Vomitories which do only cleanse the stomach and others which draw humours from all the parts of the body which in sundry diseases are more profitable than the former When therefore one hath taken a vomit let him not hasten as many do to the use of possets for by filling the stomack they do too soon stirre up the working of the vomit which is thereby cast out of the stomach before it hath diffused its vertue into the whole body and so it doth not at all attract the noxious humours and yet molests the stomach not a whit the lesse But let him rather rest awhile till it be reduced into act and work twice or thrice without taking any drink at all Thus wee shall be sure that only those things which be hurtfull in the stomach and body shall be voided out Where it is to be noted that posset drinks are not prescribed by Physicians that they may further the operation of the vomit For what posset drink is prescribed in vomits for in the beginning they rather dull and diminish the strength and vertue of it but only to take away the irksomnesse of vomiting namely that the stomach may be more easily overwhelmed for many times repletion alone doth cause vomiting otherwise it were better to take nothing at all that the Physick not being altered by any mixture of meat or drink might draw nothing but the noxious humours into the stomach But perhaps some say that Paulus and Aetius two famous Physicians did prescribe a vomit after meat when there is a feaver of a long durance And Avicenne is also of the same minde speaking of the cure of an impure Tertian And know saith hee that nothing helps them more then a vomit after meat Canon 4. tract â— cap. 40. Galen likewise prescribes a vomit after meat but Alexander Trallianus blames him because it is better to provoke vomit before meat which is true for the forenamed reasons For a vomit after meat purges the stomach only and the humours contained therein and not them which are in the veins unlesse with a very great forcing of nature I must needs comfesse therefore that the patient doth vomit the easier after meat but with lesse commoditie But if the sick be prone and apt to vomit it is better to provoke vomit fasting and before meat or drinke for so the Physick drawes the humours better out of the veines Gentilis and Arâ—ularius two most excellent interpreters of Avicenne are of this opinion in the Chapter of the cure of a quartane Feaver If the patient vomit easily it may be administred before meat to draw melancholy from the Spleen to the stomach But if it come difficultly it is better to give it after meat that he may vomit the easier which may also be applyed to drink taken presently after If therefore the vomit be prescribed only for emptying the stomach from grosse humours it will not be amisse first to eat or drink or at least presently after But if the whole body be to be cleansed it must be taken fasting and the patient must not eat nor drink any thing after untill the vertue of the Medicine brought into act hath penetrated the whole body because immediately after the taking of drink the attractive vertue of the remedie is dulled Therefore those possets should not be taken before the patient hath vomited once or twice Best to vomit once or twice before one take the posset drink but afterwards they may be taken that the sick may vomit the easier and the grosse humours bee better dissolved and cast out The same hath Hartman a late Chymicall writer in his Notes upon Crollius observed who forbids to drink immediately after the taking of a vomit untill the patient hath vomited two or three times for otherwise it dulls the force of the medicine but when the humours have been sufficiently moved hee permits a good draught and in the end for to cleanse the stomach and evacuate the reliques CHAP. XXIII That old men may bee blooded without danger THe common people most commonly are disposed to thwart and contradict Physicians which as in many other particulars may bee seen in this that if one be sick of a Fever wherein it is profitable yea necessary to let blood they are ready to excuse declining age as not able to endure this remedy and this I have often heard of some not fifty yeares old and otherwise very strong and vigorous Indeed in the administration of all remedies the strength of the patient ought especially to be regarded insomuch as if it be defective we must withhold strong remedies even from a boy or a young man But because there is not the same duration and continuance of strength in all but some at threescore and ten are more cheerfull and vigorous than others at fifty the Physician regards not so much the number of yeares Physicians regard not the number of years but strength as the strength and vigour of the sick Therefore if a strong old man be troubled with the Pleurisie inflammation of the Lungs burning Fever or other such diseases there is no doubt but he may and ought to be let blood for these diseases can scarce bee cured without this remedy but if the sick have not strength to endure the remedie he must of necessity perish and so all diseases in old men should be mortall Galen himselfe in his booke of Phlebotomie prescribes blooding for old men of threescore and ten years and I my self have seen a man threescore and thirteene years old who was let blood foure times within the space of three daies and had thirty ounces of blood at the least taken from him Rhazes also did let blood in a decrepit old man which was sick of a grievous Pleurisie Therefore age is not to be measured by the number of years but by the strength of the patient which if it be vigorous in very old men why shall remedies necessary for their diseases bee denied them It is indeed certain that every old man is weaker than when he was young and therefore hee must bee let blood more sparingly than if he were yet young neverthesse it may be that if hee were compared to another young man he would bee found stronger than he and more able to endure physick There is then no age except decrepit old age but it may endure some evacuation Now decrepit old age because it hath but little blood and very many raw humours is unfit for this remedie But the other ages that are in the middle betwixt the first and the last have their degrees of strength and therefore doe admit of some sort of evacuation This did Cornelius Celsus teach very well Lib. 2. cap. 10. It is no matter saith he what the age is or what is within the body but what the strength is Seeing then this is a thing not doubted of among Physicians the sick ought not to gainsay if at any time a Physician command
it is farre otherwise For now Surgery doth challenge unto it selfe five kindes of diseases to wit Tumours besides Nature Wounds Ulcers Dislocations and Fractures whereof the three first in proper right belong to a physicall consideration and in them a formall method of curing is very conspicuous Therefore Galen beginnes his Method of healing with the cures of Ulcers and ends it in the cure of Tumours And although in times past surgeons were different from physicians yet they did never vindicate to themselves these parts of physick That they doe belong to a physicall notion it will appeare if we consider that these diseases doe not onely happen to the externall but to the internall parts likewise Tumours besides Nature of all sorts may be in the internall parts the Frensie is a phlegman or erysipelas of the Braine the Plurisie is a phlegman or erysipelas of the Membrane that covereth the Ribbes as also the Liver and Spleene may be troubled with a phlegman erysipelas or a schyrrous Tumour In like manner Ulcers of all sorts doe happen in all the internall parts of the body among which notable is that in the breast which we call the Consumption They that have written Tractates of Surgery doe treate of Ulcers and Tumours without the determination of any part Now if a physician know not the generall way of curing Ulcers and Tumours nor their differences causes signes and prognosticks how shall he be able to cure those that arise in the inward parts It is needfull then that he know those things But if he know them that better many times than the Surgeon himselfe Not improper for a physician to practise surgery in respect of his learning which now a daies is not desired in a Surgeon why shall he not practise Surgery after the same manner that he doth physick to wit by prescribing not by applying remedies Hence is it that whosoever have written any thing of Surgery worthy of praise from Hippocrates his time unto this our age have been alwaies physicians except a few late writers who have presented nothing to us but what wee had before Yea a physician had need to be skillfull in that part which concernes chyrurgicall operations because without the advise of a physician the Surgeon himselfe ought not to meddle with those Chyrurgicall operations as is usually observed in many countries beyond the seas And in some countries no man doth practise Surgery but he that is doctour of physick which is a very good and laudable custome CHAP. XI Whether a Physician may make up his own Medicines or no. FUrthermore a physician ought especially to be skilfull in * Pharmacie The art of curing by medicines which consists in choice preparation and composition of simple Medicaments For now adayes many of our Apothecaries are to seeke in this point being altogether ignorant of the operations that belong thereunto and yet are so bold that they dare practise physick because when they have served their Apprentiship perhaps under a Master ignorant enough too they thinke well of themselves and if they have reserved some of the physicians Bills they use them too boldly But some thinke it a thing unbeseeming the dignitie of a physician to prepare his Medicines and that Apothecaries were therefore ordained by publique authority that they might ease physicians of that labour This custome hath been in force ever since * Galens time 7. de med secundum locos cap. 3. And Horace in his Satyres makes mention of Pamphilus an Apothecary â— ejusdem The same * Galen doth distinguish a physician from Herbarists such as let blood those that make or sell sweet ointments and others whom hee calls a physicians servants Neverthelesse that in times past physicians have compounded their owne Medicines the history of Philip King Alexanders physician doth sufficiently manifest Galen himselfe made a Triacle Pachius an * Hiera A purging medicine Horatius Augenius doth highly commend that physician which makes up his own Medicaments Plantius in the life of Fernel reports that that great physician was wont with his own hands to compound his Remedies Therefore I thinke times and places are to bee distinguished for Galen did not compound at Rome because there were there Workmen for that purpose onely at Pergamus hee did For whereas at first of old physicians did performe both themselves at length for the multitude of patients they left that care to their servants as now adaies Apothecaries doe commit it to their servants and Apprentices and so by little and little it became a profession of its owne kinde Yet nothing hinders but physicians when they please may prepare their own remedies And that it is not unbeseeming a physician Physicians may make up their owne medicines not only the forenamed examples but even reason it selfe doth illustrate For remedies doe cure without a physician but not a physician without remedies therefore the nature of remedies is more excellent then the physician wherefore it is no disgrace for the physician who is only a Minister of nature to prepare and compound them But because something must be yielded to place and custome which hath differenced Apothecaries from physicians the Physician will have nothing for sale but he may compound some speciall medicines for himselfe the rest are to be committed to the care of the honest and diligent Apothecary CHAP. XII Of them that are thought to have some secrets NOw because nothing is perfect in every respect it may so fall out that common remedies and they perhaps ridiculous ones may be extolled by many for great secrets which they will reveale to no man and wisely done too because they have nothing that is worthy the name of a secret Therefore let us say something of these secrets for they that professe themselves to have them may easily obtrude them upon the people and if any man should lay claime to a common remedy knowne to all as proper to himselfe he shall scarce be convicted of a lye Therefore in the first place it is to be considered 3 things necessary to the curing of diseases that there is necessary unto a cure the knowledg of the disease the method of healing and the use of indications without which no remedy can be applyed For remedies are the finger of God but as a sword in the hand of a mad man they are good indeed to him that uses them aright but dangerous being administred by him that neither knowes well the disease nor the method of curing Secondly the diseases being found out the physician ought to know the matter of remedies and the method of compounding that he may answer the Indications If he know well these 4 things the disease the method of curing the matter of remedies and manner of compounding he needs not these secrets for he is able to prescribe as good remedies yea perhaps better then those secrets are which are so highly boasted of I have read a story of Gapivaccius in
I could finde by urine alone a certaine knowledge of a womans conception nor of the epilepsie nor of a quartane feaver for it is but a deceitfull and equivocall messenger Which things indeed doe very much agree with our times I have often seene that opinion which by the urine the Physician had declared to have beene changed when he saw the sicke partie and which is more many simple fellowes that impudently meddle with Physick being called to the patient by whose urine they had before fully explained the disease not onely to have changed their opinion but to become lesse able to judge at al of the disease although they had both the Patient and his urine before their faces Fiftly the urine is altered by meates drinks exercises aire sleepe washing and divers other causes and so makes the judgment to be but conjecturall therefore Avicenne after six houres others after two houres would not have an urine looked into How grosly then doe they erre that rashly judge of urines that be brought to them many miles Hence it comes to passe that many that are noe Physicians but meerly made to cheat the people doe promise more then good Physicians are able to performe Nor can I except even ministers that practise Physick who of all men should be most holy Sixthly * Galen sayes well that in urine there are noe signes that doe certainly portend the frenzy 2. proch text 2. or the affects of the head for it onely signifyes saith he the distempers of the liver kidneys and bladder but there be other signes and symptomes of the diseases of the braine Yet Actuarius saith that the diseases of the liver braine necke breast yea and of his joynts also may be discerned by urine and Hippocrates writes that when a mans urine is like to the urine of a beast it shewes a paine in the head In like manner the excrements of the whole body have recourse as Physicians say to the belly and the urine by which it may be changed thus thinne fleame falling from the head makes a frothy urine 4 aphot 73. and Hippocrates thinkes that the grievous frettings and gripings of the gutts and hypochondres may be resolved by urine But this belongs onely to prognostickes for the very gripings themselves cannot be knowne by the urine much lesse their solution But the most witty Argenterius did deservedly laugh at Actuarius for endeavouring to point out in urine the signes of diseases in the braine the breast and the joynts For though the excrements of the whole body may be evacuated by the urine yet that happens not alwaies for many parts although grievously affected doe not alter the urine at all Moreover the excrements are but the causes of diseases and not diseases themselves As for that which may be said of the headach and the frenzy Galen answers it Text 4 Sect 1. proch * where he saith that the signes of the frenzy are either those that are alwayes in the phreneticke and in them onely or which are alwaies in them but not in them onely or which are neither alwaies in them nor in them onely but sometimes are apparent and sometimes not and happen from other causes From whence it is manifest saith hee that neither in urine nor in dejections of the belly nor in spittle nor in vomits are there any signes of the Frenzy Neither doe troubled Urines nor such as have any elevation aloft nor frothy Urines alwaies betoken the aforesaid affects but doe likewise proceed from other causes and if at any time they declare any of these they doe it with other signes for the aforesaid affects may bee without such Urines From whence it may bee concluded that those signes which doe not alwaies accompany a disease nor yet folely cannot indicate any disease but such are urines For Galen teaches that they by chance may betoken a frensie because they iddicate a windy blood but not by themselves and properly Therefore saith he in the afore cited place what hath been said of Urines makes nothing to a judgement of the Frensie yet they doe conduce to the discerning whether the sick bee in any great danger or no. And therefore in all diseases it is not amisse to consider the Urine that the danger may be discerned Galen teaches in many places that the excrements are signes of the parts affected and of the disease as that the dejections are signs of the belly the spirtle of the breast snot of the brain and the urine of the liver and veines to wit that they are signes of the concoction which is made in those parts but seldome of the diseases themselves Therefore Urine cannot shew forth all diseases as for example the Plurisie is known by a paine of the side a Feaver a hard Pulse difficultie of breathing and cough without the urine and spittle for if these come likewise they shew the cause and prognosticks of the disease already known by other signes For though the Plurisie and Frensie cannot be knowne by urine yet if the urine appear very much changed it is an ill signe for it hetokens a distemperature not onely of the vitall and animall but of the naturall parts also And when many parts are out of frame the sick lies in so much the more danger Moreover sometimes the Urine shewes whether the disease be joyned with a Feaver or no for Galen teaches that in the affects of the belly 2. De Cris cap. 7. if they be without a Feaver only the excrements of the belly are to be looked into but if with a Feaver then the urine likewise not that wee may know the disease it selfe but that we may the better judge what will be the issue of the disease already known CHAP. II. That the sexe and being with childe cannot be discerned by Vrine whereof a certaine story THey that bring Urines to Physicians doe often aske them whether it be a mans or womans water and whether the woman be with childe or no. It is admirable to see how cunningly some in this case deale with the people But that neither the sex nor graviditie can bee discerned I will demonstrate For although the Urine of a young man and an old man of a man and a woman be different each from other yet that is onely in colour and consistence which seeing they may bee changed by divers other causes it will not properly shew whether it be a mans or a womans for a cholerick woman after exercise and the use of hot meats will make higher coloured urine than a flegmatick man Moreover she which hath a Feaver or some other disease without doubt changes her urine according to the nature of the disease How shall he therefore that lookes into an urine discerne the Sex when he knowes not the temperature of them that made the urine Therefore if a healthfull man be compared with a healthfull woman a cholerick man with a cholerick woman and a sick man with a sick woman
account thick and and troubled urine a good signe because the obstructions seeme to be opened and the humour that breeds the disease to be evacuated This happens indeed sometimes in the stone in criticall evacuations and by vertue of medicament They betoken crudity But when such waters are made without a diminution of the disease they argue a crude and stubborne disease and heat and cruditie of humours for all concoction makes cleare urines But they are the worst of all which are pissed out troubled and continue so because of the very great agitation of the humours in the veines and the great conflict that nature hath with the disease and as Hippocrates observes they foretell the head-ach frenzy convulsion death 7. Epidem Polyphantus with such an urine was distracted in his mind and dyed in a convulsion CHAP. V. That the consumption cannot be knowne by the urine IT is a familiar thing also with many when they bring their waters to Physicians to aske them whether they thinke the sick party is in a consumption or no. In which particular they erre two manner of wayes First in that they doe not distinguish the true consumption from other diseases but call every wasting of the body by what cause soever it comes a consumption as we shall treat more at large in the following chapter Secondly because neither the ulcer of the lungs nor the hecticke 〈◊〉 which are properly consumptions can be known by by urine Nor have Galen and Hippocrates taken any signe of these diseases from urine the reason is because no proper nor unseparable signe of a consumption can be drawne either from the substance colour or contents because urine is the whey of the humours that are contained in the veines therefore upon the diversitie of humours the change of of urine doth depend But in them that have the consumption the lungs especially are affected and the whole body in hecticks and not the humours Wee have said already that the diseases of the lungs are discerned by spittle not by urine and though it be good to looke into urine yet it helps not to the knowledge of the disease but onely to the prognostication of the danger that is like to ensue for if it appeare to be naught it increases the danger But the Arabians said that these urines are fat and oyly whom also many of our late writers doe follow although they doe not agree among themselves yet for the most part they grant that in the beginning of a hectick nothing certaine can be knowne by urines but in processe of time when the fatty humidity is consumed such urines doe appeare as we have already said But Alexander Trallianus makes noe mention of fatty urines but thinne and fiery and crude for in regard that concoction is made by the solid parts if they be distempered the urine cannot be well concocted but be thinne fiery and crude as in a hot and dry distemper Neverthelesse from thence it cannot be concluded that a Physician not seeing the sick can by urines know a hecticke feaver for such urines appeare in other affects and may happen through divers causes and therefore except other causes doe concurre they note no certaintie The same may be said of oyly urines of which much might be spoken seeing that there is a diverse acception of this word with Galen and other Physicians But in this place those urines are meant which have fat swimming aloft which Hippocrates will have to be a bad signe 2. progn tex 35 If fat like to spiders webs float aloft it is to be disliked for it betokens melting Yet it doth not from thence follow that these urines doe shew the consumption for such urines are oftentimes seen in them that be in health 4. de sanitat tuendâ as Galen observe For seeing that grease and fatnesse are made of blood well concocted it is noe wonder if some portion thereof swimme above the urine as is usually found in coole broths Moreover it may come to passe by much lying upon the backe the fat of the kidneyes growing hot therewith and these two cases are very ordinary and there are few that cannot observe such urine in themselves But those that come from causes preternaturall doe appeare in malignant and burning feavers which we call * melting or wasting syntecticke feavers seldome in a consumption and hecticke in which no such melting doth appeare but the humours are wasted by an insensible transpiration 10. meth cap. ult Hence Galen puts this difference betwixt syntecticke hecticke feavers that in these what is wasted is resolved in forme of a vapour but in them it flowes downe into the belly for the heat of a hectick is but very little and gentle so as the sick do scarce perceive themselves to be in a feaver Therefore neither Galen nor Hippocrates nor the ancient Physicians who observed these urines did ever attribute them to hecticks but to burning and pestilentiall Feavers onely But if any fatnesse do flow out with the urine in hecticks it argues that another Feaver is joyned with the hectick to wit a malignant or burning Feaver which case is exceeding dangerous I have now while I write this a hectick in cure in whom such urine never appeared which I have often observed in others that are not sick at all And although we should grant that such urines appeare in those that be in a Consumption yet because they may also proceed from other causes how can the Physician that onely lookes upon the urine and perhaps knows not the party himselfe certainly finde out the disease But as we have said enough of the deceitfull judgement of Urines I will only adde thus much that it was wisely prohibited by the Colledge of Physicians at London that any Physician professe that counterfeit divination These are the words of that order It is a ridiculous and foolish thing by looking into Vrines alone Judging by urine a ridiculous custome to goe about after the mannor of Witches and Conjurers to divine any thing as certaine and solid either of the kinde and nature of diseases or of the state and condition of the sick Wee admonish therefore all Physicians that they behave themselves for the future in this particular much more warily than hath been wont heretofore to be practised by many And for this cause we forbid all that practise physick that they preseribe any thing in Physick for those idiots and silly women that carry about the urinals of the sick except they either first know well or see the sick party himself or at least be plainely fully and sufficiently informed by them that aske their counsell of the whole disease wherewith the sick doth labour and of the severall circumstances thereof For by this meanes we shall both better mainetain the dignitie of the Physician and also more fitly and skilfully bethink our selves of those remedies which shall be most profitable for one that is in
eighteen to five and thirty and in his third book the 29th Aphorisme Spitting of bloud and Consumptions doe happen to young men for seeing that young men have abundance of hot and bilious bloud and at that age the body grows but little it comes passe that both by the plenty and heat of the bloud and by salt fleagm arising from choler the vessels are corroded and broken as also by their immoderate exercises and other defaults in diet But they do seldome happen to children or old men to them because of their gentle and vaporous heat unlesse the naturall conformation of the body do incline to this disease or the contagion of another that hath the ulcer of the lungs doe hasten the maladie and to these because in an old mans body there is but a little quantity of humours and heat Therefore Celsus erred who translating this Aphorisme into Latine corruptly placed the 12th for the 18th as Mercurialis observes Avicenne in an error Avicenne likewise was mistaken who would have old men especially to be subject to the ulcer of the lungs except it be understood of the Marasmus of old age which in a manner happens to all by reason of old age but not of the ulcer of the lungs For although incurable catarhes and distillations of rheum happen to old men yet the humour is not so sharp that it can exulcerate the lungs Therefore he that hath not contracted this evill in his youth in old age by reason of his proper temperament needs not to fear it although I deny not but it may happen some other way as by the plurifie inflammation of the lungs corrupt matter betweene the breast and the lungs and other diseases but not by reason of the proper constitution of old men Which things I thought good to adde that if at any time some of the people aske a Physician whether the party be in a consumption or no he may know how to distinguish of the divers acceptions of a Consumption and need not feare the principall kinde thereof in old men and children I know Cornelius Celsus among the severall sorts of consumptions reckons the Cachexie in which the habit of the body doth rather swell than fall and I believe if we look unto the nature of the thing it is true yet because to the sight it rather appeares contrary I was for that cause willing to omit this signification If I had added here the causes of all these diseases the signes diagnostick and prognostick and manner of curing which once I was determined to do the book had grown into too great a volume nor doe I think that to be needfull for it is my purpose only to demonstrate the Errours of the people and not to teach Physick the people may for that advise with learned and honest Physicians Let us now hasten to other things CHAP. VII Of the Plague whether it be infections or no. SOme men are so froward Stoicall and obstinate as that they go about to take away from the plague all contagion and infection Others although they doe admit of it yet they think it an impious thing for a Christian to fear the evill or to fly from it Touching the former sort experience shewes and the authority of great men doth confirme that the plague is contagious No plague if no contagion Yea that is no true plague which wants contagion for though some diseases doe kill like the pestilence yet they are not the pestilence if they be not contagious but malignant and pestilentiall diseases without a plague The scab or itch otherwise a very light disease the skall leprosie madnesse the ulcer of the Lungs the Ophthalmie or inflammation of the eyes and the french pox doe infect those that are neere why not also the plague And unlesse it be contagious it could not be conveyed from one City to another which often happens without any precedent fault of the aire Indeed Galen Hippocrates and the Ancients made no manifest mention of contagion Yet Thucidides affirmes that that plague which he described was most contagious and therefore he perswades unto an early flight and a late returne of which counsell Galen being mindfull withdrew himselfe from Rome and in his 1. book de differ feb 2. he observes that it is not safe to converse with those that be infected For seeing that whether wee will or no wee must inspire aire there is no way to escape it but by removing far from them into some place where the best aire is and by late returning It matters not therefore what Petrus Salius a Physician otherwise very learned alledges to prove that there is not alwayes contagion in the pestilence First that Hippocrates Galen and the Ancients neither made any mention of it nor feared it Secondly that the Turks and other Nations think it to be an impious thing to avoid the company of them that are infected therewith Thirdly because many that converse among them that bee sick of it are not infected That Galen and Thucidides knew the contagion of it it is evident by what hathe been already said But yet we must confesse that they did not so exactly search out the nature and manner of it Aristotle in his problemes hath said something of it but very obscurely Galen also spoke a little of it 1. de differ feb but darkly and covertly The Ancients knew not all things they have left many things to be added by them that come after many things to bee changed many things to be more clearly explained Nor ought the Turkes example to move us Foelices errore suo quot ille malorum Maximus haud urget lethi metus they are happy in their owne errour whom that greatest of evils the feare of death doth not molest Therefore so often as the pestilence strayes among them it rages so cruelly that sometimes in one City it destroyes an hundred thousand men Nor is that which followes of more power to perswade that we see many men alive who without harme have conversed with infected persons who without doubt had perished if there had been any force of contagion in it But yet if so many thousands of men whom this communicated disease hath swept away and the families that have been wholly abolished should returne from death againe they would easily refute the opinion of a few survivours To set on an action 3 things are required the dominion of the agent over the patient the preparation of the patient and a convenient space of time for nothing acts in an instant To the dominion of the agent not only the operative vertue of it but also a due quantity is required for even deadly poysons doe little in a small quantity a spark of fire burnes but little The preparation of the patint is either manifest or occult Marsi are a people of Italy so called from Marsus Circes son Psilli are a people of Libia whose bodies are venime to serpents from an
That blood retained because for the smalnesse of the young one in the beginning of her graviditie it is not at all spent for the nourishment thereof doth putrifie and hath recourse either to the noble parts or at least annoyes them with filthy vapours which it sends forth from whence arise the aforesaid symptomes in the stomach intrailes belly head and the whole body as vomiting loathing of meat unsatiable longing and lusting gripings dizzinesse of the head and such like Seeing therefore the husband hath not in him the causes of these affects but his wife onely it stands with reason that shee onely should be sick Nor if any husband be sick when his wife is with childe was hee infected by his wife for that distemper may happen through some peculiar fault of his owne body As while I write this it raines yet neither is my writing the cause of the raine nor the raine of my writing It is no new thing for husbands and their wives to bee both sick together But it is a wonder and heretofore a thing unknown that graviditie or a womans being with childe is a contagious disease and that not other women but men only whom nature hath freed from this travaile should be infected therewith Furthermore it is observed that the same symptomes do not happen to all women or at least not all to every one and yet it often falls out that when the woman is in good health the husband is sick yea sometimes being many miles off But if he endure that by his wives being with childe how comes it to passe that she continues well at the same time For naturall causes doe sooner worke upon the near than upon the remote subject And for that cause seeing the woman carries about her such noxious humours she should be sooner and more grievously sick I know something might be said of simpathy antipathy contagion fascination and other such trifles But if these things be so why do not maids and widows who are very often troubled with the like symptomes through suppression of their flowers infect their bedfellows and familiars seeing there is the same cause and without doubt they may have a sympathy with some of them To cause a contagion not only the efficacie of the agent but also a disposition and analogy in the patient is requisite But who believes not that another woman is more prone to receive and take the symptomes of gravidity than a man seeing they were all created for propagation of children and therefore one woman ought to take great heed to her self of another Moreover it may happen that a woman that is sore troubled with the green sicknesse as they call it is married to a man whom notwithstanding although her flowers be suppressed she shall never infect why then when the same woman is with childe and there is no other reason of sickness then suppression of the flowers shall her husband be sick Men would be in an ill case if as often as there were a suppression of their wives flowers so often they not their wives should bee sick But because by the very relating of it the absurdity of this errour doth appeare I will adde no more Iupiter bore Bacchus in his thigh and Pallas in his brain but let this be proper to him alone CHAP. XIIII Whether forraine Physicians and Aliens can know the temper of the sick of another Countrey TO know the temperature of the sick conduces much to the knowledge of diseases and their cure and this businesse requires a long and difficult handling I will onely say thus much that some are of opinion that Strangers cannot know the temperature of them of another Country as French men of the English But that is repugnant to the nature of the Art of Physick the precepts whereof are generall The precepts of Physick are generall and may easily be applyed to any Country For every art is of universals not of particulars therefore here in England all that are skilfull Artists doe practise Physick according to the precepts of Galen and Hippocrates which if any man doe well understand he is able to discerne the diversitie of men according to their ages countries and the different temper of the aire and what medicaments are convenient for them Concerning which Hippocrates hath written an excellent book of aire waters and places For the Art of Physick wheresoever it is taught doth lay downe marks and signes which are taken from Countries both for the knowledge and prognostication of diseases and indications which the diversitie of Countries doth afford for the appointment of a right diet letting of bloud prescribing of purges and administring of all other remedies Otherwise it were no Art if it should accommodate its precepts to some particular place only Galen who was borne and brought up in Greece practised Physick at Rome Hence 3 prognost Hippocrates saith that his documents may be applyed to any Country either hot or cold to Lybia Delos Scythia and the rest Also the Arabians have borrowed from the Greeks their precepts of curing which are the very same with the Galenists which we promiscuously follow Therefore it was wisely ordered by the Spaniards and Portugals that in India where they beare rule Physick should be practised after the self same manner that it is in Europe according to the doctrine of Galen and Hippocrates I know much might be said of that variety of temperature which Countries doe give to the inhabitants for even in one and the same Kingdome there is a great diversitie of inhabitants in respect of the divers situation of the Countryes nature of the soyle blowing of the wind and other causes for the diligent search of all which the Art of Physick layes down rules And yet whatsoever the Climate and Country be even in the most Northern Climates there are men of every temper hot cold cholerick flegmatick sanguine melancholick One that without license practised Physick a Surgeon by profession that he might doe me a displeasure was often wont to say that Frenchmen cannot understand the nature and constitution of the English I once asked him what was that constitution of an Englishman wherein he differs from a Frenchman by what signes he could know it seeing that in every place are men of every temperature which things seeing they cannot be knowne but of a learned Physician it is no wonder if every simple medicine-monger be ignorant of them For it is a thing exceeding hard to be known Therfore Galen said that if he could but perfectly know the temperature of his Patients he should be another Aesculapius I will now only adde thus much that what is talked by the vulgar concerning the temperature of divers people is well understood but of few for all men have their proper temperaments differing from others ingendred in them from the principles of generation they cannot therefore have any thing common in which all men can agree That same therefore is onely a certain
custome and inclination of nature to a mans own Country aire and usuall manner of diet which wee acquire by little and little without changing of that proper and inbred temperament which we derive from our parents from whence it comes to passe that some live better in their owne Country aire although unwholsome than in another Avicenne saith that an Indian would be sick if he were in Sclavonia Although that is not always true for it may be that some Englishman may live more healthfully in Spain than in his own native Country CHAP. XV. Of them that referre almost all diseases to a Cold. IT is a thing very frequent and ordinary when any falls into a disease or is not well to blame some externall cold from which he hath not carefully preserved himself And indeed this may oftentimes be the cause of many diseases For the aire is attracted by us continually by inspiration and transpiration and it doth impart its qualities to us whatsoever they bee But it hurts most of all when the pores being opened through heat a cold comes of a sudden for it obstructs and stops them presently from whence by reason of the fuliginous vapors retained fevers doe ordinarily ensue in cacochymick bodies but in others pain wearinesse difficulty of breathing Cold aire being inspired makes the gristles of the lungs become stiffe so that the lungs can scarce bee dilated Hence oftentimes the vessels of the lungs are broken and of other parts also and the bloud runs into some capacity and putrifies corrupts and stirs up naughty symptomes But concerning this thing it will not be amisse to give some notice of a few monitions First that all that blame this cause are not therefore sick by reason of it for there are sundry other externall causes of diseases Therefore commonly they that live in a cold aire reap not any evill thereby but the same parties even in the height of Summer and being well clad with cloaths doe notwithstanding complaine that they get cold to their hurt the same may be said of other externall causes of diseases In one and the same City there are many that breath in the same aire use the same exercises and the same diet yet when they fall into diseases they are troubled with sundry and in every respect different diseases If any man shall say that he is sick through a surfeit of meats or drinks perhaps he had eaten or drunk as largely a hundred times before and without any harm to himself which in like manner may be said of cold aire and immoderate labour when many a time hee hath endured a colder aire and undergone the same labour without receiving the least hurt it is a wonder how now he should bee sick thereby So we often see the last meat or that exercise that one hath last used or the last cold which he hath taken before the disease to be blamed as also the last remedy is thought to have procured health Where it is to be noted that these are called externall causes and that they doe not alwayes and at every time affect the body but then onely when an inward disposition lurks in the body and a morbous preparation which such causes do stir up Secondly they must take notice that those externall causes doe vanish away and continue not but their effects to wit the diseases stirred up by the inward causes do remain in the body and therefore the contemplation of externall causes is not always necessary for the knowledge or curing of diseases but of the internall alone which stirre up and foster the disease For wee see a disease that hath had its beginning from a cold aire neverthelesse not to be cured although the temper of the aire be changed but often to continue hard to be cured From whence also Thirdly it is to be noted that remedies are not to be measured according to the nature of externall causes for they indicate nothing For so hot things should bee alwayes good for them in whom cold hoth been the cause of the beginning of a disease which is not true for many times cooling things doe profit more From a cool aire as we have said many times burning feavers doe arise as also from baths that are too cold whereby the pores of the body are stopped and the fuliginous vapours retained by which the bloud is inflamed If the people doe here as usually they are wont encounter the disease with remedies that are of a heating quality they will be so farre from vanquishing the disease as that they will rather increase it more In this case inward cooling medicines and as Galen often teaches letting of bloud is the principall remedy In the eighth book of Method hee lets bloud in a diary that is generated by the obstruction of the skinne lest there follow putrefaction For though the externall cause bee cold yet the internall to which alone the cure is to applyed is often hot and is made so by reason of the corrupt humours that are kept in POPVLAR ERROVRS The Third Book Of the Errours about the Diet as well of the Sound as of the Sick CHAP. I. Of the goodnesse of Waters HIppocrates Galen Avicenne and other of the principall Physicians doe so commend the drinking of water in diseases that next to the letting of bloud they attribute thereunto the chiefest place in curing burning feavers and it is also the ordinary drink of many Nations Yet now a dayes some doe so much abhorre from the use thereof that they think it almost present poyson Now they think that the waters in England in respect of the coldnesse of the Climate are more crude and not so pure and wholsome as those in France Spain and the hot Countries And indeed every one ought to be solicitous of the goodnesse of the waters The best is discerned by the smell colour taste levity of it in the hypochondres and by the quick and speedy receiving of heat and cold So as that is best which is bright and cleare to the sight tastes and smells of nothing at all as also which is the lightest thinnest and soon passes through the belly Since then such water may bee found every where Good waters even in cold climates even in the most frozen Countries and I have often found such in this Country we may conjecture of their grosse errour that doe generally condemne their owne Country waters Now this is their errour that by the coldnesse of the Country they reckon the goodness or unwholsomenesse of the water hence they think that it is excessively cold and therefore crude and hard of digestion which Hippocrates calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which thing is not to be admitted for the water borrowes not its crudity or goodnesse from the Sun because the heat of the Sun cannot warm the water in the bowels of the Earth for it cannot penetrate so far which scarce pierces through the roofs of our houses unto us This doe the cellars under
through such and such Signes in the mean while the opportunity of helping the sick which is said to be swift and variable in the first book of Hippocrates his Aphorismes will be lost so as perhaps the like will never after offer it self again because as Galen saies in his Commentaries occasion is said to be very quick and soon gone in regard that our bodies are daily changed not only by externall causes as the Aire and Stars but also by internall From whence it comes to passe that they that fall together into diseases at the same time ought notwithstanding to be purged on divers daies for although there be the same aspects of the Stars and the Moon yet the inward temperature of the body doth diversly alter concoct and expell the humours which the Physician who is a Minister of Nature not of the Stars ought to consider that he may administer all things to the sick in due season For the curing of diseases is varied according to their different times Now seeing that the times of diseases are in some longer and in some shorter if we waite for the aspects of the Moon and the Stars we thereby lose that healthfull indication which the times of diseases do afford unto us For in some diseases we do not purge untill a perfect concoction of the matter be made but in others in the beginning now in some diseases the beginnings are sooner gone and they quickly come to their height whereas in others they are very long Wherefore the same time of purging cannot be seasonable for all which it should be if the aspects of the Moon were to be observed for so it may fall out that when Nature requires purging the Moon may hinder it and so all were to no purpose and therefore have the most learned Physicians as well ancient as moderne with good grounds rejected these observations But it is more absurd and frivolous which they talk concerning the formes of remedies An absurd opinion of Almanack makers for seeing that the very same remedies may be prescribed by a Physician in forme of a Potion Electuary or Pills even as he pleases in vain is the Moons influence regarded For it is an easie thing for a Physician to administer the Electuarie Hamech Diasenna Catholicon or the like in form of an Electuary or to dissolve it in broth distilled waters or some other liquor to make it a Potion It seems those Astrologers do not know what Electuaries or Potions are for although all Potions be not made of Electuaries yet Electuaries may be changed into Potions yea we commonly use the same purging Simples Sene Rubarb Polypodie c. both for Potions and Electuaries Physicians do prescribe a divers form of Physick sometimes to please the sick of whom some do more willingly take solid Medicines than liquid others the contrary Sometimes for the better purging of the remote parts or because of the toughnesse of the matter and other the like intentions The same may be sayd of Pills for even the ancient Physicians Aetius Paulus and others did dissolve Aloes Coloquintida and whatsoever we take in Pills even what is most untoothsome of all and gave them to the sick to be drunk which we administer in a solid forme because of their too much bitternesse and that they may stay longer in the stomach when we would draw from the head and the remote parts Lastly it is to be observed that what remedies soever are taken in a solid form do melt in the stomach before they put forth their strength into the body which is all one as if the Apothecary had dissolved them in some liquor for both Nature and Art do the same thing Yea those things that are administred in a liquid substance do sooner beginne to work than the other because they being already dissolved by Art are more easily overcome by Nature and therefore in Apoplexies and other cold diseases Physicians do dissolve Pillulae Cochiae which are very bitter in Aqua vitae or some such like water that they may the sooner put forth their strength In like manner Another grosse Errour of Astrologers that which Astrologers talk of blood-letting is but vain and frivolous for whatsoever the influence of the Moon be bloodding is never good for a Flegmatick man or for one that is sick of any disease that arises from Fleame except together with the Fleame there be also an abundance of bloud Galen likewise forbids to let melancholly men bloud unlesse the bloud which is voided doe appeare to be melancholick It is good only for cholerick and sanguine complexions let the Moone be in what signe it will if the disease age and strength of the party doe permit and that for the reasons already alledged And therefore Galen sayes well in his book de venae Sect. that we may let bloud at any time of the disease if the indications of bloud-letting doe appeare yea though it be on the twentieth day from the beginning of the discase Now the indications are these to wit the greatness of the disease and the strength of the party and not the disposition and aspect of the Stars which if we should observe as wee have already said we should lose the opportunity of using convenient remedies to the great hazard of the sick CHAP. XI That it is not hurtfull to purge in the Dog-dayes SOme perhaps may be found who slight and laugh at the aforesaid observations of Astrologers but who is he at this day that takes not notice of the Dog-dayes A grosse errour and feares not to take a purge at that time of the year grounding that their conceit upon the 5th Aphorisme of Hippocrates his fourth book where hee saith That under the Dog and before the Dog cures are difficult So that many although they be at that time sick of those diseases which have need of blouding or purging doe neverthelesse abhorre from the use of these remedies not taking notice of these two things First that in so doing they leave the diseases to nature alone to bee cured when it stands in most need of the help of Physick Secondly if in the Dog-dayes diseases may be cured without Physick why not also at any other time of the year and so the use thereof might bee quite abandoned in curing of diseases But let us weigh the reasons why Hippocrates said that purges are difficult in the Dog-dayes which according to Galens Commentary seemes to be threefold First because the body being inflamed through the heat of Summer cannot endure the sharpnesse of Medicines Secondly because nature being feeble enough already by reason of the heat is made weaker by purging Thirdly because the heat of the aire hinders purgation for it drawes the humours from the center of the body to the circumference and the Physick drawes them back againe to the center and so there are made two contrary motions so that there is either no purgation at all or if any it is
vessels A pitcher that is half full of iron or heavy stones is not so full as if it were filled to the top with the most light spirit of wine although the former weigh heavier So likewise in emptying a vessell he takes more away that out of one vessell drawes a pottle of the spirit of wine than he that out of another takes half a pottle of stones although perhaps this weighs heavier Seeing then there is the same reason in bloud because one is more ponderous than another if in letting bloud we only consider its weight we shall never define well the quantity thereof for it is contained in the veins not as heavy but as filling unlesse one imagine the same ponderosity and weight of bloud in all men which I think no man will dare to affirm The quantity of bloud saith Galen is indicated by the more or lesse faultinesse of it and by the strength of the party and according to these two is more or lesse bloud to be drawne So that in a great distemper of the bloud the strength being vigorous we must use a larger evacuation but in a light distemper the strength being feeble we must let bloud more sparingly But if you judge of the quantity by the weight it may so fall out that when the sick is feeble in strength you may draw more bloud than when he is most lively vigorous which is a grosse trespasse against the rules of Physick For if in debility of strength the bloud be lighter and in validity of strength it be heavier if in this latter case you take halfe a pound of bloud and in the former but foure ounces the vessels into which these foure ounces are taken will be as full by reason of the levity of the bloud as those vessels which receive the half pound of the other ponderous bloud and so the same quantity of bloud is taken from them both which should not have been done Nor do I see any reason why the drawing of bloud should bee defined by weight more than the dejections of the belly in a purgation seeing that out of the veines the humours also are purged for under the manition of the vessels is purging contained as faith Hippocrates 2 aph lib. 1. Seeing therefore the vessels are not replete with any thing as heavy for the capacity of the vessels is not varied although the weight of the contents be different and it is apparent that a greater quantity of oyle than of honey goes to an ounce it will be better for the future if the quantity of bloud be accounted by measures and not by ounces and pounds seeing the judgment thereof may be so deceitfull I know there were among the Ancients as well pounds in measure as in weight for their vessels were drawn about with lines whereby the pounds and ounces were marked out and whatsoever they measured after this manner they called Mensurall As for example a mensurall pound of oyle or wine which perhaps Galen meant when he drew bloud according to ounces and pounds But because the things that were measured were of divers weight the pound in weight did seldome countervaile the pound in measure for though there may be the same measure of oyl wine and hony yet there is not the same weight and therefore that manner of measuring was very uncertaine and we now adayes have no such vessels as doe marke out ounces and pounds nor if wee had plenty of them could wee use them without a manifest errour in respect of the different weight of the bloud Therefore though I doe not disallow the received custome yet I thinke it safer to judge of the quantity of bloud by measure than by weight CHAP. XXVI That Sleep and Drink ought not to be wholly forbidden after bloud-letting AMong many observations of the people this is not the least that they are very wary lest the sick sleep or eat and drink presently after he hath been let bloud which was also the opinion of some Physicians because they think the bloud returnes to the heart which neverthelesse is not alwayes true except there bee an immoderate evacuation of bloud or timorousness which may cause swouning However no reason enforces that that return of the bloud should be so pernicious And first concerning sleep the bloud is wont in sleep to recoile into the inward parts to the exceeding great refreshment of nature The benefit of sleep to the sick Now in them that be sick who have not slept for many nights all men know what great benefit a little sleep affords for it repaires the strength concocts the morbous humours and corrects them wherefore we are oftentimes forced to apply remedies to provoke sleep Therefore if immediately or a little after bloud-letting sleep doe ensue it may be good both as a signe and a cause As a signe because it shewes that nature which was oppressed with the morbous humours is now refreshed and so doth performe its naturall functions As a cause it may be good because when once sleep ensues nature doth concoct the remainder of the morbous humour In what cases sleep is forbidden I know in some diseases sleep is not good as in the inflammations of the internall parts in the beginnings of fits and in pestilentiall diseases Therefore in those diseases it is not good to sleep immediately after bloud-letting but in other diseases I see no reason why the Patient may not sleep Galen saith that if the sick after long and tedious watching do fall to sleep it indicates a perfect crisis for sometimes it falls out Ex 2 Prorhetic * that the sick after the crisis sleeps a whole day especially when he hath not slept of a long time before and that to the great solace and refreshment of nature Yea sometimes it happens that the sick sleeps in the very crisis If therefore sleep be good after other evacuations why not also after bleeding Moreover sometimes it falls out that in some feavers such a preternaturall sleep possesses the sick that he can scarce be awakened and yet many times in such feavers it is very good to let bloud as of late I did to a woman that lay in an acute feaver possessed with an heavy sleep who otherwise had scarce recovered being adjudged of all as a dying woman If therefore with good success bloud may be drawne from one that is actually asleep why shall sleep be hurtfull immediatly after blouding Galen seemes to account it a good thing 9 method cap. 4. that the sick after blouding falls into a sound sleep Two houres saith he after hee was let bloud having given him a little meat and commended him to rest I departed And returning at the fifth houre I found him lying in a sound sleep insomuch as he did not feele me when I touched him Then comming againe at the tenth houre I found him still fast asleep Afterward having beene abroad to visit some other Patients I came againe in
the fifth houre of the night not being silent as before but of purpose with a loud voice to awake him from his sleep But perhaps some will say Galen did not command sleep till two hours after bloud-letting I answer it had been well if the sick could have slept immediately after he had been let bloud and in no place doth Galen disallow that for we know we cannot alwayes sleep when we desire it But seeing the aforesaid sick man could not sleep comming againe two houres after he bade him lye still that he might sleep which Galen had not done if he had judged sleep to be hurtfull after blooding If any man object that sleep is prohibited lest the ligature should be loosed and the patient bleed againe that is nothing for that may be prevented by the diligent care of the by-standers and the sure binding of it As touching drink Good to drink after bleeding Amatus the Portugall proves that it is not hurtfull immediately after blood-letting but very wholsome commanding that the patient doe presently drinke a little cold water for in regard that the veines are emptied it is instantly distributed into the whole body and doth both easier sooner and safelier coole the body CHAP. XXVII That blooding and purging is not hurtfull for women with child ANd this Errour is none of the least that if a woman with childe be sick they will not suffer her to take Physick nor to be let bloud for fear of an aborsement which is contrary to reason the authority of the Ancients and daily experience To reason because a woman that labours with an acute disease as a Fever or a Pleurisie is in very great danger as saith Hippocrates Aph. 30. ib. 5. * it is mortall for a woman with childe to be taken with an acute disease Fevers in women with child are most dangerous Therefore no delay is to be made in applying remedies Again in respect that the child is nourished with the mothers blood if she be sick there is danger lest through that sicknesse and the corruption of the blood the childe perish which if it happen as sometimes it doth then is the mother in danger both by reason of the disease and of the dead childe namely lest she being weakened by the disease the childe dye through putrefaction of the blood and she bee not able to bear the childe at least never doth an aborsement happen without danger Now it is evident enough that these evills cannot be prevented without taking away the cause for indeed no disease can be cured otherwise and the cause cannot be taken away without blood-letting The disease is not cured till the causes be taken away or purging They that think it such a dangerous thing for women to use these remedies and thereupon do not admit of them let them seriously consider this Note If a Physician can cure a woman with childe sick of a putrid Fever without blood-letting or purging much more easily may he cure her of the same disease without these remedies when she is not with childe and so the use of them might be quite abandoned But if he cannot cure her not being with childe without those remedies he cannot then cure her being with childe and sick of the same disease For the same disease indicates the same remedie and the being with child doth not take away the indication of the disease but onely after a sort alters the quantity of remedies and the manner of using them Yea much rather are these remedies to be used in women with childe inasmuch as they stand in greater need of help than others But they think that all the nourishment is drawn from the childe by blood-letting and that there is danger of abortion by purging and other remedies The danger to the childe is from the disease not the remedy All this while not knowing that great danger hangs over the childe by reason of the blood being corrupted to wit lest it die and kill the mother who is already weakened with the disease so that there is more danger of abortion from the disease than from the remedy And first we must never take away such a great quantitie of blood as that thereby nourishment should be withdrawn from the infant but rather we observe that the infant becomes more lively after the corrupt blood is taken away The child becomes more lively after bleeding for there is blood enough left behinde to suffice both the child and its mother Again a purgation especially a gentle one although reiterated if need stand can do no hurt A woman with child may take a purge being given by a discreet Physician but rather good for the strength of the Physick doth scarce reach unto the childe or at least in such a long circuit the noxious part of its strength is lost But what if it should attaine to the childe yet it cannot kill it if it be exhibited in a moderate quantity Onely the blood comes unto the the childe which by vertue of the Physick is purged from noxious humours Also in women with childe the wombe resists it much for the safeguard of the infant for in them the retentive faculty is more busie then the expulsive This Errour Secondly oppugnes Authoritie for Hippocrates commends purging for women with childe from the fourth Moneth till the seventh Women with childe may take Physick if there be an ebullition of humours in them Sect 4. aph 1. from the fourth moneth till the seventh onely they must bee more gently dealtly withall than others but when the infant is younger than this or elder it is best wholly to abstaine Which if it were Hippocrates his opinion notwithstanding the vehemency of his remedies Our purges more safe then the Ancients were much more is it true of ours which are farre more gentle for the purgations of the Ancients were more dangerous than ours Againe Experience testifies that the childe cannot bee so easily expelled by the use of physick 7. Epid. as the history of Harpalaus his sister manifests who being foure moneths gone with childe and sick of a Dropsie and Asthma the infant being so weak that it had not stirred of a long time tooke Aethiopian Cumin with honey and wine which though it was exceeding bitter diuretick and therefore of great force to provoke the flowers yet being discreetly used did her good and neither hurt the child nor provoked her flowers intimating thus much that the child is not alwaies killed by taking Physick unlesse the Physick be very strong and constantly used There is a notable story out of Avenzoar whereof we have made mention in another place who not knowing that his wife was with childe did administer unto her exceeding strong physick and yet the childe was not hurt thereby I will saith he relate what befell me while I was in the prison of Haly my wife was with childe and I knew it not and she was troubled with
that there is no sympathy betwixt the stomach and the hands because there is a threefold reason of sympathie A threefold reason of sympathy First of vicinitie the second of familiaritie of function the third by communion of vessels which things we may apply to the Liver and the hands For betwixt them there is no vicinitie or nearnesse in regard of scituation no familiaritie of function if there be any sympathy it must be of the third kinde to wit by communion of vessels but the vessels that issue out of the Liver are not carried to the hands alone but to the whole body In the hands besides the veines there are arteries which convey to them a greater heat from the heart Therefore from the hands ought not to be inferred rather the heat of the Liver then of the heart Besides the heat of the Liver is perpetuall or at least of long continuance but that heat of the hands is fugitive 6. Epid. Sect. 2. text 32. Fen. 13. lib. 3. tract 1. cap. 3. 4. Colliget cap 4. often goes and comes again Againe other Authours attribute it to the Spleen to wit if the Spleen tend upwards but if it incline downwards the lower parts are said to be hot * Avicenne will have long fingers to shew the magnitude and heat of the Liver but * Averrhoes laughs at him And the man whom thou knowest saith that the shortnesse of the fingers betokens a little Liver and herein it appears that he knew not wherein the power of forming did consist and considered not but in the parts themselves but let him goe with the rest Which are the words of Averrhoes who believed not that the signes of the temperature or conformation of the Liver could be drawn from the hands seeing there is no more peculiar sympathy between these parts than others Therefore Galen in Arte parvâ when he explicates the signes of an hot Liver omitted that figne of the heat of the hands as did the rest of the Greeks Aetius Aegineta and others Argenterius in his commentary on the forenamed place of the Art of Physick blames Galen for omitting this sign But more rightly do others defend Galen because that signe is nothing else then the vaine imagination of the vulgar for not onely the hands but the whole body is necessarily made hot neither is that heat of the hands permanent but unstable and uncertain CHAP. XII Of them that complaine of a hot Liver but a cold Stomach IT is a common and ordinary thing for many to complaine of the heat of the Liver and coldnesse of the Stomach because they feele winde and crudities in their Stomach together with some running heats in the body as in the face hands and feet But these are to be admonished of some things First it is certaine that the Stomach because it is a spermaticall part membranous and bloodlesse and white is of a cold temperament The Stomach is naturally of a cold temperament but to thinke that the heat of the Liver can hurt it is an absurditie For Galen writes that it was fenced about by Nature on every side with hot Intrailes that it might more compleatly execute its functions it lies in the middle between the Liver the Spleen the Caule and the gut Colon and is encompassed with them on every side that like a cauldron among a great many fires it may be made hot by them wherefore Riolanus in his Anthropographie doth not thinke it a thing probable that the heat of the Liver should diminish the heate of the Stomach but rather augment it Secondly it ought to be observed that the forenamed symptomes doe often happen in them that be in health that have a hot temper of the bowels but use an ill diet For by too much drinking either of wine and of Ale and Beere abundance of crudities in the belly doe grow and swimmings belchings windinesse and spittings doe arise for it is an ordinary thing Strong drinks breed cold diseases for cold affects to proceed from too much gulleting even of hot drinks which do not happen by a distemper of the part but through the fault of him that takes them In the mean while the Liver drawes unto it the thinner spirits of those drinkes whereby it is enflamed and so distributes too hot blood to the whole body Thence it is that they seem to feele heat in the body and cruditie in the Stomach at the same time And so they falsly accuse the contrary distempers of the parts not blaming their owne intemperance But if they would live soberly and use moderate drinkes they should experience no such matter Thirdly some are troubled with it although they live soberly and such are hypocondriacke persons whose * They are the parts contained in the belly hypocondres are hot and dry and obstructed which evill is very common in this country and it arises most commonly from the aforesaid cause namely a disordered diet But in them the Stomach is not made colder by reason of the vicinitie of the hot hypocondres but because many melancholy and flatulent humours are cast into the stomach which vitiate concoction whereupon they thinke they have a colder stomach than indeed they have Thence it is that Physicians demand how it comes to passe that hypocondriake persons seeing they are oppressed with a hot disease doe neverthelesse abound with winde and cruditie◠The cause whereof although some Physicians referre to the cold Stomach yet it is better as we have said to referre it to the corrupt humours weakning the temper of the Stomach from whence proceed not onely tart crudities which come from cold but also nidorous belchings which doe arise from heate especially if the party cat nidorous meat as fried Egges and the like Hence one sayes well that the symptomes in an hypochondriake passion are many of them cold but the cause is hot CHAP. XIII That the Husband cannot breed his Wives childe AMong very many Errours this seems most worthy to bee laughed at that the husband is thought to bee sick and troubled with the same symptomes wherewith a woman with child is wont yea and many will have this thing to be confirmed by experience I had a patient sick of a Feaver with a very high coloured and troubled urine who would not be perswaded of any other cause of his sicknesse then his wives being with childe I doe not remember that I have read of it at any time nor heard it observed in any place but in England It is certaine that women with childe in the first moneths of their conception are wont to bee troubled with very many and sundry symptomes especially they that are of cacochymick and impure bodies Now they doe usually arise from the retention of their Flowers For seeing Nature is wont to use that Flux not only for the purging out of superfluous blood but of corrupt and vitious humours also such blood being retent and kept in they are likewise retained