tells us the care of the affairs of France which she did accept and commend her self unto God at the same time Pag. 101. She foretold somewhat of her death that it should not be a naturall death nor by ordinary means But it fell out otherwise though the Storie doth endeavour to make it good but in vain For she died of a generall Consumption of the body the most naturall death that could happen to such a life which ended in a continuall Fever with a kind of Lethargie or caros very violent at the last and so made an end of her It seems she did not think to die when she did as our Storie tells us p. 115.117 which I suppose would tell us no more of that then it must needs She had some strange sights before her death As for example that there is a plenitude of God in all things even to the least Ant. which is very philosophicall but not very easie to be understood by ordinary people and more apt to be mistaken to some hereticall sense as somewhat was by the Manicheans not much different These not to speak of her spirituall temptations which were frequent and terrible and some obscure intimations of Miracles for which we will rather commend the ingenuity of the Relator considering what is ordinarily done by others upon such occasions then find fault these I say be the chief particulars which her Storie doth afford which as I propose to the learned Readers consideration so shall I not submitting to better judgements stick in the mean time to declare mine own Truely I do not see any cause to believe that in any of these many Visions or Ecstasies there was any thing at all supernaturall either divine or diabolicall more then is in every common disease wherein we acknowledge as the hand of God alwayes so the ministrie of the Devil if not alwayes very often as was before declared I conceive them all both Visions and Ecstasies to have been the effect of pure melancholie very agreeable to what hath happened unto other melancholick persons in other places Whether I should blame the ignorance or the superstition of them that had to do with her or both I know not but I think they were to blame and that she had ill luck to fall into such hands They do well to make her amends what they can after her death but I think it had been more charitable to have used some means for the cure of her melancholy by which with Gods blessing upon the means alwayes to be presupposed she might have been preserved in life As for her expressions of Christs drawing her soul into his and the like so agreeable in effect to those of the Platonists and Arab Philosophers the tearms only Christ for God changed I have no suspicion for all that that she was acquainted with them nor with any secrets of that mysticall Theologie that came from them but that naturally according to the condition of her temper she fell into those phansies which some enthusiastick Philosophers before not by vertue of their Philosophy but through distemper of their enthusiastick brains had lighted upon I have expressed my self the more freely in this businesse not that I take any pleasure or have any ambition at all to oppose the judgement of others which if I were ambitious to do I could have found matter enough to busie my self long before this but because I judged it a matter of great consequence not only for the preservation of some lives but of Truth more precious then many lives which hath in all Ages suffered by nothing more then by pretended Enthusiasms and of publick Peace which hath often been disturbed by such whether artifices or mere mistakes But I have not yet done with my Theologia mystica which being so proper to my subject I must not passe it over superficially The Reader that is not learned will have patience if I desire to gratify them that are Hersentius his authorities for this kind of Divinitie so much magnified by him are all either Heathen Philosophers greatest opposers of Christianitie Plotinus Proclus Porphyrius Iamblichus or very late and inconsiderable writers Johannes Rusbrocius Henricus Harphius Ludovicus Blosius or rather Thalerus and one Woman Sancta Teresia not one word out of any ancient Father in that Chapter Greek or Latine not so much as out of S. Augustine or Gregory the Great or S. Bernard who otherwise of true Christian Raptures proceeding from intent love and admiration grounded not upon Ignorance and self-conceitednesse but sound Knowledge and Pietie might have afforded matter for a bigger volume then that whole Discourse with all that hath been written either by Dionysius so called or any other of that Sect comes too But I will deal very ingenuously with the Reader There was one Maximus in the dayes of Heraclius Emperour of Constantinople of whom we are bound to speak with honour because he suffered for the true Faith Whether it were he whose Greek Scholias are extant upon this Dionysius is doubted by some but more probable that it is This Maximus besides other works of his some extant some not hath written a Mystagogia which I suppose to be altogether of the same argument as this Mystica Theologia of Dionysius It was published by David Hoeschelius a learned man to whom we ow many other good books but it hath not been my luck ever to see it But though not that yet I have seen and often read sometimes with admiration sometimes with indignation another work of his not much known I believe which he calleth his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 printed at Paris besides later editions very elegantly by Guiliel Morellius an Dom. 1560. fitted by remote allegoricall interpretations of Scripture for Christians but written by him in imitation of Porphyrius and other Heathens their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they call them from whom also he hath taken some things verbatim These indeed we shall find this mysticall Theologie in its height in divers places I can easily believe that so holy a man in his ordinary conversation and so profound a Philosopher as he shews himself by his writings might make good use of such meditations and elevations of thoughts and yet keep himself within sobrietie but that it is a dangerous book otherwise for ordinary capacities apt to turn all Religion and all Scripture in weaker brains into mere phansie and Teutonick Chimericall extravagancies I do upon grounds of reason as verily believe as I do the former charitably I know not whether it be for the better or for the worse but sure I am that his meaning is often mistaken by the Latine Interpreter whereof I shall give but one instance because of some further use that may be made of it Centur. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 His meaning is according to the principles of this Divinitie by him more at large explained in some former Aphorisms that by this immediate intimate Union with God by
A TREATISE CONCERNING ENTHVSIASME As it is an Effect of Nature but is mistaken by many for either Divine Inspiration or Diabolical Possession By Meric Casaubon D.D. AD ARDUA PER ASPERATENDO LONDON Printed by R. D. and are to be sold by Tho. Johnson at the Golden Key in S. Paul's Church-yard 1655. To the READER I Have been present sometimes at some discourses and have lighted also upon some relations in print concerning Visions and Revelations that have happened unto some I did not apprehend them alwaies as they seemed unto me to do that were partakers with me of the same whether relations or discourses But neither was I so confident that I was in the right and they in the wrong as peremptorily to conclude any thing in mine own thoughts much less so confident that I could think it needfull to oppose by words and arguments what was believed by others different from mine own opinion For how indeed should I be confident that I was in the right without the diligent examination of severall circumstances unknown unto me and as little perchance known unto them that were of another opinion without which to conclude of particular cases by general Rules and Maximes I knew full well to be a principall cause of most strifes and confusions that either disturb the brains or divide the hearts of men in this world But even when more confident upon good and perfect knowledge of all circumstances yet where no manifest danger is either of impiety towards God or breach of peace whether publick or private among men I never did think my self bound to oppose no more then I did think that my oppositiō would be to much purpose I am not of the opinion of some ancient Philosophers that man is the measure of all things and therefore that whatever appeareth true unto any is in it self as it appeareth unto him neither do I think so meanly of any truth that can be reduced to any reality whether sensible or unsensible as to think either Lands or Jewels too dear a price for it However as all mens brains are not of one temper naturally nor all men equally improved by study nor all led by one interest so is it I think as impossible by any art or reason of man to reduce all men to one belief I cannot think that the warres of the Giants against the Gods and their attempt feigned by the Poets of scaling Heaven by heaping high Mountains upon one another can by any sober man be conceived either more ridiculous or impossible then the project of some men for which also some books have been written lately doth appear unto me of making all men wise I think my self bound to judge of others as charitably as may be but though I would yet I cannot conceive how any man can really promise himself so much or make boast of it unto others but he must think himself either more good or more wise then Almighty God Or if he pretend to act by God as his instrument or Deputie yet even so more wise or more successfull then Christ the Son of God VVho though he was come into the world as to suffer for men so to teach men wisdome without which his sufferings would do them no good and might have made use of his Omnipotency had he pleased to transforme all men even the dullest of men in a moment of time to make them more capable of his instructions yet thought that way best that he chose and after many Miracles by himself and his Apostles and his heavenly Doctrine conteined in the Gospels and the writings of his said Apostles left many men to themselves as before and was content the world should continue which it hath already done 1653 yeares since for a while though it consisted of men more bad then good more fools then wise But this is too much to them that will not be the better for it and I do not desire to make sport unto others Since my forced retirement into this country life among those few books which have had the luck to stick to me not many yeares since I lighted upon one whereof I can give very little account if I should be put to it how I came by it or it to me but found it among the rest the title whereof is The life of Sister Katharine of Jesus Nunne of the Order of our Lady c. at Paris 1628. The title did not much invite me to read but being at very good leisure at that time and turning the leaves to satisfie my self with a superficiall view I soon observed somewhat that I thought extraordinary and further provoked my curiosity For besides a long dedication to the Queen of France made by a Cardinal I observed at the end the Approbatiōs of severall persons of one Bishop one Archbishop besides Sorbonists and Doctors of Divinity no lesse then four all these approbations distinct and severall and some of them very long and written with great accuratenesse both of style and matter I then resolved to read in good earnest But though I had both will and leasure enough yea and resolution too to read unto the end before I gave it over yet was my reading often interrupted with different thoughts and contests which made great impression in my mind I found the book to be a long contexture of severall strange raptures and enthusiasms that had hapned unto a melancholick or if you will a devout Maid In this I saw no great matter of wonder Neither could I observe much in the relation of the particulars but what as I conceived rationally probable so I might believe charitably true I could observe as I thought a perpetuall coherence of naturall causes in every particular which gave me good satisfaction But then that such a judgement should be made of such an accident wherein I apprehended so little ground of either doubt or wonder and this judgement not the judgement of a woman only the Author as is pretended of the whole relation but of men of such worth and eminency this in very deed troubled me very much I did often reason with my self against my self That it was as possible that what I thought reason and nature might be but my phansy and opinion as that what by such and so many was judged God and Religion should be nothing but Nature and Superstition that where the matter was disputable and liable to error it was safer to erre with authority then through singularity These things and the like I objected to my self but for all this the further I read the more I was unsatisfied and disturbed in mine own thoughts and could have no rest untill I did resolve as soon as any good opportunity should offer it self to make it my businesse so farre as I might by best inquisition throughly to satisfie my self This opportunitie after I had acquitted my self so farre as in me lay of some other things wherein the publick weal of Learning may
not I doubt For I finde that some Greek Physicians challenge unto themselves that expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 except we could make a difference of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as proper to themselves and they make it a disease of the body which we said before was excluded by Plutarch and no such thing as Plutarch would have but merely imaginary through the distemper of the phansy Actuarius not very ancient I confesse makes it a kind of melancholy which begins in imaginary Enthusiasms but commonly ends he saith in real madnesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. as I find him set out by Hen. Stephen But here I must crave though it will not much conduce to that we mainly drive at the benefit of all indifferently that I may for Physicians sakes being bound to honour the profession for the benefit I have received thereby insist a while upon that definition of Enthusiasme which I find in those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Collection of Medicinal Definitions which hath been received among many for Galens but disclaimed by the greater part to be his however by some adscribed to a much more ancient Author His words whoever he be be these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So are the words set out by Hen. Stephen in his collections of physical words and Definitions In my edition of those definitions which is the Basil edition in 8o. 1537. instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is printed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is all the difference Most it seems have stumbled at this word For though I finde the place quoted by more then one Physician yet not in any have I found the word rendred but fairly passed over Which is not much to be wondred at in them that make no profession of extraordinary knowledge of the Tongues when Hen. Stephen himself to whose learned and Herculean labours the Greek tongue hath been so much beholding he also doth passe it over in his translation of the words which is this Enthusiasmus est velut cum quidam de statu mentis dejiciuntur in Sacris si quid intueantur aut si tympanorum aut tibiarum sonum aut signa quaedam auribus percipiant Of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by it self what it signifieth as particularly and most properly to burn or offer incense or more generally to smoke c. there is no question to be made but what it should do here in matter of divination or enthusiasme is all the question But for the first it will easily be resolved For Eustathius not to mention others upon the last of Homers Iliads doth plainly resolve us that there was a kind of divination very frequent amongst the ancients by burning or offering up of incense and he hath the very word here in question 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But neither in him nor any other do I find the particulars of this divination as it was used in those ancient times onely that the same were also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio Cassius an ancient grave Historian once a Consul himself of great command and authority in his 41 Book in the description of Apollonia a city of Macedonia describes the Oracle or manner of divination then used in the Nymphaeum of it The manner of it was to observe the time of the casting of the incense into the fire and to accompany it with earnest prayers and supplications or vows and in case it took fire well the request if it were a matter of request or question was resolved in the affirmative that it should come to passe If on the contrary it neither would take fire of it self nor endure it but start back when it was cast into it as they write it would it was a certain token that the matter was not feasable It was open to all manner of questions saith Dio but of death onely and of marriage it was not to be consulted Here is no Enthusiasme at all in this But that there were divers kinds of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or incense-divination is sure enough and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the definition we are upon is a clear indication that this here spoken of was attended if not altogether atchieved with strange sights and visions which for the time did alienate the mind of the beholder 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are proper words to that purpose as by Macrobius and divers others may appear As for the following words in the definition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. as no man I think will make any question but that the furor Corybanticus or Bacchical Enthusiasms are thereby intended so upon some further consideration I think it will be granted that instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I find it every where printed it should be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cymbals those three words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being often joyned together not upon this occasion only but upon this occasion and this particular subject of Corybantical Enthusiasms no word being more frequent or proper in ancient Authors Poets and others then this very word cymbalum Apuleius speaking of these barbara sacra saith that they most consisted of Cymbalistis Tympanistis and Choraulis De Deo Socratis p. 49. where we have them all three and the Cymbals in the first place Ovid calleth them tinnula aera Metam lib. 4. Tympana cum subito non apparentia raucis Obstrepnere sonis adunco tibia cornu Tinnulaque aera sonant Where we have them all in the same order as we find them in the Definitions tympana tibia and tinnula aera or cymbala That the Heathens otherwaies in their mysteries had their symbola properly so called and how much they adscribed unto them we know well enough divers have written of them but not any thing that I know of that can be pertinent to this place Of musical Enthusiasme in general we shall treat in its proper place and there again give some further light perchance to these words So much shall serve concerning this definition whoever be the author of it whose purpose onely was certainly to define Enthusiasme not in its full latitude but as incidentall to corporall diseases or a disease it self as it falls out some times as will appear when we treat of musical Enthusiasms I would not be too long upon this general Protheoria by heaping multitude of places out of ancient Authors to shew the use of the word which places many of them at least I shall afterwards have occasion to produce under their proper heads to which I purposely reserve them To hasten therefore to some conclusion Upon this foundation of Plato and Plutarch's observations and that use of the word Enthusiasme very frequent in ancient Authors I shall thus briefly and plainly endeavour to state this businesse Enthusiasme
Divination most properly from God Opinions of Heathens about the causes of Divination Plutarch corrected Divination in a more general sense Some kinds of it merely natural or physicall Our question here of enthusiastick Divination particularly whether any such from Natural Causes But first of all whether any such among Heathens anciently truly and really The grounds of the contrary opinion discovered and refuted Pythones or Pythonici in the Scriptures and ancient Histories Pomponatius and Tho. Leonicus noted The Question rightly stated First of all a concurrence of naturall causes in some cases generally granted Some Enthusiasts not only foretell things future but also speak strange Languages through mere natural distemper according to the opinion of some Physicians But the contrary more probable and why That some things of like nature in some respects as Enthusiastick Divination and not lesse to be wondred at are certainly known to proceed from causes that are natural though unknown unto men and some things also though from causes that are known not lesse wonderfull in their nature Instances in both kinds The power of smelling in Dogs An Example out of an Author of good credit of a man who being blind was a guide unto many that had eyes by his smell only through vast Deserts The power and nature of the Memorie in man how incomprehensible and how much admired by both Divines and Philosophers The invention of conveying secret thoughts at any distance whether of place or of time by writing how admirable a thing Their opinion that fetch Divination from the nature of the Intellectus agens in every man The opinion of Aristotle in his Problems some question about the Author of the effects of atra bilis or melancholy a probable ground of some naturall divination But after some general grounds and propositions the continual 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or emanations of bodies according to Aristotle and others and the partuâ—itions of causes or foregoing naturall signes of strange events and alterations discernable to some tempers as also the concatenation of natural Causes according to the Stoicks a more probable ground The Divination of dying men A notable observation of Aretaeus an ancient Greek Physician to this purpose Enthusiasme by vast prospects and other natural objects IT is acknowledged as well by Heathens as by Christians that absolutely infallibly to foretell things future doth belong unto Him only to whom all things passed present and future are equally present Men therefore as many as have taken upon themselves or have been believed to prophesy a word used as ordinarily by Heathen as by Christian Authors or to foretell they have been generally deemed and termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the like all which signifie men inspired by God And although 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Enthusiasme be used to many purposes as will appear throughout this whole Discourse yet it is most properly used to imply Divination such as is by inspiration And because such Divination among Heathens was not usually without a temporary alienation of the mind and distraction of the senses hence it is that both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek and Vaticinari in Latin is taken sometimes for deliration and idle speaking Of the causes of Divination many Ancients have written very largely and variously All make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or divine inspiration to be the chief and principal Tullie's first Book De Divinatione is altogether of that Subject But that is not my businesse here Neverthelesse for their sakes that love and read Greek books which in very deed if any after the Sacred are best able to make a man wise and learned I will produce a place of Plutarch to this purpose not only because it conteineth much in few words but also because in all editions of Plutarch which I have seen as that of H. Stephen in 6 vol. in 8o. which I account the best and that of Paris in Greek and Latine of later yeares it is corruptly exhibited and marvelously both by the French and Latin interpreters mistaken who hardly make sense of those which they have and leave out part of Plutarch's words and sense Plato saith Plutarch and the Stoicks bring in or assert Divination either as from God immediately ordinarily called enthusiastick or from the Divinity or divine nature of the Soul which Plato calleth ecthusiastick or by dreams I will forbear to say more of it Of Divination in general that is as the word though not so properly is often taken for any foretelling of things future that there be many kinds which are merely natural and physical some usual and ordinary some more rare and remote from vulgar knowledge some proceeding from hidden though naturall causes and grounded upon experience only others known to the learned at least by their causes as well as by experience they that have written De Divinatione as Cicero anciently Peucérus lately besides divers others will afford store of examples and arguments if any desire further satisfaction in that point That which doth here lie upon me to enquire into is whether any kind of enthusiastical Divination properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and by Tully furor either now known or formerly practiced may be accounted natural Of such kind of Divination there were among ancient Heathens many sorts cum furore and alienation of mind all such as I intend here at least but in other circumstances as in the carriage of the party possest in the manner of the utterance in the Place Rites and Ceremonies belonging to it very different But here I must stop a while to remove an Objection For what if all these pretended enthusiastical Divinations by Oracles or otherwayes were but mere Gulleries and Impostures to get money as is daily practised to this day though not in the same kind in all parts of the world to amaze credulous and superstitious people Or at the best the subtle devices and artifices of well-meaning Politicians to compasse great matters for the good of the people as must alwaies be presupposed and their own good content That this hath been the opinion of some Ancients even Heathens and is at this day of many learned Christians it cannot be denied But upon some further enquiry into the businesse I hope I shall be allowed to deliver mine own opinion without offence which is this I take it to be a very partial or very illiterate account or come off in a matter as to the cause of such both consequence and obscurity First I call it a partial account Amongst Heathens there were divers Sects for which there was as much strife and emulation as is now amongst Christians of different opinions The two grand Sects were of those that maintained the being of a God whether one or more and his Providence over the world on the one side on the other those that either absolutely denied the very being of any Deity which few durst or granting that there is a God yet
unto us what she hath seen for an account of it is diligently kept and registred that proof may be made upon occasion Among other things said she the substance of a Soul was shewed unto me and it seemed unto me like a spirit c. Here we must observe that when Tertullian wrote this he lived yet in the communion of the Catholick Church and that this particular Congregation he speaks of is meant of a reputed Catholick and orthodox Congregation It is true he became a Montanist afterwards or was accounted so at least though in very deed he never was of his Congregation or belief generally but in matter of private revelations only which he maintained though not those which Montanus boasted of very fervently and for it being more roughly then discreetly as S. Jerom judged dealt with by some at Rome he left them and set up a Congregation of his own which were called Tertullianistae as S. Augustine in his book Of Hereticks doth declare Neither was he questioned about private Revelations untill Montanus an Arch-villain with his two Queans that he carried about with him as Prophetesses had given so much offence He was not accounted an Heretick for his opinion here maintained in this book De Anima of the Corporeity of the Soul in that sense he maintained it as by S. August in more then one place is largely treated What made so learned a man otherwise to adscribe so much to private revelations was certainly an excesse of Zeal which he shews in all his works ignorance of natural causes and the opinion he had of the holinesse and sinceritie true enough in some perchance as shall be shewed afterwards of some of them known unto him that had such visions which were taken for divine revelations We must also if we will judge of this example rightly distinguish between that which Tertullian upon his own certain knowledge which no man probably can doubt or question doth witnesse to wit that such a sister there was which had strange raptures or trances a thing so publickly done and so often yea allowed of in a Catholick Church and that which he writeth upon the credit of others as that she disclosed some secrets or did some strange cures which no man is bound to believe though it might be granted that somewhat either casually or by the power of the phansie as afterwards will be shewed might happen in that kind without any miracle It is ordinary when any thing that is accounted strange doth happen and is become the subject of publick discourse and inquisition there will be some found that will adde unto it to make it more wonderfull though they have no other end in it but to please their humour most men naturally and more women being pleased with nothing more it is a common observation in best Historiographers then with the report of strange things whether false or true Now for the ecstasies and visions of this Soror in Tertullian I am clearly of opinion and perchance my reader will be by that time he hath done with this Chapter that it was nothing else but an effect of devout melancholy but not without the concurrence perchance of a natural disposition as a strong phansie tender brain yea and some casual contracted disposition or indisposition of the body too perchance especially if it were an ancient maid as that maid is reported by some to have been virgo vetula in Thuanus by whom learned Postellus was infatuated in his old age However that it was an effect of melancholy was the opinion of Franc. Junius an orthodox Divine of high account among Protestants Fuit autem hoc in his Annotations upon Tertullian phantasma laborantis melancholia non indita è coelis revelatio I must also warn the Reader before I proceed that wherein I differ from Baronius in those things I have written of Tertullian upon this occasion as I do in some I do it not altogether upon mine own judgement though chiefly grounded upon S. Jerom and S. Augustine but have also the same Franc. Junius his authority to oppose against Baronius and some others But this is not a place to dispute it let this warning serve I am much deceived if that fam'd Galinducha in Mauritius the Emperour his time was not such another as this of Tertullian Strange things have been written of her No part of Aesops Fables had it been written for an History can seem so strange But neither indeed do those that write of her agree among themselves nay manifestly contradict one another Nicephorus doth exceed all even the Greek Menologies in his relation Simocata more modest Euagrius very short but all agree the last excepted who doth only mention her in her ecstasies which I believe might be true enough and that in her fits she might see such strange things of heaven and hell as is usual unto most in those fits The Reader if he be so curious may find them that I have named put together by Raderus the Jesuite in his Viridarium Sanctorum ex Menaeis Graec. c. Aug. Vindelic 1607. first part or tome p. 264. c. One observation only I shall make upon some words of Nicephorus which perchance were taken part of them at least out of some truer relation Haec sane cum graviter à martyrii aerumnis afficeretur I take the words as I find them in Raderus urbes circuibat angelo duce progrediente neque quicquam medicinae doloribus adhibuit these be the words nativis tantum thermarum lavacris usa From which words we may very probably collect that she was much troubled with melancholy since that not only dulcis aquae balnea tepida are commended by physicians against maniam uterinam melancholiam proper to women but the acidulae and thermae in all hypochondriacal distempers though Sennertus indeed doth not hold the external use of the thermae so proper if the distempered be lean and exhausted as commonly they are as the internal Many such we might find perchance in the lives of reputed Saints but I will insist in such especially where there is more certainty and will be lesse offence About the year of the Lord 1581. in Germany at a place called Aldenburgh it happened that a Baker the master of a very untoward Boy upon some great provocation fell upon him with his fists without mercy upon his head especially so that the Boy fell sick upon it of an Epilepsie whereof he had divers terrible fits and was twelve dayes speechlesse Yet after a while those fits abated and by degrees vanished quite away But then instead of them he fell into ecstasies in which he would continue two three four hours without either sense or motion Assoon as he was out of a fit the first thing he would do was to sing divers songs and hymns though it was not known that he had ever learned any very melodiously From this singing he would now and then passe abruptly to some strange
Comicks do write of all women in general but I will not make use of their authority neither do I believe it true But they that have read of Burials and Funerals in ancient Authors cannot but take some notice of the mulieres praeficae among the Romans and such there were among other nations as among the Jews particularly who though they were but hired with money to weep and did without all doubt rejoyce more or lesse in their hearts for the occasion it being their profession by which they maintained their own life would neverthelesse so mightily and so naturally weep that many that saw them though they knew well enough that they did it merely for their hire and forcedly and had otherwise no mind nor occasion themselves yet could not forbear to do as they did Now were it so as Fyenus seems elsewhere to determine that a voluntary ecstasie were nothing else but humoris pituitosi in cerebri ventriculos substantiam intromissio inductio as he defineth arbitrary weeping by Seri pro imperio motio truly I should think it might easily be inferred that the one as to natural possibility might be as well as the other so that the one being granted by him the other could not in reason be affirmed impossible But I will dispute against my self in this for the truth as I apprehend it For as I conceive every true natural and perfect ecstasie to be a degree or species of epilepsie so I subscribe to Sennertus and other Physicians who besides ordinarily known humors maintain that there is a different specifick epileptical humor or quality as yet unknown unto men which is the immediate cause of Epilepsies But lastly Fyenus seemes to me in some degree if not to contradict yet to be inconstant unto himself For whereas he doth there so peremptorily determine it as impossible in this his second Question Concl. 11. where he hath the same instances at large he proposeth them there as things that might happen indeed but praeter communem cursum naturae besides the ordinary course of nature not as supernatural lest any should mistake but ex particulari aliquorum hominum proprietate singulari corporis conformatione though indeed even there at the last he concludes with a doubt sed forte etiam aliqua corum arte magica c. aliqua forte etiam non sunt vera which I take to be a farre more discreet and judicious determination then his impossible afterwards Which to make yet more probable unto my Reader since it is granted that strange things may be done by some through peculiar natural properties my course would be as I take it to look into those many examples of idiosyncrisiae which I find in good Authors whether among them we might not find divers things which might seem every whit as strange as those controverted Ecstasies But because I desire not to be over-long and that I would not glut the Reader with strange stories among whom some will be found perchance of Lucian's temper who not valuing the authority of most credible Authors will account all fabulous that themselves have not seen or known I shall forbear Yet for their sakes that may be more candid and curious I shall mention two books which I read but lately for which I was beholding as for divers others to a worthy Friend a Doctor and Professor of Physick in Chichester the one Henrici à Heer 's his Observationes medicae the other Dan. Sennerti lib. 6. de morbis à fascino incantatione c. published long after his other works which two books if my memory deceive me not will competently furnish them with such examples But to let that passe and the advantage that we might make of it That some can bring themselves to that as to weep when they will as we said before is granted and S. Augustine in the same chapter professeth himself to have seen one that could sweat without any motion or any other ordinary means when he would and this also by Fyenus is granted as possible and Julius Scaliger in his Exercitations against Cardan writes of one as very well known unto him that could not hold his water if he heard any play upon a Lute or Harp and I have it from persons of credit that professed to have seen a woman that could make her self blush when she would That a man may by intent imagination or cogitation bring himself to a vertigo as will make him fall to the ground and trouble his brain very much best Physicians do affirm nay that a great fright in tender bodies as women with child and intent imagination is enough to beget 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epilepticam is observed by Guil. Fabricius Cent. 3. Observ 3. to whom Sennertus doth assent Have there not been men or women boys or girls children in the world who at the very remembrance of some very sad or terrible thing that had happened unto them in their life would fall into a swoon whether they would or no How much more if they affected it and after some two or three unvoluntary fits finding some disposition in themselves to it and aiming at some advantage by it or proposing to themselves some other end used means by intent cogitation or otherwise to bring themselves into a habit of it Is there any thing in this impossible If I should rub up mine own memory I could tell of many things that I have known in my time in that kind But why should not I in things so ordinary leave all men to their own experience This is somewhat rare that I remember to have read in Benevenius De abditis morborum causis c. a book for the bignesse as full of choice Observations as any I have seen of whom and of his Observations we shall have occasion to say more in some other Chapter of a Boy who having been frighted by some strange apparition whether real or cōceited was wont from that very day almost hour every 8 th day to fall into the same horrors outcries which he had then suffered and used from which he could never be cured as long as he lived but it seems it brought him into a speedy consumption so that he did not live very long after it More I know may be found to the same purpose but I think I have said enough to conclude that granting what must be granted and doth often happen in the world besides the ordinary course of nature yet by causes that are natural as such and such an idiosyncrisia and the like a voluntary ecstasie is not a thing impossible in nature But I have not yet done There is somewhat else to be said that may seem to conduce very much to this our present inquiry and though I my self shall make no great matter of it yet some body else may and think it would have stood me in great stead Giraldus Cambrensis a Briton by birth though by descent rather an
English-man or Nor-man as he makes himself but a very learned man for those times in his Description of Wales chapter 16. tels us of a certain company frequent in those dayes in Wales commonly called awenyd hion that is ecstatical or mente ducti according to Giraldus his interpretation These men it seems according to his relation could put themselves into a trance when they would that is as often as any came to them to consult them as Prophets Two things especially Giraldus would have us to take notice of the one that they did not use to come to themselves again except some kind of violence were used to recall and awaken them as it were and then secondly that after they were come to themselves they remembred nothing at all they had either said or done in their fits He makes them to have been a race of the Trojan Soothsayers among whom and their posterity the Britons only he would have us to believe such Prophets have been Yet again he doth argue and would have us to believe that they prophesied by the spirit too and to that end instances in divers who though Infidels though lewd in their conversations have had the gift of prophesie And such also he maketh the Merlins to have been I can easily be perswaded that Giraldus wrote as himself believed not out of any designe as many have done to abuse his Reader It appeareth by the many Miracles wherewith he hath stuffed his Itinerarium that he was a man of very easie belief which was the epidemical disease of those times of Ignorance when all Piety almost consisted in telling and making of Miracles And what might not he believe who did believe that Alexander of Macedon though long before those miraculous times had removed the Caspian mountains and inclosed within them as within walls the ten tribes of Israel not to be removed from thence till the coming of Enoch and Elias I do not say that he was the Author of this pretty Fable but that he had credulity enough to believe it and by consequent not to be wondered at if he believed many other things that may probably be supposed as true But truly I think we are much beholding to his fidelity For had he been of the temper of some others he would have added somewhat of his own to make his story more strange which might have troubled us But now as he describeth them we may believe him so farre as he speaks of himself and yet know them be it spoken without any disparagement to that ancient noble people since there is no nation in the world but hath store of such know them I say for arrant Jugglers and Impostors For there is not any thing in the whole relation but might easily be performed by any ordinary Gypsie And the like we may as probably conclude of those dancing Enthusiasts by him elsewhere mentioned and described in his ItinerariuÌ„ As for his Merlins if they were no others then the Merlins of our dayes it will require no long deliberation to determine what they were But we know ours that now are well enough but as for them that were I leave them to them that know more of them then I do to judge of them Neither shall I need to say any thing of the Turkish Enthusiasts the Darvisei or Torlaces who as I find them described in some Turkish Histories have some of them much resemblance with those in Giraldus as to their pretended Fits and Raptures but such lewd abominable Rascals otherwise that were it not that we see among Christians also how inclinable the common sort of people are to be carried with any pretence of Religion though the actions be never so irreligious and contrarie to that which is pretended it would be incredible that such monsters should be suffered in a Commonwealth much more incredible that with so much zeal and devotion as men of God and holy Prophets they should be worshipped and adored as they are there by many Strange stories may be read in Leo Africanus in his 3. book of the Description of Africk Diversae regulae ac sectae c. p. 135. to this purpose whereof he professeth himself to have been eye-witnesse but nothing more strange then what Germany hath seen and any other Countrey may where Anabaptisticall Enthusiasts are tolerated and from toleration come in time to prevail and rule I will not make a question of it to dispute it for I have but little to say for it but I desire only to propose it that learned Naturalists and Physicians may if they please consider of it Whether it be probable or possible that naturall Ecstasies and Enthusiasms such as proceed from naturall causes merely should be contagious though not contagious in the same manner as the Plague or the Pox is yet contagious in their kind Neither indeed are all contagious diseases contagious in one kind A mad Dogge is not contagious with his Breath Fraâ—astorius that hath written of that subject saith with his Teeth only and not except some bloud be drawn But it is not my purpose to inquire into the truth of that now I would only suppose that all diseases that are contagious are not contagious in the same manner The chiefest ground of my suspicion is the history of those ancient Hereticks who were commonly known under the name for they had many others besides as Enthusiasts c. of Messaliani a Syriack word that is Euchites or Prayers because they were wont to pray themselves into raptures and ecstasies of which we shall speak more in its proper place But that I have here to say of them is that whereas this strange Sect as most others began by a few it did in time so spread and prevail that whole Monasteries whole Townes and almost Countries were infected with it Neither could any other cure be found but absolute destruction Which may seem strange that that wherein the happinesse and perfection of a Christian being well used doth chiefly consist as being that which bringeth man nearest unto God through abuse and excesse should become liable to the punishment of highest crimes But in this quaere we go upon a wrong ground I know if it be conceived that those men were really possest as some have thought anciently For my part I see no cause to believe it but I leave every man free I propose it to them that shall be of my opinion as I doubt not but some will be and we shall say more afterwards of it in due place II. Our second question which we proposed is Whether through any Naturall Ecstasie the Soul may really quit the Bodie and then return I shall begin with the consideration of what some Ancients have thought and written But before that I must professe that I do not in such high points adscribe so much unto ancient Heathens except it be some of the most solid and rationall among them as to think their opinion in a serious discourse a sufficient
eloquent piece But for the reality of the thing which is our businesse The first thing I shall take into consideration is the use of those Figures of Speech by which Speech is adorned as much as by any other kind of ornament which we call Metaphors and Similitudes and Allogories Of their use and excellency in point of Eloquence if well used of the right use of them no man need to read any other then Aristotle who as in all other points of humane learning so in this particular hath behaved himself not as an excellent Orator only but as a Philosopher that is as one that had the perfect knowledge of Nature without which knowledge nothing else though it seemeth never so remote can rightly be uÌ„derstood Now what it is that maketh such Figures Ornaments of Speech so pleasant and so taking I shall answer in the words of one who could both judge and speak very well himself but it is the sense of all that have written of that argument Quod omnis translatio quae quidem ratione suÌ„pta est ad sensus ipsos admovetur maxime oculorum qui est sensus acerrimus that is Because every Metaphor and so of the rest that is proper and natural exposeth the things that are spoken of to the senses especially to that of the eyes which of all senses is the quickest sense Which makes me wonder that S. Augustine in his book De Doctrina Christiana should make it such a difficult businesse to be resolved why the same thing delivered in plain and perspicuous language should not be so pleasing as when it is set out with Metaphors and Allegories whereof he gives some examples there difficile est dicere saith he alia est quaestio But I know that S. Augustine was so good a Naturalist and an Orator too which he once professed that he could easily have found the reason of it himself though none had found it before him but difficile est dicere in reference to his reason he might say such speculations of nature are not for every capacity nor that perchance so seasonable a place in his judgement for such a speculation But this very reason that makes them so pleasing in ordinary language hath brought Metaphors out of credit with Philosophers that seek not the pleasures of the senses but the naked truth of things Aristotle in his Topicks condemneth them Plutarch saith they are children for the most part or sensually given that are so taken with such Figures of Rhetorick I would produce his words but that there is somewhat to be amended in them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in all editions I have seen a vast difference which I have done elsewhere in another work which may one day see light perchance and therefore will spare that labour here Seneca allowes them to Philosophers not as commendable of themselves nor as Poets use them for a shew and to delight sed ut imbecillitatis nostrae adminicula sint ut discentem audientem in rem praesentem adducant that is because of humane infirmity that by the help of such figures the teacher may bring his hearers to the knowledge of those things by a kind of present sight which otherwise they cannot understand S. Chrysostome hath the same thing and is very large upon it upon the seventh Psalm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Therefore saith he speaking of Metaphors and Allegories the Scripture doth use such grosse or course expressions that it may fit the coursenesse or dulnesse of our understandings But besides such Figures as Metaphors Allegories and the like there is a certain propriety of speech which they commonly call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though there be that make a difference or lively representation others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a phantasie or a representation of shapes and images It is so called saith Longâ—nus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is When by a kind of Enthusiasme and strong apprehension of the mind you think you see what you speak of and so set it out by words to those that hear you that you make it in a manner visible Of this property or faculty common Rhetoricians treat largely and bring divers examples out of best Authors Many excellent places out of Homer and Virgil the two Poets that have been the admiration of all Ages which have afforded men of judgement compared together may be found in Macrobius his Saturnalia and Julius Caes Scaliger in the fifth of his Poetices I have read somewhere that Phidias an ancient famous Statuary adscribed especially that so much renowned and almost adored piece of his Jupiter Olympius to the reading of Homer How farre the reading of excellent Poets or Orators may conduce to painting or carving I know not it is out of my profession to judge This I can speak of my self that when I read any such passage in any of those principal Poets or Orators I do not only phansy to my self that I see those things that they describe but also find in my self as I phansy the very same content and pleasure that I should if my eyes beheld them in some whether coloured or carved representation of some excellent Artist As for example when I read Laocoon his tragical end and story set out by Virgilius in the second book of his Aeneids I do not think I read it with much less admiration or pleasure then they receive that go a hundred or a thousand miles perchance to behold that incomparable Laocoon now at Rome to be seen which was an admiration to the beholders even when Artists were at the highest of esteem and perfection as by Pliny and others that write of it may appear so many hundred of yeares above a thousand since how much more now to all that can judge since that noble Art hath suffered so notable declination Not with much lesse admiration I say saving that which much derogates from admiration I have a Virgil alwaies at command and can turn to it when I please the other I never saw but in paper picture and even so not without some admiration nor can hope ever to see for many reasons But there is more in Virgil then in that carved piece the description of the two Serpents which I most admire their gliding pace and motions or what should I call it upon the Seas towards the place of execution Now if any body shall think much of this that a man should be made to see without eyes and should by the benefit of his eares really compasse pleasures that properly belong unto the eyes I would have him to remember what he hath read before if he have read from the beginning that a man may see inwardly as well as outwardly without eyes though not without visible species whether materiall or spirituall we will not dispute and that those pleasures we commonly adscribe to the
inclinable to believe that such Cures were done by Evil Spirits the further to engage men in that Idolatrous kind of Worship And not only in the veneration of Heathenish Gods in generall but in the veneration of those Temples also where they were worshipped and of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or sacred as supposed obdormitions of men and women in Temples by the means whereof what horrid pranks were sometimes brought to passe we have a notable instance in Josephus and of the execution just and due upon the actors and contrivers of it As for other Dreams upon other occasions whereof the books and relations of Ancients are so full imputed by them to Revelations I see not any thing in most of them but may very well be adscribed unto mere Conceit and Superstition It is the more to be wondered at I confesse that not ordinary men only as divers Poets and some Orators and Philosophers should tell us of such but that even learned Physicians should adscribe so much unto such phansies Hippocrates in his Epistles if genuinus Hippocrates which I can scarce believe hath a large relation of the God Aesculapius how he appeared unto him about Democritus his businesse Galen often how that he had a Dream to write such and such a book to go or to forbear such a journey If men give their minds unto such things there is no question but they shall phansie sometimes nay often much more then there is just ground for sometimes it may be somewhat may happen extraordinarily but men I think were better want it by farre if it come by Superstition and not by immediate Providence as out of doubt unto some sometimes that are not superstitious The ancient Heathens had their sortes Homericae and even Christians anciently some their Observations not much unlike unto them Observations I say upon the first words that should offer themselves unto them at the first opening of some part of the Bible but of the Psalms especially What S. Augustine his judgement is of such what is the determination of some Councills hath been observed by them that have written of that subject we shall but touch upon it here It is a common storie that Franciscus Junius that translated the Old Testament with Tremellius out of the Hebrew and lived to be a great Writer in these later times was not a Christian heartily untill the first words of S. John's Gospell were offered unto him by a strange providence as he apprehended I have read somewhat of Ignatius Loyola too the founder of the Jesuites not much unlike Suspicius Severus in the life of Martinus that holy Bishop hath some observations upon the Psalms that were read in course when he was consecrated He makes a particular providence of it as I remember A thousand such relations a man shall meet with in all kind of books if he think them worth his observation But as in Dreams so in this I make great difference between those things that offer themselves without any seeking and those which upon destinated seeking and curiosity In the first kind there is no question but God if he please may use that way sometimes as well as any other to reveal some things extraordinarily But for the other as it is a mere tempting of God and little differing as is disputed at large by learned Peucerus in his books De Divinatione from direct Witchcraft so if any thing happen in that way that is extraordinary and may resent of some kind of revelation or prediction I should much suspect the author and be more affraid of the end as rather tending to draw a man to further mischief by degrees then out of any good will or for any present advantage to be reaped thereby I know one very well I mean it in a vulgar not philosophicall sense which would be too much presumption who from his child-hood having alwayes been though staied and sober enough in his ordinary conversation somewhat boisterous and violent in his play and ordinary recreation for which he had suffered many times and sometimes had been in danger of his life and yet could not leave it in his elder yeares at a certain time when he was playing with a child of his which he loved very well it was his luck to run his forehead against a plain pillar but with such vehemencie that he was almost felled with the blow and was stupid for a while As the place began to swell the skin being broken in divers places but without bleeding and to grow blue whilst his forehead was a binding somewhat having been applied unto it as soon as it could be made readie he was carried by a strange instinct up many staires to his Studie making them that were about him much against their wills to follow him and not without some wonder In his Studie a long room at the farthest end out of a case of shelves that contained above 5 or 600 small books he took down one himself not knowing to what end which happened to be Lactantius and at the very first opening cast his eyes upon these words which he did not remember ever to have read in him before nor any like in any other Author Summa ergo prudentia est pedetentim incedere He read no further and it made so much impression in him when he remembred what he had partly escaped and partly suffered that he could think of little else all the day and he did think especially when he had heard what had happened unto a very good friend of his that he had fared the better afterwards for that warning and perchance escaped somewhat that might have been his death not long after I make no question but many such things do happen unto many both good and bad but either not observed and better not observed then turned into superstition or soon forgotten Wherein there may be some danger of Unthankfulnesse I confesse as well as Superstition in the excesse that is when either we think too much of such things before they happen of themselves or too well of our selves when they have happened CHAP. V. Of Poeticall Enthusiasme The Contents Poeticall and Rhetoricall Enthusiasme how near in nature though the faculties themselves Oratorie and Poetrie seldome concurring in one man The perfection both of Poets and Orators to proceed from one cause Enthusiasme The division of Poets according to Jul. Caes Scaliger Poets by nature and by inspiration Plato his Dialogue concerning that subject Not only Poets but their actors also c. according to Plato's doctrine divinely inspired Plato not to be excused in that Dialogue though more sound in some others Much lesse Scaliger a Christian for his expressions in this subject if not opinions as some have apprehended him Homer the occasion of Plato's Dialogue how much admired by the Ancients by Aristotle particularly His language his matter and why not so much admired and so ravishing in our dayes as he hath been formerly Some use
as among them that professe Christianity and seem to be zealous as zealous as can be there be many that are nothing lesse then Christians So amongst them that are true sanctified orthodox Christians some may be found that have more zeal then they have discretion to discern between time and time persons and persons and other circumstances by which they that intend to do good ought as by the word of God they are directed to guide their zeal But it is more likely that he intends it of true zeal for not long after he useth the same words of S. Peter eodem mentis ardore quo caetera whose zeal though it were not alwaies seasonable and therefore sharply reproved by Christ in a place yet alwayes true and sincere God forbid that we should make any question I had rather be silent then not to speak well But because my silence may be misconstrued where so much opportunity doth invite as well as my judgement I will rather expose my self to censure then to disappoint my reader of his expectation There is one that calls himself Nicolaus Leonicus Thomaeus an Italian of no small credit in his dayes and I wish no man had done worse upon Aristotle then he hath done who hath set out some philosophical Discourses or Dialogues as he calls them the title of one of which is Sadoletus five De Precibus The subject of the Dialogue is what it is that maketh Prayers available I have read it more then once I am sorry I can make nothing of it whether I consider him as a Christian especially having interessed two Cardinals and one Bishop in the businesse the one by his Dedication the two other as Interlocutors or as a mere Philosoper his chiefest undertaking The Reader may quickly satisfie himself It is no long discourse And when he hath done if he judge otherwise let him condemne my dulnesse not my malignity I shall think my self much beholding to him for it I shall conclude this Chapter with a relation I have read some things and heard of many that I have thought strange in that kind but never met with any thing of that nature that I took more notice of My Author is one that I have named already more then once as I take it Antonius Benivenius whom I find often quoted by learned Physicians without any exception which makes me to give him the more credit though I find my self often posed with his relations However the very circumstances of this relation if judiciously considered are such as can admit of no suspicion But the Reader may believe as much or as little as he pleaseth It may be some ease to him Quanto expeditius est dicere Mendacium fabula est as Seneca somewhere just as he that confuted Bellarmine with three words in the Pulpit if he be resolved to believe nothing that he cannot understand it shall not trouble me who undertake not for the truth of it I trust him whom many before me men of good judgement have trusted more then which no ingenuous Reader will require of me And as I undertake not for the truth so I will passe no further judgement upon the cause The case out of his Latine in my English is this A certain Florentine whose name was Gaspar having received a wound in the Breast or about the Heart whilest he endeavors to pull out the dart pulls out the arrow but leaves the point behinde When the Chirurgions had done all that could be done by art and skill to get it out and all in vain because it stuck so fast in one of the inmost Ribbs that it was impossible to draw it without a larger wound and some danger of breaking the said Ribb or without taking away part of the Ribb with it he resolved to undergo any death though never so painfull rather then to submit to such a cure But at last being grown desperate he attempted to hang himself or to cast himself into the next River Arnus or into some deep Well and had done it had not his friends that were about him watched him with great care and diligence Among them there was one Marioctus by name a man of approved piety and integrity who besought him with great importunity that giving over desperation he would endeavour to commit so incurable an evil into the hands of God the author of all salvation Gaspar being at last perswaded by him betakes himself to God and ceased not both night and day to pray till at last he was taken with a spirit of divination or fell into fits of divination so that he would tell who were coming to him to visit him even when they were yet farre off Besides that he would name all men though never seen before by their right names and exhort all that came to him to fear God and to be confident of his help in time of need That himself was now not only assured of his recovery and of the day and hour particularly but by the same light that assured him he also foresaw many other things that should happen as that he was to go to Rome and dy there the banishment of Petrus Medicis and his flight the distresses Calamities of Florence the ruine of Italy and divers other things which for brevity we omit the fulfilling whereof for the most part we have already seen As for the point it came out of the wound of its own accord the very day hour that he had foretold and when it was come out he ceased to prophesy and after a while being gone to Rome he died there I said I would passe no judgement upon the cause neither shall I. However did not I believe that it had some relation to the contents of this Chapter the Reader may be sure it should not be here But though here yet not any thing from thence to be concluded of the cause if he remember what hath been said of some cases some mixed cases of others so uncertain and obscure as not by me at least at all determinable My Author makes it a Miracle Miraculo liberatus is his argument prefixed before the Chapter I oppose it not and I like it the better First because in such an extremity that seemed as much above the patience as help of man there was no other way that either piety or discretion could suggest but to be importunate with God And secondly because addresse was made unto God immediately This may relish of Lutheranisme with them that have more zeal for Saints then they have for God or at the best think they serve God best when they pray to them who but lately as to God and Eternity were their fellow-servants But Nicolaus Remigius I hope Privy Counseller to the Duke of Lorrein as a Duke so a Cardinal too and a great Judge in capital causes within his Dominions was no Lutheran Let any man read the first and the fourth Chapter of his third book of Daemonolatry and let him
judge whether there be not cause to suspect such addresses as are made unto Saints in such cases But this is more then I intended I leave the rest to the Reader and so conclude this Chapter FINIS See the particulars at the end of the 3. Chapter Of contemplative or philosoph Enthus pa. 119 c. See Quintus Curtius and others Plut. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. alibique Hence it is that ancient authors as Aristotle Strabo and some others affirme that Poetrie in matter of writing and composition was in use long before prose which might seem strange if not incredible if we judge by the dispositions of later times but of those times and tempers not less probable then certain Primi ergo inter Graecos superstitionuÌ„ magistri illi Theologi ab his dicti Poetaeque qui Deorum genealogias decantaveruÌ„t mysteriaque numinum cultum tradiderunt sapientiae nomine celebrantur cum hi in nulla sapientiae parte operam posuisse sint dicendi fucatè vero personateque illam quae politica dicitur coluisse videantur c. Petrus Valentia in De judicio erga verum ex ipsis primis fontibus Antuerpiae 1596. Plut. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarch de placit phil l. 5. c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Xenoph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 1. Lev. Lemn de occul nat mir l. 2. c. 2. Lucian Philops Ald. ed. p. 318. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. An id potius vult Lucianus pro daemoniaci cujusque loco patriave ita daemonem vel Graece vel alia quavis linguâ quae propria fit illius loci respendere Jo. Leo Afric Descr Afr. lib. 6. p. 246. Aug. Confess lib. 10. c. 8. c. Exercit. contra Card. 307.28 Bod. Theat Nat. p. 529 c. Bud. Annot. in Pand. ed. Lug. 1562. p. 698. Plin. Nat. Hist lib. 7. c. 52. Cicero 1. De Divin * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The word Angel for a good Spirit is used by divers heathens Cic. 1 Tuscul Thuanus Hist sui temp tom 5. lib. 123. * See more below in the First question in S. Augustin 's words concerning Restitutus Eras Ad. Chil. 4. Cent. 5. Cic. 5. Tuscul Quaest * See Abrah Ecchel in HabdarrhamaÌ„um De proprietat c. Not. p. 155.160 * Baron tom 12. a. d. 1163. § 21. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. * See below 3. question at the beginning Tertul. de Anima c. 9. Baronius a. d. 173.31.70 201.7 c. Jos Acosta de temporibus novis lib. 2. c. 11. Rom. ed. 1590. p. 54. c. Fyenus de virib imagin Tertul. advers haer cap. 4. Jul. Caes Claudini Consultat medic Resp 21. August De Civ Dei l. 14. c. 24. Bodin Theat Nat. p. 503. The words I know may have another meaning as commonly interpreted but this too may be right enough and is warrantable by other places in Hippocrates Palmar de morbis contag p. 311. * Since this written I have seen one Sandaeus of the same argument but have not yet found in him any thing much material that is not in Hersentius though I do not find that be maketh any mention of him any where * See Chap. 6. * Some may make a difference between ignoratio and ignorantia But I know not how to do it in English except I may be allowed to say unknowingness or the like The life of sister Catharine of Jesus c. at Paris 1628. See the Epistle to the Reader * Wigelius Stifelius Jac. Behmius and divers others of that countrie mere Fanaticks as unto any sober man may appear by their Writings some of which have been translated into English But of them and their phrenfies see more if you desire it in Christ Becmanus not to mention others his Exerercitationes Theologicae * See more below in the 4. Particular where of Greg. Nyssen Casserius c. Rodolp Agric. lib. 3. De Inventione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aâ—ist Rhet. lib. 3. c. 1. Longinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ed. in quarto Bafil p. 7. Oxon. in octavo cum Notis viri Cl. Guil. L. p. 11. The English of these passages is not material because tending only to shew the use of the word See also at the end of 4. Particular of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Philostr in vita Apol. lib. 4. edit Ald. quatern d. 4. initio pag. Senec. de tranquil cap. ult * It is so in best edit not ascend lest any should think it a mistake Sen. 2. de Clem. c. 2. * Arist 3. Ethic. c. 8. Polit. lib. 9. c. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Thucyd. Hist lib. 3. Sen. Epist 108. Dion Halicarn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quintil. lib. 10. c. 1. Cic. in Oratore Plut. in vita Cic. * Ecclesiast ch 9. v. 11. but time and chance by which words what is to be understood hath been shewed elsewhere Quintilian See more below towards the end of this Chapter Hippocr 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or as others more probably 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 initio libri More Nev. lib. 2. c. 37. Phil. Jud. De migrat Abrah Ribera in Com. in Hos cap. 5. Epist lib. 1. epist. 22. A. Gellius Noct. Attic. l. 5. c. 1. Quintil. lib. 9. c. 4. Cicero in Bruto Cic. 3. De Orat Plutarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Seneca Epist 59. Quintil. Institut lib. 10. c. 7. * See more in the Chapter of Poeticall Enthusiasme Cic. Epist. ad Att. lib. 9. Plin. Epist lib. 1. Plut. in vita Coriol M. Aurel. Anton Meditat. lib. 1.5 9. Joseph lib. 18. Lact. De Opif. D. c. 1. ed. Crisp in 16. p. 672. Joan. Fabricii Specimen Aâ—ab pag. 174. Statuis idem Scal. c. Cicer. 2. De Orat. Nam quae de Nerone Caligula Domitiano reliquis pestibus humani generis scripta leguntur ludum jocumque dixeris prae insana hujus rabie Paulus Oderbornius in vita quatern L. 2. Witebergae an Dom. 1585. Ibid. quatern X 5. N 6. b. In arce Alexandrovia c. V 2. b. Sed tyrannum fera rabie c. August de Hares cap. 57. Hist Arab. ab Erpenio publicata Plut. in Coriolano The words are quoted by some other as by Clem. Alex. for one but neither written as I remember nor interpreted by him as by Plut. Chrysost in Psal 10. Eccles 2.10 Anton. Benivenius de abd n. ac mir morb ac san causis ed. Bas an D. 1529. c. 10. p. 215. c.