intervening matters impertinent to his present purpose read the History of any Empire or Kingdom Contemporary to it by it self so he may likewise observe that the principal passages in all of them are linck'd together by Synchronisms not onely placed in the Margent but in the beginning or end of every notable Occurrence Thus I have briefly and with much sincerity couch'd together some of those Excellencies which amongst many others I have observed in this Institution of History of which if I may presume to give my private opinion though I am conscious to my self how little it ought to signifie to the World I think the work taken all together is for the order of it handsomly and judiciously contrived for its style perspicuous and for the learning in the several parts of History Antiquity and Chronology uncommon Those who desire a greater politenesse in the style may consider that the florid way of writing which hath undeservedly acquired so great a name to some of our own Age and Nation is nothing proper to an Historian and that our Author busied himself in matters more serious and of greater use he chose rather the plain but comely strength of the Dorique Pillar than the Effeminate though curious shape of the Corinthian For my own part I confesse that plainnesse and unaffected simplicity is pleasing to me and I think no Intelligent Person that goes upon businesse will leap Hedges out of the open and direct Road to Travel over Flowry Fields or painted Meadows AN INSTITUTION OF Generall History The First Part. BOOK I. CHAP. I. From the beginning of the world to the beginning of the first Empire 1. IN (a) Gen. 1.1 the beginning God created the Heaven and the Earth By (b) Heb. 1.3 Faith we understand that they were framed by his Word so that things which are seen were not made of things which do appear Man created 2. Mans habitation being made and conveniently furnished the sixth day Gen. 1. c. then and not till then was he made of the dust of the Earth and God breathing into his nosthrils the breath of life he became a living Soul Being placed in the Garden of Eden and a meet help wanting to him Eve was framed of one of his ribs Of all the Trees of the Garden except that of the knowledge of Good and Evil they might safely eate and at such time as they should eat it they were surely to dye But the Serpent beguiled the woman Falleth who did eat thereof and giving to her Husband he also did eat Hereby they rendred themselves guilty of temporall and eternall death they were condemned to labour and sorrow and those not confined to their own persons but extended to their whole posterity involved with them in the same guilt the demonstrating whereof might seem the Scope of this present Work nothing having succeeded but vanity and vexation of spirit nothing but labour and travail under the Sun Expelled Paradise 3. Adam being expelled Paradise to till the ground begat of Eve his wife Cain and Abel though in what years is not expressed Abel was a Keeper of Sheep and Cain a Tiller of the Ground By Faith Abel offered to God a more excellent sacrifice than Cain by which he obtained witnesse that he was righteous and contracted such envy that his Brother slew him in the field Cain killeth Abel The voice of his blood cryed to God from the ground and drew down this punishment upon Cain besides that of the ground formerly laid upon his Father to be a Fugitive and Vagabond in the Earth Then departed he from the presence of the Lord and went into the Land of Nod where he built a City and called it Enoch after the name of his Son His Family was propagated to Lamech the fifth in descent from himselfe by whom the Jews * Vide Mererum in Gen. 1. Pererium have thought him to have been slain by reason of Lamech's words to his two wives that he had slain a man to his wounding and a young man to his hurt if Cain should be avenged seven fold then Lamech Seventy and seven fold Seth's birth After the death of Abel Adam begat Seth in the hundred and thirtieth year of his Age as Moses (c) Gen. 3. maketh expresse mention neglecting the account of time in the Family of Cain because his wicked race perished in the Flood the Church of God being to be continued in the posterity of Seth of whom also as to the flesh his Son himselfe was to proceed And posterity 4. In the race of (d) Gen. 1. Seth is laid down the account of years from the Creation to the Deluge For Seth being born when Adam was 130 years old begat * Here the word begat is to be understood in the same sense as the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Latin gignere which are applied to Mother as well as to Father and betoken birth rather than conception The Latin word genitus and natus signifie the same thing Tune ille Aeneas quem Dardanio Anchisae Alma Venus Phrygiae genuit Simoentis ad undas Vide Gen. 40.20 Mat. 11.1 Luc. 1.47 1 Pet. 2.2 Vide Plin. lib. 7. cap. 8. Enos at the age of 105 Enos being 90 begat Caixan and Cainan when he was 70 begat Mehalelec From the birth of Mehalelec to that of his son Jared passed 65 from Jared's to Henoch's 162. and thence to that of Methusalah 65. Methusalah when he begat Lamech was aged 187 years Lamech when he begat Noah was 182 and Noah at the time of the Flood had lived 600 years all which amount to the summe of 1656 each year of the Father's age being supposed compleat at the birth of his Son All these by divine providence for the propagation of Mankind obtained a very long time upon the Earth Though Enoch had the shortest yet he never died being taken up by God after he had walked with him 365 years Methusalah his son of all others arrived at the greatest age being 969 when he died Yet in a certain sense Adam lived longer than he for being created in his perfect strength and fit for generation he had the advantage of 60 years before which age we read none of them to have had any children Nature then requiring a longer time for maturity If 60 now be added to 930 years which he lived the number exceeds that of Methusala's age by 21. Seeing the World required it it cannot but be presumed that each of these begat other children and some of them before these here mentioned But such being but collaterall to that line Gen 5. A. M. 1656. which was to be brought down to Noah who was to continue the generation of Mankind and to re-people the Earth Moses upon that account had no occasion to make mention of them Man's wickednesse causeth a Deluge 5. In the 480
kindly unto him set his Throne above the Throne of the Kings that were with him in Babylon and changing his prison garments allowed him a continuall diet all the dayes of his life But for his wickednesse and debaucheries he continued not long Neriglissor being circumvented by Neriglissor his Sister's Husband and slain when he had raigned but two years Neriglissor after his death reigned 4. After him came his Son Laborosardochus Laborosardochus Nabonidus who being of an untowardly disposition was made away by his Relations after nine months and they preferred to his place one Nabonidus a Babylonian by Ptolomy called Nabonadius by others Nabannidochus and Labynitus (g) Apud Iosephum lib. 1. contr Apiâ—em Who reigned 17 years for which some think 27 is to be read This succession we have from Berosus the Caldaean attested by Ptolomy who yet leaveth out Laborosardochus either for his small continuance or because he reigned together with his Father But learned Men do not agree in the manner of reconciling this History with what Daniel hath written of Belshazar Whether the same with Belshazar Some will have Zabynitus or Nabonodus to be Belshazar Nabonodus being the last of the Kings which Belshazar also seemeth to be at his death Babylon being taken by Cyrus as the interpretation of the writing on the wall hinteth Peres thy Kingdom is divided and given to the Medes and Persians As for Darius the Mede he seemeth to them to be no other then Cyaxares the Son of Astyages King of Media and the Uncle of Cyrus who of his own accord delivered Babylon to him and they think this sufficient to prove that Laborosardochus could not bee Belshazar because hee hath but nine months assigned him by Berosus whereas we read in Daniel of the third year of Belshazar 28. Others think they have ground enough to denie Nabonidus to be Belshazar who is called the Son of Nebuchadnesar in regard no such relation is mentioned by Berosus that can intitle him to so much as his grand-child which Laborosardochus was by his Daughter being called his Son by a common Hebraism For the Latin version of Josephus which maketh Nabonodus of the blood it is in no case agreeable to the Originall which plainly relateth him to have been of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conspiracy For the 5th year of Belshazar it well enough agreeth with Laborosardochus because he reigned 4 years with his Father and after his Father's death nine moneths by himself Now the History of Daniel onely relateth Belshazar to have been slain not that Babylon was then besieged by Cyrus it being improbable say they that a time of so great danger the King and his Nobles should spend in feasting and jollity but rather likely that behaving himselfe too insolently in that drunken fit he was knocked in the head by his Companions as Berosus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hinteth and the Scripture rather seemeth to approve than contradict As for the interpretation of the Writing on the wall it might note what was already determined and within a little time was to be accomplished concerning Cyrus the Persian who being at that time known to the World could not be hid from Daniel who had met with his name long before in the Prophesie of Isaiah and had his mind without doubt fixed upon the 70 years of Captivity foretold by Jeremiah to which a period should shortly be put by that person That Darius Medus was of Median descent appeareth but that he was King of the Medes can no way be evinced especially seeing that no antient Greek Historian maketh mention of Cyaxares the Son of Astyages whom we read to have had but one Daughter except Xenophon and he either one purpose seemeth to thwart Herodotus or to have written his Cyropaedia rather (h) Cicero ad quintum Fratrem Ep. 1. to shew what a Prince ought to be than what Cyrus was indeed and so to have taken some of that liberty of invention which others (i) As the Grand Cyrus of George de Scudery Governor of Nostre Dame de la Garde a Romance of 10. Volumes have done of late upon the same and other Subjects But though Joseph Scaliger may seem to show more reason for this later assertion yet Pererius truly affirmeth the thing to be obscure perplexed and difficult 29. If Laborosardochus bee taken for Belshazar then Nabonodus must be the same with Darius Medus whom further some would have to be the Brother of Astyages not his Son and yet called Cyaxares In him the Empire of the Babylonians ceased and was derived upon the Persians by Cyrus whose first beginnings are to be viewed with the progresse of his actions Cyrus which made way to that pitch of greatnesse whereat he arrived Herein Historians do not relate the same things That Astyages was his Grand-father is acknowledged by all except Ctesias who will have them nothing akin and calleth him Astyigas His Father's name is granted to be Cambyses his Country Persia but his condition is diversly reported of Herodotus writeth how Astyages dreaming two dreams concerning his Daughter Mandane The sum of what Herodotus hath written concerning his Birth and Fortune which by the Wizards were interpreted to portend the losse of his Kingdom through the greatnesse of her issue gave her in marriage to one Cambyses a Persian of obscure fortune and not satisfied in this security sent for her when she was with child and as soon as the Boy was born gave him to one Harpagus to be made away Harpagus fearing he might afterwards be called to an account by the Mother for violence offered to the Babe delivered him to the King's Shepherd to be exposed in the Woods unto the mercie of wild beasts This being done and the Shepherd's Wife lately brought to bed of a stil-born child she prevailed with her Husband to fetch him home nursed and brought him up as her own Son amongst the Shepherds At seven years of age being chosen King of the Boyes in their play he executed the office with severity towards such as were disobedient and for this was complained of by their Parents to the King Being sent for and accused of the crime he would acknowledge none alledging he had done like a King and standing in his justification without the least change of countenance Astyages was struck with admiration and presently called to mind his dream Upon examination of the Shepherd he got out the whole matter owned him for his Grand-son because he thought the dream fulfilled in his boyish reign amongst the Shepherds onely he thought it good to send him out of the way into Persia 30. But to punish Harpagus for his disobedience he invited him to supper and caused to be served up to the table his onely Son of which after he had eaten heartily and approved the meat he let him see his entertainment by the head hands and feet reserved in another platter Harpagus for
wherein after he had slain Immaradus Pausan in Atticis the son of Eumolpus their General he also lost his life when he had reigned 50 years He left three sons Cecrops Metion and Pandorus who falling into contention about the succession put it to the arbitration of Xuthus He adjudged it to the eldest but yet would they not rest satisfied which made him leave Athens Cecrops 2d and go into Aegialea where he died This Cecrops the second some think to have gathered the people into twelve Towns for that living dispersedly abroad the Carians by Sea and the Boeotians called Aeonae by Land harrased the Countrey as * L. 9. p. 397. C. Strabo writeth At the end of 40 years his son named Pandion succeeded him Pandion who was expelled the Kingdom by the sons of Metion his Uncle and fled to Pyla the King of Megara his father-in-law who left him his Successor Whil'st he here reigned he begat four sons Aegens Lycus Pallas and Nisus Pausan ut priùs who after his death went against the Metiontidae and expelled them Athens the Dominions whereof they divided into four parts according to their father's injunctions Megara falling to Nisus who reigned there a long time Aegeus 7. Though this division was made yet was Aegeus Soveraign in effect for fear of whom Lycus fled to Athens Pallas the other brother had 50 sons A. M. 2723. which growing up gave cause enough to Aegeus to be jealous of them having him in contempt because he was childlesse For though he married two wives Plutarch in Theseo yet had he issue by neither of them which made him go to Delphos to enquire of the Oracle about posterity The answer being obscure in his return he was entertained by Pittheus the son of Pelops a man famous for learning at Traezene Begetteth Theseus who either understanding the Oracle or otherwise induced Apollod A.M. 2725. made his daughter Aethra to lye with him after he had caused him to drink good store of Wine At his departure he put a sword and a knife under a great stone bidding her if she brought forth a Boy as soon as he could remove the stone and take those things from under it to send him with them as tokens unto Athens and he would own him for his son She accordingly brought forth a son called Theseus from putting the marks under the stone whom Pittheus brought up and for that he proved exceeding prudent and couragious his mother at sixteen years of age brought him to the stone acquainting him with his Original and his fathers injunctions He easily removing it and taking away the tokens prepared for his journey but they were unwilling to let him go by Land because all the wayes were full of Robbers since Hercules who went up and down destroying them after his killing of Iphitus had quitted these parts and was gone into Lycia where for some years he served Omphale the Queen But Theseus burning with emulation upon hearing continually the praise of Hercules his Kins-man for their mothers vvere next Cousins resolved to take that vvay to obtain some renown in killing those Robbers and effected his design upon several of them 8. Being arrived at Athens he vvas in danger to be poysoned by his father through the perswasion of Medea who now vvas fled to him from Corinth Plutarch and filled his jealous head vvith suspitions of this stranger till thinking it vvisdom to make himself known rather than let another do it he shewed him the tokens vvhich he presently acknowledged owning him for his son made his subjects as such to take notice of him But the sons of Pallas who before had been seditious now seeing all hopes of the Kingdom taken from them by him and disdaining that Aegeus should first reign himself being not of the bloud Royal but adopted onely by Pandion as Plutarch vvriteth and then leave for his Successor a stranger and a Bastard they took Arms and the better to accomplish their design divided themselves into two parties whereof the one came openly vvith their father against Athens and the other lay in ambush The acts of Theseus Theseus having notice of the later sort surprized and cut them all off vvhich so discouraged the other as they separated themselves and fled Theseus after this to employ himself and gain the favour of the people went and took the Marathonian Bull fetch 't out of Crete by Hercules and brought him quick into the Citie after he had infested the Countrey very much Then sailed he to Crete vvhere as the fable goeth he slew the Minotaure a Monster kept by Minos King of that Island Minos 9. Minos (q) Diodorus l. 4. p. 183. Rhadamanthus and Sarpedon were the Children of Jupiter by Europa and all adopted by Asterius the Grand-son of Hellen by his son Teutamus King of that Island who married their mother and was childlesse Minos was the Law-giver of the Cretians this honour being ascribed to him by the most Authentick of ancient (r) Plato in legibus Aristot Politic. l. 2. cap. 8. Authors Yet (Å¿) Apud Strabon lib. 10. p. 476. Epherus in his book of Europaean Commonwealths vvrote that he was but an imitator of one Rhadamanthus of the same name with his brother who by others is also said to have been imployed by Minos in this work but more ancient who first cultivated the Island by Laws Cities and Common-wealths feigning that he had from Jupiter all the Ordinances which he published In (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imitation of him Minos having continued in the Law of Jupiter nine years produced Laws in writing and ascribed them to the same Author as Homer also hinteth vvhich (u) Odyss vvord of Homer though Strabo taketh to signifie a continuance for ten years yet Plato and from him (x) Lib. 1. c. 2. Exter Exemp 1. Valerius Maximus interpret it not of nine years continuance but every ninth year vvherein as it seemeth he amended his Laws Although Minos vvas a King yet he directed according to * Apud Strab. ut priùs pag. 480. B. Ephorus the vvhole model of his Laws to the freedom of his subjects This liberty he thought to be preserved best by Concord vvhich vvould be most established by the prevention of avarice and luxury the great causes of disagreement He would therefore have them all live soberly and frugally to vvhich purpose he ordained that Boys should live together in companies called Ageloe vvhen they vvere grown up and men in others called Syssitia from eating together vvhich they also named Andrâ—a from their mâ—nhood that taking their meat all in publick the poor might live in equal condition vvith the rich The form of the Cretian Common-wealth 10. After the abdication of regal power the chief Magistracy was exercised by ten Cosmi in power though not in number like to 〈◊〉 Spartan Ephori being chosen out of the lowest
first obtaining the Kingdom of Media 5. What time passed from the Conquest of Babylon and the beginning of his Monarchy unto his death is controverted amongst learned Writers Some reckon ten years or thereabouts and others but three of which number was once Joseph Scaliger who afterwards retracted it as an error but Ludovicus Cappellus hath renewed the assertion making it probable by arguments drawn from Scripture who therefore is to be consulted in his sacred * In notis ad Tab. 13. Chronology His issue Cyrus had issue two sons Cambyses and Smerdis or Tanaoxares with three daughters Atossa Meroe and Artystona to which Ctesias addeth Amytis Atossa and Meroe their brother Cambyses afterwards married and Darius Hystaspis obtained Artystona as also Atossa after the death of Cambyses Of the two sons to Cambyses he left his Kingdom and to Smerdis or Tanaoxares assigned the Government of Media Armenia and the Cadusians according to Xenophon Cambyses maketh War upon Egypt 6. Cambyses presently after he came to the Government made all possible provision for a War with Egypt the cause whereof is to be enquired after Herodotus telleth a story how he sent to Amasis King of that Countrey to desire his daughter Nitetis in marriage Lib. 3. cap. 1. which he not daring to deny because of the then formidable power of the Persians and not willing to gratifie him absolutely for that he conceived his daughter would be entertained but as a Concubine he found out a way as he thought to satisfie Cambyses A. M. 3476. Olymp. c. 2. an 4. V.C. 225. Cambysis 1. and yet keep his daughter There was one of Apries his predecessor's daughters yet unmarried her he sent to him under the name of his own who when she had sufficiently ingratiated her self with Cambyses told him how indeed she was nothing a kin to Amasis but begotten by his Lord and Master whereat the Persian conceived such indignation that to be revenged on him he invaded Aegypt But that which moved Cambyses to send for this woman seemeth something strange He had formerly desired from Amasis a Physician for the eyes the best that could be procured in Aegypt wherewith he gratifying him the man took it so ill of Amasis to be sent out of his native Country that in way of revenge he moved the matter to Cambyses concluding with himself that the King of Aegypt would not send his own daughter This was the saying of the Persians which Herodotus rather approveth than what the Aegyptians alleged that Cambryses was son to Nitetis the daughter of Apries and that the Persians ascribed that to the Son which beonged to the Father Vide Polyaenum lib. 8. because they would have Cambyses born of Cassanâ—ane the daughter of Pharnaspes of the noble race of Achaemenes and yet he confesseth there was a report that besides Cassandane Cyrus kept Nitetis as his Concubine whom he most affected and that to revenge his mother upon her Cambyses when but young threatned and after his Father's death made War upon Aeâ—ypt However things might go in reference to the daughter of Apries Cambyses seemeth to have invaded that Kingdom upon pretence of the right he had to it as Heir by conquest to Nebuchaâ—nesar who subdued it though it revolted from his Successors which might be concealed from Herodotus by the Priests who spared not to invent lyes for a cover to the disgrace of their Country 7. While Cambyses was yet busie in his preparations Vide Herod l. 3. cap. 4 c. one Phanes an Halycarnassaean by birth taking something in distaste from Amasis whom he served fled out of Aegypt by ship and coming into Persia advised this King that for his better passage of the sandy Desarts he should send to the King of the Arabians for sale conduct who being no good friend to the Aegyptian Passâ—th throâ—gh the Sâ—ndie Desarts came and met him with Camels bearing abundance of water which was necessary for the sustenance of the Army in that hot and dry place Ere Cambyses could arrive in Aegypt Amasis had prevented captivity by a natural death and Psammenâ—tus his son having succeeded him expected his coming at Pelusium one of the mouths of Nile Here a battel being fought the Aegyptians were overthrown and fled to Memphis whither Cambyses sent after them to yield up themselves to him but they tare in pieces the messengers and then being besieged stood out for some time but at length the City was taken Conquereth Aegypt Psammenitus had his son put to death before his eyes to try his patience though the Conquerour too late repented of it and had given him his life with the Kingdom to govern as a Province had he not attempted new matters for which he was forced to drink Bulls blood and so died having reigned six moneths after his Father His extravagant practices 8. This work done in Aegypt Cambyses betook himself to extravagant practices The dead body of Amasis he caused to be brought forth to be beaten pinched and then burnt contrary to the practice as well of the Persians as Aegyptians who abhorred such a thing because the former accounted Fire a god the later a ravenous beast perishing with the thing devoured by it Then resolved he to make a three-fold War One upon the Carthaginians another upon the Ammonians or the Inhabitants of the place situate about the Temple of Jupiter Hammon and the third against the long-lived Aethiopians who inhabited Africk near to the Southern Sea He resolved to send a Fleet against the Carthaginians an Army of Foot against the Ammonians and as for the Aethiopians he would first send to discover their Country While his Messengers were dispatching towards Aethiopia he gave order to the Phoenicians who having yielded themselves were his onely strength at Sea to fight against Carthaâ—e which they flatly refused because that City was a Colony of their own and thereby this design was dâ—shed After the return of his messengers who brought him word how he was slighted by the Aethiopian King in great rage and haste he set forwards against him without all thought of victualling his Army commanding all his foot to follow His fruitlesse Expeditions except the Graecians When he was come to Thebes he sent about 50000 men against the Ammonians with command after they had spoiled them to burn the Temple and so he marched on with the rest of the Army But ere he had passed the fifth part of his journy all provisions failed and all the beasts that carried burthens were eaten up yet did he not now recollect himself but proceeded till they were constrained to eat up every tenth man and then returned he with great losse and disgrace to Memphis where he dismissed the Greeks from his service The forces sent against the Ammonians never reached thither neither ever returned being all overwhelmed as was reported in the Sandy Wildernesse 9. Cambyses at his return to Memphis found
shall find it all in the twelve Tables which describe all the interests and parts of the State or if any one be taken with this glorious Philosophy Cicero his commendation of the 12 tables I will speak more boldly these are the fountains of all his disputes contained in the Civil Law Jure Civili and Laws Legibus Though all be displeased I will speak what I think that little Book of the twelve Tables alone in my opinion excelleth the Libraries of all the Philosophers if one view the fountains and heads of Laws both in weight of authority and copiousnesse of advantage In another (f) De Legibus lib. 2. place he writeth that when he was a boy they were wont to learn the twelve Tables as some necessary Poem Lastly a collection of the fragments of these Tables out of approved Authors such especially as conduce to the explication of the Institutions and of antient Law with deep Antiquities hath been made by I. Crispinus to which the Reader is referred The Decemviri retain their power 8. But to return the Decemviri at the usual time of the Comitia bidding farewel to the customs of their Country and the new Laws neither regarding the approbation of Senate nor People continued themselves in power for the year following which was the third of the Decemvirate the first of the 83 Olympiad according to Dionysius wherein Criso of Himera was Victor Philiscus being Archon at Athens They so ordered the matter shortly as even all the considerable part of the Citizens Patritians and others they either killed or forced to quit the City This pleased them well enough but the Sabines and Aequi thinking it a fit time to attempt some great matter against Rome invaded the territories thereof and of the Latines The Decemviri much troubled hereat after a consultation how to make resistance several wayes found themselves constrained to assemble the Senate wherein Appius with a premeditated Oration propounded the matter of the War They assemble the Senate about War L. Valerius Potitus the son of him that besieged the Capitol and grandson of Poplicola first arose and though he was commanded by Appius to forbear flew high against the tyranny of the present Usurpers He being forced to silence was seconded by Marcus Horatius Barbatus great grandson of the Collegue of Poplicola who having expressed great indignation the Decemviri incensed with his biting words threatned to cast him down headlong from the Rock All the Senators at this cried out as at a breach of their privilege and made a tumult whereat the Ten repented of what they had done and excused themselves saying they deprived none of speaking to the matter in hand but interrupted Seditious Orations which they might do by their power of Consuls and Tribunes received from the People not for a year onely nor any limited time but till the work of Laws were finished untill which time they were resolved to act and then give an account of their administration Appius having delivered this in the name of all Stirs in the Senate asked the opinion of C. Claudius his Uncle 9. Claudius beginning his Oration with the occasion of their meeting fitly shewed what was the occasion of it The War he demonstrated to be begun by no other inducements than what the present distempers of the State afforded which were bred by the arbitrary and tyrannical carriage of his Nephew and his nine Companions He made out what these distempers were and by virtue of his relation to Appius took upon him after a sharp reproof by the nearnesse of their blood their Ancestors and the Decemvir's Father with all that was dear and religious to them both to conjure him that putting a stop to his ambitious course destructive to himself as well as the publick he would resign his usurped power and restore the Common-wealth to it 's former government and liberty Appius answered him not a word which so moved him that with tears he signified he would depart to Rhegillum the seat of his Forefathers and there continue till that fell upon the Decemvirate which he guessed would happen in a short time for as much as he could not endure to behold his Nephew degenerate so much from the antient worth of their Family As concerning the War he advised the Fathers to resolve nothing till the accustomed Magistrates were first created The graver and more eminent sort of Senators that spake after were all of this opinion which made the Ten resolve to ask none now according to their age as the custome was but M. Cornelius called upon his brother Lucius to deliver his opinion He attributed all that had been said against the Decemviri to envy saying it was because the speakers themselves could not compasse the Office and laboured to shew that it was most foolish counsel to resolve upon new elections which would require time and defer the War that threatned ruine and desolation By pressing the danger very close and urging what necessity there was of committing the War to the management of the Decemviri he drew almost all the younger sort to his party there being many even in the Senate from whom fear wrested compliance After all these the Decemviri gave Valerius leave to speak whom first of all they had interrupted He professed he was of Claudius his judgement as to the whole and answered all the reasons of Cornelius by one proposal that a Dictator might be instantly named shewing that if they missed of this opportunity they could not expect again to bee assembled by the Decemviri 10. Few that delivered their opinions after him remained unconvinced and many were changed from the sense they had before delivered He required then of the Ten that the matter might be further considered of and all might have liberty to recall their votes which caused a great contest betwixt him and Cornelius who desiring that the Decemviri might have the command in the War cried out that the thing was already decided in a legal manner and desired the parties might be counted Much heat being shewed by both the Fathers were also divided which advantage the Ten took to do what they pleased Appius then formally declaring for what cause they had been assembled told them they were divided according to the three several opinions of Claudius Cornelius and Valerius every one having had liberty to speak his mind freely and seeing that most had approved of what Cornelius had propounded he declared his partie to have overcome Then commanded he the Clerk to draw up a Senatus Consultum whereby power of raising Forces and commanding them was given to the Decimviri and therewith the Senate was dismissed They were by this kind of victory rendred more confident and imperious as having now in their own thoughts established themselves by having an Army at their command which Valerius had advised the Fathers earnestly to beware They make use of the Senate to their own advantage Horatius