme of the malefactour Can any rationall soule conclude vpon the Kings dislike of irregular proceedings against the Irish that he excused their Cryme This is chaffe to cast in the eyes of his bleerde Sectaries for none else are soe purblinde and there neede noe dispute that the King perfectly hated the Irish Rebellion justly censured the proceeding in that vnseasonable threatning of destruction The instance of the beares skin was made by a member of the lower house at the time when they debated that busines and yet they then thought it noe favour to the Irish nor censure of their owne proceedings The cessation which the King made was in favour of the Irish and without the advice of Parliament to whome he had committed the managing of that warr The King plainely descerned that the designe of the faction in Parliament in managing the Irish warrs was only to draw money from the people vnder that pretence to subdue England and destroy him by taking away al assistance from him and thence proceedes their Calumnie vpon the cessation and their willfull neglect and diversion of succours amidst the reiterated Cryes of the protestants in that Kingdome the importunitie of the Lords Justices and the visible growth of the Enemy shewes the advantage they made of that Rebellion the King was bound in Justice and honour to preserve that Kingdome and in Christian pittie to releive his distressed subjects which he could not doe without resuminge the managing of that warr which had been soe Treacherously miscarried by those he trusted as he made that cessation by the advice intreatie of his protestant subjects there soe they were sufficient wittnesses of the low condition themselves were in and the power of the Rebells But the Libeller would prove that the Protestants there were on the winning hand because they kept their owne notwithstanding the misse of those forces which were landed in wales and Cheshire who without difficultie Mastered a greate part of these Countreyes The Protestants keeping of their owne was by the benifitt of that cessation without which they hoped not to keepe it and those Countreyes of wales and Cheshire were not mastered by those forces as the Libeller supposes but protected by them against the Tyrany of the Rebellion then ontring vpon them The Declaration which he vouches for proofe is an infamy to the Authors conteyning neither colour of proofe nor soundnes of Argument and of as litle creditt as his owne assertions In the meane time those forces of the Protestants which the king gott by that cessation declare to the world that the Irish Rebellion crossed his ends and advanced those of the English Rebells The way-laying of provisions was contradicted by such apparent proofes in his Majest answeares that vntill they make some reply to those particulars their clamours will signifie nothing but want of matter The forces he called over stood him in noe small steede against our maine forces That noe way hinders but that they might be termed handfulls in respect of the numerous Rebells both in Ireland England The reasons of the cessation besides the knowne evidence of truth and weight have an addition of Authoritie from the Libellers calling them false and frivolous without the least shew of reason it being his custome to stile truth and reason by such Titles He reprehends the king for likening his punishments to Iobs Tryalls before he saw them have Iobs endings And vpon the same reason he will not allow the Tryalls of the Martirs to have a likenes to Jobs because the end in respect of Temporall felicitie was not the same The king sayes he hath not leisure to make prolix Apologies from whence the libeller concludes those long declarations and Remonstrances which he calls Pamphletts set out in his name were none of his And is not this a tidy inference because the king in prison expecting the execution of the cruell designes of the Traytours had noe leisure to make prolix Apologies therefore the declarations and Remonstrances published by him while he was at libertie were none of his The king hath given sufficient Testimony to stopp the mouth af a destractour that noe writings published in his name were above his abilitie If his declarations were weightie and just why are they Pamphletts if not why will not the Libeller believe him the Author whome he seeks to vilifie but the world knowes the declarations in the name of Parliament were none of theirs but voted vpon the word of a junto by such as had not capacitie to vnderstand them That though the Common saying that it is Kingly to doe well and heare ill be sometimes true yet more frequently to doe ill and heare well by the multitude of flatterers that deifie the name of Kings It can hardly be proved that ever evill king had soe many flatterers as the best kings have detractours and himselfe produces instances how the multitude deified Simon Mountford and such popular brovillions against their kings For the peace in Ireland the Justice of it is now apparent and he that pardons Rebells to save the effusion of the blood of his good subjects shewes greater tendernes to the good then they that by endeavouring to exclude all from mercy expose them promiscuously to mutuall slaughter and may justly be judged to looke vpón both with an indifferent eye and that neither Justice nor pittie but greedy and rapacious desires carry them to that crueltie The King prayes at large for the Irish Rebells It seemes Charitie for Enemies is held a sin by these miscreants otherwise he would not have censured a prayer soe becoming a Christian that God would not give over the whole stocke of that seduced nation to the wrath of those whose covetuousnes makes them cruell nor to their anger which is too feirce and therefore justly cursed The King deprecates the Rebellion of Ireland and in his prayer concludes his innocence and that if he had not studied the composing of the differences sayes let thy hand be vpon me my fathers house And this the Libeller calls a solemne Curse which is his judgment of the Cryme and the assertion of his innocence Though God affâ—…ict his servants his hand is not against them in wrath as this wretch presumes to say and lookes not on that curse which God denounces against bloody and deceitefull men that pretend his service in the destruction of his servants Vpon the calling in of the SCOTTS and their COMMINGE HE that observes how greate a part of this Libellers booke his invectives against Monarchy take vp how frequently and impertinently he offers his exceptions against Kingly Government in excuse of falshood and Rebellion may well wonder at his exceptions to pretended repetitions in the Kings booke he enters vpon this Chapter with his opinion of
the originall of Kings to be servants of the publique And yet the people were subjects to them and how farr Kings mistake the nature of their office that thinke they are Masters of the people And yet God gave nations to serve them Though their power is for publique good yet they have a peculiar proprietie in that power and Estate as private men in their private fortunes its more for the peoples good to be subject though to an evill King then to fall to confusion And if rulers may not retaine their power because factious multitudes say that they are but intrusted for the peoples good that it is for the peoples good that they yeilde vp the sword they bare it in vaine Such a wooden sword have the Rebells provided for all Rulers but themselves for when they get power by their swords of steele or mines of powder the people may not thinke that they shall finde such Lords of straw as they pretend governours of the people ought to be We are taught by Scripture that the people are commaunded to hearken and obey not teach commaund and though his supposition that Government is in the people and that they ordained Kings be vaine and false by the examples of Scripture and of most Authenticke histories yet were it admitted that a King came in by the peoples consent they are not after such submission Judges of their owne obedience or their Kings power It were vaine to follow the Libeller in his exceptions to the words of favour and gratification as sounding pride and Lordly vsurpation as if kings only had nothing in their power to oblidge men with all these are the spleenetique vapours of Rebellious distemper For the Kings concessions to the Scotts either touching Episcopacie or the Militia wee shall heare his answeare in due time howsoever the king was not bound to the same Actions where Circumstances varied nor after a fuller vnderstanding of the nature and consequence of the things graunted and as his Majest professed a cleerer information after these Actions had passed him soe he evidently saw that they were more against his subjects good then his owne and that insteede of preventing an Arbitrary power it would have introduced an arbitrary licence and confusion into the Kingdome and such men as preferre the bondage of popular confusion or the licentious insolence of many Lords are eyther inchanted with a witch craft of Rebellion or stupidly benummed with a senseles Lethargy With what Zeale the Libeller reproves the abuse of Scripture when he exclaimes as if it offended his conscience we may perceive by the allusion he makes saying Ireland was as Ephraim the strength of his head meaning the Kings Scotland as Iudah was his law giver but over England as over Edom he meant to cast his shooe Hath this man reverence to Scripture or the Author of it He comes againe to accuse the King for persecuting the consciences of Religious men a knowne vntruth yet soe much beloved by the Libeller as he seemes impatient to misse the repetition of it and with this he joynes his reproving the Kings profession of being an Enemy of those that forced the conscience because he had made a warr and lost all rather then not vphold the Bishopps It is an Argument that he esteemed his conscience that lost all for it But the Libeller sayes they were persecuting Bishopps The King vpholding Bishopps vpholds not persecution or abuse and th e Libellers confounding the office ill exercise of it makes knowne his want of Argument The falshood of their Calumnies against the Bishopps is sufficiently manifested to the world that after soe many vehement outcryes they have not proved on such act of persecution done by any one of them not the presons but the office lawe were the persecution in this mans judgment The King obtruded new Ceremonies vpon vs vpon the Scotts a new Liturgie There were noe new Ceremonies obtruded by him in England and this horrid Rebellion to take away the Ceremonies and Government legally established and continually practised vnder the name of innovations detects both the fraude and outrage of their proceedings The new leiturgie offred the Scots by advice of their Bishopps and Clergie was an act befitting the care of a King and noe man will beleive that it was an offence te their consciences who made noe conscience of blood and Rebellion vpon pretence of their conscience which the world sees was an hipocriticall straining at a straw and swallowing a Camell and these tender conscience men have written their tendernes of conscience with the blood of their brethren which will remaine a memoriall of their dissembled sanctitie What hinderance of the search of truth he meanes is not vnderstood vnles he would have the dreames of mad sectaries confirmed by authoritie He would have the penalties of lawes thought persecution of the conscience and sectaries the Judges and sayes if himselfe meaning the King and his learned Churchmen were the obstinate part should Reformation suffer them to sit Lording like the greate whore And are sectaries Libells convictions of Kings and learned Churchmen and the clamours of malefactours a sentence against the Judge Such is the Government that must now rule the world and Reformation must be an Idoll in the hands of a seditious sectarie whereto the people must fall downe and such vnstable multitudes carried about with every winde of doctrine are likely to be those many waters on which the greate whore sits which hath for corruption and crueltie a greate resemblance vnto those false prophetts that now seduce the people These Clergimen were not to bedriven like sheepe but driven out like wolves But they are theeves and wolves that enter into the sheepefold by violence and stealth and the ambition and greedines of these wolves will finde occasion to sucke the blood and devoure the flesh of the sheepe The king sayes that he beleives the Presbiterie though proved to be the only institution of Iesus Christ were not by the sword to be set vp without his conjent which is contrary saith the Libeller both to the doctrine and knowne practice of all Protestant Churches if his sword threaten those who of their owne accord imbrace it But then it cannot be sett vp by the sword vnles his sword threaten those that imbrace it And this jugler denies what the king sayes and yet in effect professes it and while he enrages the Tumults to sett vp their Presbiterie with the sword produces Arguments only for defence The reformed Churches professe to follow the ancients in suffering not associate themselves to bloody Sectaries in Rebelling And his next words impert that private men may not contend with Magistrates nor vse force against them Though Christ and his Apostles being to Civill affaires but private men contended not with Magistrates yet when Magistrates themselves and especially Parliament come to know Religion they ought to defend it against any King or Tyrant What is defence to