dreaming more upon the imaginary humours of licencious Soveraignty But it fell out nothing so for now every man beganne to estimate his owne worth and to hammer his head on every designe that might enlarge his power and command Then beganne the great men to rent from the body of the Crownes and regall Signiories all such royall Suitours as neighboured any of their owne seats whereto they enforce their service and so as the Record saith Ad sectas indebitas servitutes intollerabâ—les subditos Regis compulerunt Thus raising meane manners to become great Honours and renting a sunder the regall Iustice they made themselves of so many Subjects whil'st they lived in duty Totidâ—m Tiranni as the booke of Saint Albans saith when they had left their loyalty Magnas induxerunt Magnates Regni super subditos Regis servitutes oppressiones which they bore patiently for excesse of misery having no ease but Custome made men willing to lay the foundation of servitude by the length of sufferance which found no ease or end untill the quiet of this Kings raigne Mountford Glocester and Dispencer the heads of this Rebellious designe having by the late provisions drawne to the hands of the twenty foure Tribunes of the people the entire mannaging of the Royall State and finding that power too much diâ—perced to worke the end of their desires forst againe the King to call a Parliament where they delivered over the authority of the twenty foure unto themselves and create a Triumvirate non constituenda Republicae causa as they first pretended for their owne ends and so in the interest of some private contented the publike was stayed but to make a speedier way to one of them as it fatally did to become Dictator perpetuus Ambition is never so high but shee thinkes still to mount that station which seemed lately the top is but a step to her now and what before was great in desiring seemes little being once in power These three elect nine Councellours and appoint Quod tres ad minus alternatim semper in curia sint to dispose of the custody of Castles Et de aliis Regni negotiis the chiefe Iustice Chancellour and Treasurer with all offices Majores minores they reserve the choyce of to themselves and bind the King to this hard bargaine upon such strong security that hee is contented under the great Seale and Oath to loose to them the knot of Regall duty whensoever hee assumeth to himselfe his Regall dignity Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos in surgere ad gravamen nostrum opem operam dare at si nobis in nullo tenerentur This prodigy of fortune of whom shee had set a pittifull example of her inconstancy finding no part of his Soveraignty left but the bare Title and that at their leave beggeth succour from Vrbane the fourth against his disloyall Subjects The Pope by his Bull cancelleth his Oath and contract and armed him with Excommunications against all those that returne not with speed to their due and old obedience since promises made by men which cannot say they are at liberty are weake and force hath no power to make just interest The Lords on the other side that had imped their wings with Eagles feathers and liked no game now but what was raked out of â—he ashes of Monarchy made head against their Soveraigne and to mate him the better called in aid some French forces Thus the Common-wealth turned againe her sword into her owne bowels and invited her ancient Enemy to the funerall of her liberty so that it was a wonder shee should not at this time passe under a forraine servitude And though these men were more truly sensible of their owne disgrace then of others misery Yet found they no better pretext for private interest then that of the publick And therefore at the entry of this Warre they cried liberty although when they came neere to an end they never spake word of it At Lewis the Armies met where the King endeavours a reconciliation but in vaine for perswasions are ever unprofitable when Iustice is inferiour to force The sword decides the difference and gave the two Kings and their eldest Sonnes Prisoners The person now as well as the regall power thus in the hands of Mountford and Glocester found neither bound of security nor expectation of liberty but what the emulous competition of greatnesse which now beganne to breake out betweene these mighty Rivals gave hope of for Leycester meaning by ingrossing from his partner to himselfe the person of the King and to his followers the best portion of the spoile to draw more fruit from this advantage then it should in fellowship yeeld dissolved the knot of all their amity Thus equall Authority with the same power is ever fatall wee see to all great actions For to fit minds to so even a temper that they should not have some motions of dissenting is impossible Mountford having thus broken all faith with his confederates and duty to his Soveraigne left the path of moderation and wisedome to come to the King by that of pride and distrust To him he telleth that his armes and ends had no other object ever but order of the State and ease of the people that hee did not in this carry affection against duty but well knew how to reine his desires to his just power and so no lesse to his Majesties content if hee would bee ruled which was to command the Fortes and Castles of his now opposite Glocester and the rest into his hands It was hard to this King thus to take a Law from his inferiour but necessity in Soveraigne affaires doth often force away all formality and therefore this poore Prince who now at the Victors discretion seemed to have beene onely raised to shew the inconstancy of fortune and vanity of man suited himselfe with incomparable wisedome according to the necessity of the time Neither did humility wrong Majesty when there was no other meanes to containe Spirits so insolent but dissembling Hee therefore summoneth in his owne person the forts of his fastest friends to yeeld to his greatest enemies This hee enters in shew as his lodging but in effect his prison and saw himselfe forced to arme against his friends and to receive now Law from him to whom hee lately thought to give it Thus Leycester is become a darling of the Common rout who easily change to every new Master but the best durst not saile along his fortune by the light of his glory Christall that fairely glistereth doth easily breake and as the ascent of usurping royalty is slippery so the top is shaking and the fall fearefull To hold this man then at the entry of his false felicity fully happy was but to give the name of the Image to the mettle that was not yet molten for by this the imprisoned Prince was escaped and
either safe quiet or dangerous disturbance both to our particular consciences and also to the common state Therefore before you resolve upon it I pray you call to your considerations these two things Frist whether King Richard be sufficiently deposed or no Secondly whether King Henry bee with good judgement or justice chosen in his place For the first point we are first to examine whether a King being lawfully and fully instituted by any just title may upon impution either of negligence or of tyrannie be deposed by his subjects Secondly what King Richard hath omitted in the one or committed in the other for which hee should deserve so heavy judgement I will not speake what may be done in a popular state or in a Consular in which although one beareth the name and honour of a Prince yet hee hath not supreme power of Majestie but in the one the people have the highest Empire in the other the Nobility and chiefe men of estate in neither the Prince Of the first sort was the common-wealth of the Lacedaemoans who after the form of government which Licurgus framed oftentimes fined oftentimes fettered their kings and sometimes condemned them to death such were also in Caesars time the petty Kings of every Citie in France who were many times arraigned upon life and death and as Ambiorix Prince of the Leodienses confessed had no greater power over the people then the people had over them Of the second condition were the Roman Emperours at the first of whom some namely Nero and Maximinus were openly condemned others were suddenly surprized by judgement and authority of the Senate and such are now the Emperors of Germany whom the other Princes by their Aristocraticall power doe not only restraine but sometimes also remove from their Imperiall state such are also the Kings of Denmarke and Sweveland who are many times by the Nobility dejected either into prison or into exile such likewise are the Dukes of Venice and of some other free states in Italy and the chiefest cause for which Lewes Earle of Flaunders was lately expelled from his place was for drawing to himselfe cognisance in matters of life and death which high power never pertained to his dignity In these and such like governments the Prince hath not regall rights but is himselfe subject to that power which is greater then his whether it bee in the Nobility or in the common people But if the Soveraigne Majesty be in the Prince as it was in the three first Empires and in the Kingdome of Iudea and Israel and is now in the kingdomes of England France Spaine Scotland Muscovia Turky Tartaria Persia Ethiopia and almost all the kingdomes of Asia and Africke although for his vices he be unprofitable to the subjects yea hurtfull yea intollerable yet can they lawfully neither harme his person nor hazard his power whether by judgement or else by force for neither one nor all Magistrates have any authority over the Prince from whom all authority is derived and whose only presence doth silence and suspend all inferiour jurisdiction and power As for force what subject can attempt or assist or counsaile or conceale violence against his Prince and not incurre the high and hainous crime of treason It is a common saying thought is free free indeed from punishment of secular lawes except by word or deed it breake forth into action Yet the secret thoughts against the sacred Majesty of a Prince without attempt without endeavour have beene adjudged worthy of death and some who in auriculer confession have discovered their treacherous devises against the person of their Prince have afterwards been executed for the same All Lawes doe exempt a mad man from punishment because their actions are not governed by their will and purpose and the will of man being set aside all his doings are indifferent neither can the body offend without a corrupt or erronious mind yet if a mad man draw his sword upon his King it hath beene adjudged to deserve death And lest any man should surmise that Princes for the maintenance of their owne safety and soveraignety are the onely Authors of these judgements let us a little consider the Patternes and Preceprs of Holy Scripture Nebuchadnezzar King of Assyria wasted all Palestine with fire and sword oppugned Hierusalem a long time and at the last expugned it slâ—e the King burnt the Temple tooke away the Holy Vessels and Treasure the rest hee permitted to the cruelty and spoyle of his unmercifull souldiers who defiled all places with rape and slaughter and ruinated to the ground that flourishing Citie after the glut of this bloody butchery the people which remayned he led captive into Chaldaea and there erected his golden Image and commanded that they which refused to worship it should bee cast into a fiery Furnace What cruelty what injustice what impiety is comparable to this and yet God calleth Nebuchadnezzar his servant and promiseth hyre and wages for his service and the Prophets Ieremiah and Baruch did write unto the Iewes to pray for the life of him and of Baltazar his sonne that their dayes might bee upon earth as the dayes of Heaven and Ezechiel with bitter termes abhorteth the disloyalty of Zedechia because he revolted from Nebuchadnezzar whose homager and tributary he was What shall we say of Saul did hee not put all the Priests to execution because one of them did relieve holy and harmelesse David did hee not violently persecute that his most faithfull servant and dutifull sonne in law during which pursuit he fell twice into the power of David who did not only spare but also protect the King and reproved the Pretorian souldiers for their negligent watch and was touched in heart for cutting away the lap of his garment and afterwards caused the Messenger to bee slaine who upon request and for pitty had lent his hand as hee said to help forward the voluntary death of that sacred King As for the contrary examples as that of Iehu who slew Iehoram and Ahazia Kings of Israel and Iuda they were done by expresse oracle and revelation from God and are no more set downe for our imitation then the robbing of the Aegyptians or any other particular and priviledged Commandement but in the generall Precept which all men must ordinarily follow not onely our actions but our speeches also and our very thoughts are strictly charged with duty and obedience unto Princes whether they bee good or evill the law of God ordaineth That hee which doth presumptuously against the Ruler of the people shall dye and the Prophet David forbiddeth to touch the Lords annointed Thou shalt not saith the Lord raile upon the Iudges neither speake evill against the Ruler of the people And the Apostles doe demand further that even our thoughts and soules be obedient to higher powers And least any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away
great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glory then refuse either for perill or for paines and in service hee often proved himselfe not onely a skilfull Commander by giving directions but also a good Souldier in using his weapon adventuring further in person sometimes then policy would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receipts hee was very courteous and familiar respectively towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regard especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by unprofitable curtesies then by churlish benefits In all the changes of his estate hee was almost one and the same man in adversity never daunted in prosperity never secure retaining still his Majesty in the one and his mildnesse in the other neither did the continuance of his raigne bring him to a proud poâ—t and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares hee remained so gentle and faire in carriage that thereby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard Hee could not lightly bee drawne into any cause and was stiffe and constant in a good Yet more easie to bee either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to bee terrified by threats To some men hee seemed too greedy of glory making small difference of the meanes whereby hee attained it and indeed this honour in noble minds is most hardly over-ruled and oftentimes it draweth even the wisest awry But before I proceed any further in describing either the qualities or acts of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his Cosin Germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either causes or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard Sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the third crowned King over this Realme of England in the eleventh yeare of his age at which yeares the mind of man is like to the potters earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way soever it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the governance of the King at the first was committed to certaine Bishops Earles Barons and Iustices But either upon nicenes to discontent the King or negligence to discharge their duty every one was more ready with pleasant conceits to delight him then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speeches need small endeavour and alwayes findeth favour whereas to advise that which is meet is a point of some paines and many times a thanklesse office Hereupon two dangerous evils did ensue flattery brake in and private respects did passe under publike pretences In the third yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should bee committed to one man to avoid thereby the unnecessary wast of the Treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend unto many So by the whole consent of the Nobility and Commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwick and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Exchequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did immoderately bend himselfe to the favouring and advancing of certaine persons which were both reproveable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconveniences for many young Noble-men and brave Courtiers having a nimble eye to the secret favours and dislikes of the King gave over themselves to a dissolute and dishonest life which findeth some followers when it findeth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thrive the King also by favouring these was himselfe little favoured and loved of many for it is oftentimes as dangerous to a Prince to have evill and odious adherents as to bee evill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veere Earle of Oxford Michael Delapoole afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Trisilian Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminency either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwayes next unto him both in company and counsell by these hee ordered his private actions by these hee managed his affaires of state hee spared neither the dignity nor death of any man whose authority and life withstood their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his raigne hee removed Sir Richard Scroope from being Lord Chancellour of England to which office hee was by authority of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the grant of certaine Lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his deniall the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties upon whom the King might cast away and consume but spend in good order hee could not advertising him also to have respect that riote did not deceive him under the terme and shew of liberality and that gifts well ordered procure not so much love as placed without discretion they stirre envy This Chancelour was a man of notable integrity and diligence in his office not scornefully turning away from the ragged coate of a poore suppliant or pale face of a sickly and feeble limmed â—uâ—er holding up their simple soiled bils of complaint nor yet smothering his conscience with partiall maintaining of such as were mighty but being alike to all hee was soone disliked of those that were bad In the eight yeare of this Kings raigne the destruction of the Duke of Lancaster was intended likewise upon the like dislike the plot was laied by Iustice Trisilian offences were devised Appellours appointed and Peeres named hee should have beene put under arrest suddenly and forthwith arraigned condemned and executed But the Duke upon privy intelligences of these contrivances fled to his Castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the King So this matter beganne to grow to a head of division which the Common people at that time very busily desired and fought but the Kings Mother travelling incessantly betweene the King and the Duke notwithstanding shee was both corpulent and in yeares laboured them both to a reconcilement the King with regard of the dangerous and discontented times the Duke with respect of his duty and faith and so partly by her entreaty and advise partly by their inclination bending to the safest course all apparancy of displeasure on the one part and distrust on the other was for that time layed aside The same yeare Michael Delapoole was made Chancellour of England and created Earle of Suffolke and Robert Veere Earle of Oxford was created Marquesse of Dublin being the first
man within the Realme that was enobled with that title But as they grew in honour so did they in hate for many Noble-men did infinitely stomack their undeserved advancements and with these the favour of the People generally went but the Kings intemperate affection was peremptory and violent not regarding envy untill hee could not resist it The yeare next following Robert Veerâ— the new Marquesse was created Duke of Ireland This yeare the Knights and Burgesses of Parliament put up many complaints against the Earle of Suffolke upon which they desired his answers and triall namely how hee had abused the King in taking of him to farme all the profits and revenues of the Crowne how wantonly hee wasted the treasure of the land in riotous liberality and unnecessary charges how deepe hee had dived into the Kings debt how carelesse and corrupt hee was in his office how greatly hee had both deceived and discredited the King in certaine dealings and accounts particularly expressed with divers other imputations touching dishonour and dishonesty both in private action and in office This Earle was a Merchants Sonne in London and growing mighty on the sudden hee could not governe himselfe in the change but prosperity layed open the secret faults of his mind which were suppressed and cloaked before and serving a weake Ruler in great place with an ill mind hee made open sale of his Princes honour Yet the King was willing either secretly to dissemble or openly to remit these offences and so passed them over with a short audience as his manner was in matters of greatest weight and without examination shewing himselfe neither grieved at the faults nor well pleased with the complaint Afterwards a Subsidy was required but answer was made that this needed not since the Kings wants might bee furnished with the debts which were owing him from his Chancelour neither was it to any purpose so long as the money should bee ordered by such persons as before it had beene and that that time was like Then were the matters against the Lord Chancellour againe set on foote and the King perswaded that it was neither honorable nor safe to beare him out that to private men it was sufficient if themselves abstaine from wrong but a Prince must provide that none doe wrong under him for by maintaining or wincking at the vices of his Officers hee maketh them his owne and shall surely bee charged therewith when first occasion doth serve against him At the last upon instant importunity of both Houses the King did consent that a commission should goe forth to certaine Noble-men giving them authority to heare and determine all matters which were objected against the Lord Chancellour and then was a Subsidie granted with exception that the money should bee expended by the Lords to the benefit and behalfe of the Realme The King did further demand that the Heires of Charles Bloyes who made claime to the Dutchy of Britaine should bee sold to the French-men for thirty thousand markes and the money granted to the Duke of Ireland for recovery of those possessions which the King had given him in Ireland this was likewise assented unto upon condition that before Easter the next ensuing the Duke should depart into Ireland and there remaine at so high a price did they value the riddance of him out of the Realme The charge of the Subsidie money was committed to Richard Earle of Arundell Commissioners for the Earle of Suffolke were appointed Thomas Duke of Glocester the Kings Vncle and the said Earle of Arundell but during the time of their proceeding the King kept all off in places farre distant either to manifest thereby the discent of his mind or to avoid the griefe which his neerenesse would encrease And now was the Chancellour left unto himselfe to answere to those demeanours wherein hee made the Kings blind favour his priviledge and protection supposing never to see the same either altered or over-ruled In the end being convict of many crimes and abuses hee was deposed from his office his goods were confiscated to the Kings Exchequer and himselfe was adjudged worthy of death Yet was execution submitted to the Kings pleasure and under sureties hee was permitted to goe at large At the same time Iohn Foorde Bishop of Duresme another of the Kings dainties was removed also from being Lord Treasurer of England hee was a man of little depth either in learning or wisedome but one that had the Art of seeming in making the best shew of whatsoever hee spake or did and rising from meane estate to so high a pitch of honour hee exercised the more excessively his riot avarice and ambition not able to moderate the lusts and desires which former want had kindled When this businesse was blowne over the King returned againe to London and did presently receive the Earle of Suffolke with the Duke of Ireland and the Archbishop of Yorke to greater grace and familiarity then at any time before These Triumvirs did not cease to stirre up the Kings stomack against those Noblemen whose speciall excellency had made matter of â—ame and regard partly for the disgraces which they had received partly upon malicious emulation to see the other so favoured and themselves so odious and that their private choller and ambition might beare some shew of publike respect they suggested unto the King that hee was but halfe yea not halfe a King in his owne Realme but rather the shadow and picture of a King for if wee respect said they matters of state you beare the sword but they sway it you have the shew but they the authority of a Prince using your name as a colour and countenance to their proceeding and your person as a cipher to make them great and bee your selfe nothing Looke to the duty of your Subjects and it is at their devotion so that you can neither command nor demand any thing but with such exceptions and limitations as they please to impose come now to your private actions your liberality the greatest vertue in a Prince is restrained your expences measured and your affections confined to frowne and favour as they doe prescribe What Ward is so much under government of his Gardian Wherein will they next or can they more abridge you Except they should take from you the place as they have done the power of a Prince and in this wee thinke they may justly bee feared having so great might joyned with so great aspiring minds For power is never safe when it doth exceed and ambition is like the Crocodile which groweth so long as hee liveth or like the Ivie which fastning on the foote of the tallest Tower by small yet continuall rising at length will climbe above the top it is already growne from a sparke to a flame from a twig to a tree and high time it is that the increase were stayed oftentimes such over-ruling of Princes have proceeded to their overthrowing and such cutting them short hath turned to cutting
all his courses now crossed first rashnes in taking armes and afterwards by cowardise in maintaining them The Earle of Darby signified this successe to his associates by letters yet without any vanting or enlarging Tearmes his speeches also were moderate rather extenuating his fact then extolling it but by stopping his fame it much encreased when men esteemed his high thoughts by his lowly words and his conceit in great exploits by his contempt of this Then the Lords met and marched together towards London whither they came upon Saint Stephens day having almost forty thousand men in their army and first they shewed themselves in battaile array in the fields neare unto the Tower within the view of the King afterwards they tooke up their lodgings in the Suburbs the Major and Aldermen of the City came forth and gave liberall allowance of victuall to the souldiers offering unto the Lords entertainement within the City but they did not accept it Now this discord seemed to draw to a dangerous distrâ—ction of the Common-wealth the vanquished part being full of malice and the Conquerours of presumption the one wanting power the other right to command and rule The Archbishop of Canterbury and certaine others of the neutrality fearing the sequele perswaded the King to come to a treaty with the Lords but hee made shew of very light regard of all these dealings let them stay said hee untill they have wearied themselves with maintaining this multitude and then I will talke further with them When the Lords understood the drift of his devise they beset the Thames and all other passages and protested that they would not depart untill they had talked with him to his face The King having neither strength to resist nor scope to scape consented to a treaty and to that end desired the Lords to come to him into the Tower but they refused that place of meeting upon feare of false measure untill the King permitted them to search as diligently and come as strongly as they thought it meet So they came unto the King well guarded and after a few could kindnâ—sses and strange salutations they laid before him his proceedings against them at Nottingam his letters which he sent to the Duke of Ireland contrary to his word for the raising of armes against them his agreement with the French King for the yeelding up of Calis and other strong holds which he possessed in those parts with divers other points of dishonourable dâ—aling and negligent government What should the King then have said or done all these matters were so evident and so evill that there was no place left either for deniall or defence Therefore ingenuously first with silence and patience afterwards with teares hee confessed his errours And certainely the stiffe stomack of the Lords relented more to these luke warme drops then they would have done to his Cannon shot Then it was agreed that the next day the King should meet with them at Westminster and there treat further both of these and other necessary affaires of the Realme So the Duke and the rest of the Lords departed except the Earle of Darby who stayed supper with the King and all that time stayed him in his promised purpose but when hee was also gone some of the secret Counsailours or Corrupters rather and Abusers of the King whistled him in the eare that his going to Westminster was neither seemely nor safe and would cause not onely to his person present danger and contempt but also both abasement and abridgement to his authority afterwards Thâ— Kings mind was soone changed but the Lords being now stirred and feeling the Kings hand weake to governe the bridle became the more vehement and sent him word that if hee did jeofaile with them and not come according to appointment they would chuse another King who should have his Nobility in better regard This peremptory message so terrified the King that hee not onely went to Westminster but suffered the Lords to doe there even what they would So they caused him much against his liking to remove out of the Court Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Foord Bishop of Durisme Frier Thâ—mas Rushoke Bishop of Chichester the Kings Confessour Likewise they removed the Lord Souâ—â— the Lord Haringworth Lord Burnel Lord Beaumount Sir Albred Veere Sir Baldâ—wine Bereford Sir Richard Alderbury Sir Iohn Worth Sir Thomas Clifford and Sir Iohn Lovell taking sureties for their appearance at the next Parliament Also certaine Ladies were expelled the Court and put under sureties to wit the Lady Mowen the Lady Moling and the Lady Ponings which was the wife of Sir Iohn Woorth Furthermore they arrested Simon Burly William Elinghame Iohn Salisbury Thomas Trivet Iames Berneis Nicholas Dagworth and Nicholas Bâ—â—mbre Knights Richard Clifford Iohn Lincolne and Richard Motford Clearkes Iohn Beauchampe the Kings Steward Nicholas Lake Deane of the Kings Chappell and Iohn Blake Counceller at the Law all these were committed to divers Prisons where they were forth-comming but not comming forth untill the Parliament next following After the feast of the Purification the Parliament beganne at London and yet the King used many means either to dash or deferre the same to which the Lords came attended with the number and strength of a full army upon colour to represse any riotâ— that might happen to arise but in truth that by this terrour they might draw the whole mannage of affaires unto themselves This assembly continued untill Whitsuntide next following with very great fear of some men and hope of others and expectation of all Herein was Iustice Trisilian by counsaile of the Lords against the Kings mind condemned to bee drawne and hanged which judgement was presently executed upon him the like sentence and execution passed upon Sir Nicholas Brambre Sir Iohn Salisbury Sir Iames Barneis Iohn Beauchampe the Kings Steward and Iohn Blake Esquire who had framed the Articles which were exhibited against the Lords at Nottingham Also the Iustices who gave their judgement concerning those Articles Robert Belknape Iohn Holt Roger Fâ—lthrope and William Burghe were condemned to perpetuall exile and yet they did not enterpose themselves but intermeddle by constraint Sir Simon Burly was also beheaded who was Keeper of Dover Castle and had conspired to deliver the same unto the Frenchmen hee was infinitely â—aughty and proud equall to the meanest in vertue and wisedome but in bravery and traine inferiour to no Duke Divers other were either put to death or banished and some as it happened when the reine of fury is at large without any great cause The Earle of Derby furthered no mans death but laboured very instantly for the life and liberty of many in so much as hot speeches did arise betwene the Duke of Glocester and him whereby hee purchased a favourable opinion among those of the contrary part having caused the death of no man but onely in the field Then was an oath exacted of the King to stand to the Government of the Lords
and also a note was taken of all the Subjects within the Realme to bee true and faithfull unto the King The King in taking this oath of the Lords bewrayed his inward conceit by his open countenance looking pleasantly on those hee favoured and angerly on those whom hee hated by which untimely discovery hee made them more heedefull and himselfe more hatefull which were occasions afterward both to prevent the revenge which hee much desired and to procure the mischiefes which hee little feared Lastly a subsidie was granted and so the King comming as it were to a capitulation with the Lords hee to have the name of a King and they the Authority and Majesty the contention for that time ceased All this was done in the 11. yeare of the Kings raigne hee being yet under age and in Government of others But the yeare following hee beganne to take upon him more liberty and rule and upon extreame disdaine that both his pleasure and his power were by the Lords thus restrained hee did ever after beare a hard mind against them And first hee assembled them in the Councell Chamber and there demanded of what yeares they tooke him to bee they answered that hee was somewhat above one and twenty then said hee I am of lawfull age to have the regiment in mine owne hand and therefore you doe mee wrong to hold mee still under government as though the condition of a King were harder then of a Subject This the Lords were neither willing to grant nor able to deny and therefore they either kept silence or spake little to the purpose Well said the King since I am no longer an infant I heere renounce your rule and take upon mee such free administration of the Realme as the Kings thereof my Predecessours heretofore have lawfully used Then presently hee began his Phaetons flourish and commanded the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chancellour to resigne his Seale which the King received and put up and therewith departed out of the Chamber but soone after hee returned againe and delivered the same to William Wickam Bishop of Winchester constituting him Lord Chancellour thereby Many other officers hee likewise deposed and placed new in their roome partly to manifest his authority and partly to satisfie his displeasure Also hee removed the Duke of Glocester the Earle of Warwick and many others from his Privy Councell and tooke those in their places which more regarded the humour of the King but lesse his honour Soone after it was suggested to the King that the Duke of Glocecester was gathering forces against him but upon examination there was found not onely no truth but no shew or colour of any such matter The Duke would not quietly have disgested the raising of these reports but the King whether upon a generall delight to bee tickled in the cares with such tales or upon particular desire to have some quarrell against the Duke charged him to silence In the 13. yeare of the raigne of King Richard the Citizens of Genuâ— desired his aid against the Barbarians of Afrike who with dayly incursions infested and spoiled all the Sea coasts and Ilands of Italy and France which fronted upon them The King sent a choyce company of Souldiers under the conduct of Henry Earle of Derby who behaved himselfe in this charge with great integrity and courage inciting his men the good by praise the bad by example rather then reproofe as more ready to commend the vertues of the one then to upbraid the vices of the other And first hee passed into France and there joyned himselfe to certaine French forces appointed likewise for this service then with might and minds united they sailed together into Africk At their arrivall the Barbarians were ready in armes to keepe them from landing but the Earle commanded his Archers to breake through and make passage despising the enemy whom hee knew to bee weake and unskilfull in service and not to have that advantage in place which hee had in men the Frenchmen also sharply set in and seconded the English and so whilest both companies contended the one to bee accompted a helpe and the other to seeme to need no helpe the enemies were forced to flie and leave the shoare unto the Christians In this conflict three Dukes of the Barbarians and above three hundred Souldiers were slaine and in the flight foure Dukes were taken and a great yet uncertaine number of Common people Then the Christians marched directly towards Tunis the head City of that Countrey this they besieged and in short time tooke chiefely by the prowesse of the English souldiers who first scaled the Wales and reared thereon the Earles banner When they were entred the Towne the Englishmen bent their endeavour to the housing of their enemies and beating downe of such as made resistance but the Frenchmen straight wayes turned to their lascivious pleasures so that there was presented a spectacle both pitifull and shamelesse in one place butchering of men in another rioting with women here streames of bloud and heapes of slaughtered bodies hard by dissolute and licentious wantonnesses in some all the miseries of a cruell warre and the loosenesse of a secure peace Here were slaine and taken above foure thousand Barbarians the Kings brother also was slaine but the King himselfe fled into the Castle which was strongly scited and well fortified and furnished with men The Christians laid siege to this Castle the space of five weekes during which time they lost many of their men yet not by sword but by sicknesse the Barbarians also were distressed with want of victuall having but little provision and many unprofitable mouths to consume it hereupon they sent unto the Christians to desire peace offering them a great summe of money to depart out of their Countrey this the Christians accepted upon condition that they might also freely carry with them all their pray and Prisoners and that the Barbarians should from thence forth surcease from making spoile upon any of the coasts of Italy or France Thus had this voyage a prosperous and speedy end the onely service as I suppose which the English and Frenchmen performed together without jotte of jarre And yet the Earle abused not the fortune of this successe to vaine vanting or braving in words but moderately imparted to the rest the honour of the exploit so by valiantly performing his charge and sparingly speaking thereof his glory encreased without bit of envy In the fifteenth and sixteenth yeares of the raigne of King Richard certaine causes of discontentment did grow betweene the King and the Londoners which set the favour of the one and the faith of the other at great separation and distance One was for that the King would have borrowed of them a thousand pounds which they feeling much and fearing more the Kings dayly exactions did not onely deny but evill intreated a certaine Lumbard who offered to lay out the money Another griefe was thus occasioned One of the
rashly believed as it was craftily given out whereupon the Dukes dissembled their feares and dissolved their forces and remained in expectancy what would ensue A little before the feast of Saint Michael the Parliament beganne at London wherein Sir Iohn Bushie Sir William Bagot and Sir Henry Greene were principall agents for the Kings purpose These were then in all the credites and authority with the King and his chiefest Schoole-masters both of cruelty and deceit they were proud arrogant and ambitious and upon confidence of the Kings favour professed enemies to men of ancient Nobility to the end that being lately start up they might become more famous by maintaining contention with great persons And first by their importuned travaile all the Charters of pardon granted by the King were in this Parliament annulled and revoked Then the Prelates did constitute Sir Henry Percie their Procuratour and departed the house because they might not bee present in judgement of bloud Lastly the Earle of Arundel and the Earle of Warwick were arraigned and for the same offences for which they had beene pardoned namely for encroaching to themselves Royall power in judging to death Simon Burly Iohn Berneis and others without the Kings consent were condemned to bee hanged drawne and quartered but the King so moderated the severity of this sentence that the Earle of Arundel was onely beheaded and the Earle of Warwick committed to perpetuall imprisonment in the I le of Man The Duke of Glocester was so greatly favoured that it was thought a point both of policy and peace not to bring him to his open answer but to put him to death secretly so hee was strangled under a feather bed at Calis by the Earle of Nottingham being then Earle Marshall which death howsoever he deserved yet dying as hee did not called nor heard he died as guiltlesse In this same Parliament Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury was also accused for executing the commission against Michael De-la-poole Earle of Suffolke for which cause his temporalties were seazed his lands and goods forfeited as well in use as in possessionâ— and hee himselfe was adjudged to exile and charged to depart the Realme within six weekes then next ensuing So hee went into France where afterwards hee became a principall meane of the revolt which followed Also the Lord Cobham was exiled into the I le of Gernsey and Sir Reinold Cobham was condemned to death not for entring into any attempt against the King but because he was appointed by the Lords to bee one of his Governours and of his Counsaile in the 11. yeare of his raigne Now the King falsely supposing that hee was free from all dangers and that the humour against him was cleane purged and spent conceived more secret contentment then hee would openly bewray as more able to dissemble his joy then conceale his feare being so blinded and bewitched with continuall custome of flatteries that hee perceived not that the state of a Prince is never stablished by cruelty and craft On the other side the Common people were much dismayed having now lost those whom they accompted their onely helpes and their onely hopes both for their private affaires and for supporting the state and because these mishaps happened unto them for maintaining a cause of common dislike the peoples stomack was stirred thereby to much hate and heart-burning against the King And to make their deaths the more odious the Earle of Arundel was reputed a Martyr and Pilgrimages were dayly made to the place of his buriall the rumour also was current but without either authour or ground that his head was miraculously fastened againe to his body this whilest all men affirmed and no man knew the King caused the corps to bee taken up and viewed tenne dayes after it was interred and finding the same to bee fabulous hee caused the ground to bee paved where the Earle was laid and all mention of his buriall to bee taken away forbidding publikely any such speeches of him afterwards to bee used But this restraint raised the more and they who if it had bin lawfull would have said nothing being once forbidden could not forbeare to talke It was also constantly reported that the King was much disquieted in his dreames with the Earle who did often seeme to appeare unto him in so terrible and truculent manner that breaking his fearefull sleepe hee would curse the time that ever hee knew him In the one and twenty yeare of the raigne of King Richard Henry Earle of Darby was created Duke of Hereford at which time the King created foure other Dukes to wit Duke of Aumerle who was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Excester who was before Earle of Huntington and Duke of Norfolke who was before Earle of Nottingham This degree of honour long time after the conquest of the Normans whose chiefest Rulers had no higher title was accompted too great for a subject to beare the fourme of the Common-wealth being framed by the Victours farre from equality of all and yet the King excepted without eminency of any At the length King Edward the third created his eldest Sonne Edward Duke of Cornâ—wall and made this honour hereditary conferring it unto many since which time divers Princes of his land have beene either put or kept or hazarded from their estate by men of that quality and degree The King likewise created the Countesse of Norfolke Dutchesse of Norfolke the Earle of Sommerset Marquesse of Sommerset the Lord Spencer Earle of Glocester the Lord Nevill Earle of Westmerland the Lord Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire and the Lord Thomas Darcy his Steward Earle of Worcester Among these hee made division of a great part of the lands of the Duke of Glocester and of the Earles of Arundel and Warwick supposing by this double liberality of honour and possessions to have purchased to himselfe most firme friendships but bought friends for the most part are seldome either satisfied or sure and like certaine Ravens in Arabia so long as they are full doe yeeld a pleasant voice but being empty doe make a horrible cry Now the Duke of Hereford raised his desires together with his dignities and either upon disdaine at the undeserved favour and advancement of some persons about the King or upon dislike that the King was so dishonourably both abused and abased by them or else perhaps upon desire to manifest his owne sufficiencie in matters of controulement and direction being in familiar discourse with Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke hee brake into complaint how the King regarded not the Noble Princes of his bloud and Peeres of the Realme and by extremities used to some discouraged the rest from intermedling in any publique affaires how instead of these hee was wholly governed by certaine new-found and new-fangled favorites vulgar in birth corrupt in qualities â—aving no sufficiency either of councell for peace or of courage for warre who being of all men the most unhonest
parts joyne their Common strength and study together so whilest one by one did fight all of them were either subdued or slaine But these newes little rejoyced the Common people they lusted not to listen thereto their common talke was to recount their common grievances to lay them together and aggravate them by construction every man more abounding in complaints then hee did in miseries Also the Noble men the principall object of cruelty beganne to discourse both their private dangers and the deformities of the State and upon opportunity of the Kings absence some of them did conspire to cut off that authority which would not bee confined and to cast it upon some other who was most like to repaire that which King Richard had ruined or if said they our power shall come short of so good a purpose yet will wee sell him both our lives and lands with glory in the field which with certainty in peace wee cannot enjoy The onely man upon whom all men resolved was Henry Duke of Hereford whom since the death of his Father they called Duke of Lancaster not at his owne motion or desire but because hee was generally esteemed meet as being of the Royall bloud and next by descent from males to the succession of the Crowne one that had made honourable proofe of his vertues and valour the onely man of note that remained alive of those that before had stood in armes against the King for the behoofe of the Common-wealth for which cause hee was deepely touched at that time both in honour and in state This attempt pleased as possible to prove and of necessity to be followed whereupon they secretly dispatched their letters to the Duke solliciting his speedy returne into England and declaring that as well for the benefit of the Realme as for their owne particular safety they were forced to use force against King Richard that if it would please him to make the head they would furnish him the body of an able army to expell the King from his unfortunate government and to settle the possession of the Crowne in him who was more apt and able to sustaine the same that they would not provide him a base multitude onely and they themselves helpe in bare wishâ—s and advise but would also adjoyne their hands and their lives so that the perill should be common to all the glory only his if fortune favoured the enterprise These letters were conveyed by men crafty and bold yet of sure credit and inward in trust with the Duke who passing into France first associated unto them Thomas Arundel late Archbishop of Canterbury and at that time whether deservedly or without cause an exile in France then they travelled by severall wayes and in counterfeit attire to Paris where all met at the House of one Clugney where the Duke then sojourned After some courtesies of course with welcome on the one side and thanks on the other and joy of both the Archbishop of Canterbury having obtained of the Duke privacy and silence made unto him a solemne oration in these words or to this sense following Wee are sent unto you right high and Noble Prince from the chiefe Lords and States of our land not to seeke revenge against our King upon private injury and displeasure nor upon a desperate discontentment to set the State on fire nor to procure the ambitious advancement of any particular person but to open unto you the deformities and decayes of our broken estate and to desire your aid in staying the ruinous downefall of the same The remembrance of the honourable reputation that our Countrey hath borne and the Noble acts which it hath atchieved doth nothing else but make the basenesse more bitter unto us whereinto it is new fallen Our victorious armes have heretofore beene famous and memorable not onely within the bounds of our Ocean-Sea and in the Ilands adjoyning unto us but also in France in Spaine and in other parts of Europe yea in Asia and in Africk against the Infidels and Barbarians so that all Christian Princes have beene either glad to imbrace our friendship or loath to provoke us to hostility But now the rude Scots whose spirits we have so many times broken brought on their knees do scornefully insult upon us the naked and fugitive Irish have shaked oft our shackles and glutteth themselves upon us with massacres and spoiles with these wee dayly fight not for glory but to live insomuch as we are become a pitty to our friends and a very jeast to our most base and contemptible enemies Indeed the King hath both sent and led great armies into these Countries but in such sort that they have much wasted the Realme with their maintenance but neither revenged nor relieved it with their armes and no mervaile for all our diligent and discreet leaders the very sinewes of the field are either put to death or banished or else ly buried in obscurity and disgrace and the marshalling of all affaires is committed without any respect of sufficiency or desert to the counsaile and conduct of those who can best apply themselves to the Kings youthfull delights Among these ancient Nobility is accompted a vaine jeast wealth and vertue are the ready meanes to bring to destruction It grieves mee to speake but it helpeth not to hide that which every man seeth our Ancestours lived in the highest pitch and perfection of liberty but wee of servility being in the nature not of subjects but of abjects and flat slaves not to one intractable Prince onely but to many proud and disdainefull favorites not alwayes the same but ever new and no sooner have wee satisfied some but fresh hungry Masters are streight wayes set upon us who have more endammaged us by extortion and bribes then the enemy hath done by the sword What unusuall kinds of exactions are dayly put in practise without either measure or end oftentimes without need or if any be it proceedeth rather upon riotous expenses then any necessity of honourable charge and great summes of money are pulled and pilled from good subjects to bee throwne away amongst unprofitable unthrifts And if any man openeth his mouth against these extorted taxations then either by feined imputation of capitall crimes or by small matters aggravated or else by open cruelty and force his life or liberty is forth with hazarded It were too tedious too odious too frivolous to put you in mind of particular examples as though your owne estate and the lamentable losse of your Vncle and other Noble friends could bee forgotten yea I suppose that there is no man of quality within the Realme who either in his owne person or in his neerest friends doth not plainely perceive that no man enjoyeth the safegard of his goods and suerty of his body but rich men in the one and great men in the other are continually endangered This then is our case but what is our remedy we have endured and we have entreated but our patience
this favour not onely to exceed his expectation but even above his wish hee thought it best to follow the current whilst the streame was most strong knowing right well that if fortune be followed as the first doe fall out the rest will commonly succeed Therefore cutting off unnecessary delayes with all possible celerity hee hastned towards London to the end that possessing himselfe thereof as the chiefe place within the Realme both for strength and store hee might there make the seat of the warre In this journey no signe nor shew of hostility appeared but all the way as hee passed the men of chiefest quality and power adjoyned themselves unto him some upon heat of affection some for feare others upon hope of reward after victory every one upon causes dislike with like ardent desire contending least any should seeme more forward then they In every place also where hee made stay rich gifts and pleasant devises were presented unto him with large supply both of force and provision farre above his need and the Common people which for their greatnesse take no care of publique affaires and are in least danger by reason of their basenesse with shouts and acclamations gave their applause extolling the Duke as the onely man of courage and saluting him King but spending many contumelious termes upon King Richard and depraving him as a simple and sluggish man a dastard a mâ—ycock and one altogether unworthy to beare rule shewing themselves as much without reason in railing upon the one as they were in flattering the other Againe the Duke for his part was not negligent to uncover the head to bow the body to stretch forth the hand to every meane person and to use all other complements of popular behaviour wherewith the minds of the common multitude are much delighted and drawen taking that to be courtesie which the severer sort account abasement When he came to the Citie hee was there likewise very richly and royally entertained with processions and pageants and vers other triumphant devises and shewes the standing in all the streets where hee passed were taken up to behold him and the unable multitude who otherwise could not yet by their good words wishes and wils did testifie unto him their loving affections neither did there appeare in any man at that time any memory of faith and allegiance towards King Richard but as in seditions it alwayes hapneth as the most swayed all did goe On the contrary side the Duke of Yorke with the rest of his counsaile fell to mustering of men at S. Albones for the King but as the people out of divers quarters were called thither many of them protested that they would doe nothing to the harme and prejudice of the Duke of Lancaster who they said was unjustly expelled first from his countrey and afterwards from his inheritance Then W. Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire Lord Treasurer S. I. Bush Sir W. Bagot and Sir Henry Greene perceiving the stiffe resolution of the people forsooke the Duke of Yorke and the Lord Chancellor and fled towards Bristow intending to passe the seas into Ireland to the King These foure were they upon whom the common fame went that they had taken of the King his Realme to farme who were so odious unto the people that their presence turned away the hearts of many subjects yea it was thought that more for displeasure against them then against the King the revolt was made For being the only men of credit and authority with the King under false colour of obedience they wholly governed both the Realme and him to many mischiefes corrupting his mind and in many abusing his name either against his will or without his knowledge insomuch as hee was innocent of much harme which passed under his commandement but the patience of the people could not endure that two or three should rule all not by reason they were sufficient but because they were in favour and the King in that he permitted them whom hee might have bridled or was ignorant of that which he should have knowne by tollerating and wincking at their faults made them his owne and opened thereby the way to his destruction So often times it falleth out to be as dangerous to a Prince to have hurtfull and hatefull officers in place and services of weight as to be hurtfull and hatefull himselfe The Duke of Yorke either amazed at this sudden change or fearing his adventure if hee should proceed in resistance gave over the cause and preferred present security before duty with danger giving most men occasion to misdeeme by his dealing that hee secretly favoured the Dukes Enterprise likewise all the other Counsellors of that side either openly declared for the Duke or secretly wished him well and abandoning all private direction advise adjoyned themselves to the common course presuming thereby of greater safety Duke Henry in the meane time being at London entred into deliberation with his friends what way were best to be followed At the last having considered the forwardnesse of the people the greatnesse of the perill whereinto they had already plunged and the Kings irreconcilable nature whereof hee made proofe against the Duke of Glocester and the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke they finally resolved to expell him from his dignity and to constitute Duke Henry King in his stead and to that end open warre was denounced against the King against all his partakers as enemies to the quiet prosperity of the Realme and pardon also promised to all those that would submit themselves to follow the present course otherwise to looke for no favour but all extremities None of the Nobility durst openly oppose himselfe to these designes some unwilling to play all their state at a cast kept themselves at liberty to be directed by successe of further event others consented coldly and in tearms of doubtfull construction with intent to interpret them afterwards as occasion should change but the most part did directly and resolutely enter into the cause and made their fortunes common with the Duke in danger of the attempt but not in honour among whom the Duke standing up used speech to this purpose I am returned here as you see at your procurement by your agreement have entred into armes for the common liberty wee have hitherto prosperously proceeded but in what tearmes wee now stand I am altogether uncertaine A private man I am loath to be accounted being designed to be King by you and a Prince I cannot be esteemed whilst another is in possession of the Kingdome Also your name is in suspence whether to be termed rebels or subjects untill you have made manifest that your alleageance was bound rather to the state of the Realme then the person of the Prince Now you are the men who have both caused this doubtfulnesse and must cleare the same your parts still remaineth to be performed your vertue and valour must adde strength to the goodnesse of this action Wee have already attempted so
with great vehemency often repeated but the Kings eares were stopped against all impression of manhood and as hee was unable to governe himselfe in his prosperous estate so was hee much lesse sufficient to wind out of these intricate troubles Therefore perceiving himselfe so straitly beset that hee could hardly either escape away or shift any longer hee desired speech with Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland of whom the one hee had banished the other hee had proclaimed Traytour not long before These two came unto him and the King upon short conference understanding what stiffe stomacks they bare against him was content not to demand that which he saw hee could not obtaine and thereupon agreed that hee would relinquish his estate upon condition that an honourable living might be assigned him and life promised to eight such persons as hee would name the greatest number whom adversity did not alter This was then both readily and faithfully promised by the Archbishop and the Earle and afterward solemnely ratified by the Duke The King ceased not to entreat submisly and promise largely and as the nature is of men perplexed with feare above his ability and without measure the Earle encouraged him and declared that the Duke before he had obtained any aid secured by his oath the safety of the Kings person Then the King desired to talke with the Duke which was likewise promised and so the Archbishop and the Earle departed and the King removed to the Castle of Flint about eight miles distant from Chester to which place the Duke came to him Here the countenances and words of both were noted by them that were present the King seemed abject and base the Duke neither insulting nor relenting but comforting and promising friendly The King repeated many benefits and kindnesses that hee had shewed how in former time hee had spared the Dukes owne life and lately his Sonnes in regard whereof he desired him with such submisnes as was agreable rather with his necessity then his honour that hee would shew some pitty where hee had received such pleasure and permit him to enjoy his life with such private maintenance as was convenient for his estate The Duke put him in good comfort promising him assuredly that he would provide for his safety for which hee suffered himselfe to be solemnly thanked and thought it not much to have it accounted a great benefit Indeed from that time the King was kept safe and sure enough from binding any of the Dukes purposes neither could it so easily have beene discerned what had beene best for him to doe as that this which he did was the very worst for the same night he was brought by the Duke his army to Chester and from thence secretly conveyed to the Tower of London there to be kept safe untill the Parliament which was appointed shortly after to be holden Thus the King yeelded himselfe the 20. day of August being the 47. day after the Dukes arrivall so that his journeyes considered from Houldernesse in the North to London from thence to Bristow and so into Wales and back againe to Chester a man shall not easily travaile over the land in shorter time then he conquered it So friendly was fortune unto him that he either found or made a ready passage through all hinderances and lets and it seemed that hee needed onely to open his armes to meet and receive her as shee offered her selfe unto him All the Kings treasure and Iewels with his horses and all his fardage came to the Dukes hands and many that were in his company were afterwards also despoiled by the souldiers of Northumberland and Wales Some Writers affirme that the King did not yeeld himselfe but was forelaid and taken as he was secretly passing from Flint to Chester but the authority of others who lived in that time either in the plain view or certaine intelligence of these affaires who for their place could not but know for their profession would not but deliver the very truth hath drawne mee to follow their report which I find also received by some late Writers of as great deapth in judgement and choyce as any without exception that this age hath brought forth As the King was carried towards London certaine Citizens conspired to lay themselves in a wait by the way and sodainly to slay him partly for private grievances and partly for the cruelty that he had used towards the whole City but the Major upon intelligence prevented the practice rod forth in person with a convenient company to conduct him safely unto the Tower Shortly after the Duke came to London in solemne estate and sent forth summons in the Kings name for a Parliament to bee holden at Westminster the last day of September in the same yeare in the meane time he deliberated with his kindred kind friends concerning the order of his proceedings The Duke of Yorke who a little before had beene Governour of the Realme for the King then was the chiefest Directour of the Duke thought it best that King Richard should both voluntarily resigne and also solemnely be deposed by consent of all the States of the Realme for resignation onely would be imputed to feare and deprivation to force whereof the one is alwayes pitied the other envied but if both concurre and his desire be combined with his desert being willing to forsake that which he is adjudged worthy to forgoe then shall it appeare that he neither is expelled his Kingdome by meere constraint nor leaveth it without just cause This advice pleased the rest and for executing thereof upon the day of S. Michael which was the day before the Parliament should begin there assembled at the Tower Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury Richard Scroupe Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Bishop of Hereford Henry Duke of Lancaster Henry Earl of Northumberland Radulph Earle of Westmerland Lord Hugh Burnel Lord Thomas Barkly Lord Rose Lord Willoughby Lord Abergeiny The Abbot of Westminster the â—riour of Canterbury William Thirminges and Iohn Markeham Chiefe Iustices Thomas Stoke and Iohn Burback Doctours of Law Thomas Herpingham and Thomas Gray Knights William Forby and Dionisâ— Lopham publike Notaries and diverâ— others either not noted or not remembred When all were set in their places King Richard was brought forth apparelled in his Royall robe the diademe on his head the Scepter in his hand and was placed amongst them in a Chaire of estate Never was Prince so gorgeous with lesse glory and greater griefe to whom it was not disgrace sufficient to lose both the honour and ornaments of a King but hee must openly to his greater scorne renounce the one and deliver the other After a little pause and expectation the King arose from his seat and spake to the assembly these words or the very like in effect I assure my self that some at this present many hereafter will accompt my case lamentable either that I have
of Lancaster Grandfather to the King by the mothers side when he served in the wars of King Edward the third beyond the seas together with this Prophesie that the Kings which should bee annoynted therewith should bee the Champions of the Church Duke Henry delivered this oyle in a golden violl to Prince Edward the eldest sonne of King Edward the third who locked up the same in a barred Chest within the Tower with intent to be annoynted therewith when he should be crowned King but the Prince dying before his Father it remayned there either not remembred or not regarded untill this present yeare wherein the King being upon his voyage into Ireland and making diligent search for the Iewels and Monuments of his Progenitors found this Violl and Prophesie and understanding the secret was desirous to bee annoynted againe with that oyle but the Archbishop of Canterbury perswaded him that both the fact was unlawfull and the precedent unseen that a King should be annoynted twice whereupon he brake off that purpose and took the violl with him into Ireland and when he yeelded himselfe at Flint the Archbishop of Canterbury demanded it of him againe and did receive and reserve the same untill the coronation of King Henry who was the first King of this Realme that was annoynted therewith I am not purposed to discourse either of the authority or of the certainty of these prophesies but wee may easily observe that the greatest part of them either altogether fayled or were fulfilled in another sense then as they were commonly construed and taken During the raigne of King Henry the fourth execution by fire was first put in practise within this Realme for controversies in points of religion in any other extraordinary matter hee did as much make the Church Champion as shew himselfe a Champion of the Church but afterwards his successors were intitule Defendars of the faith and how in action they verified the same I refer to remembrance and report of later times Now it had beene considered that the title which was derived to King Henry from Edmund whom they surnamed Crouchbacke would be taken but for a blind and idle jest for that it was notorious that the said Edmund was neither eldest sonne to King Henry the third as it was plainely declared by an act of Parliament nor yet a mishapen and deformed person but a goodly Gentleman and valiant Commander in the field and so favoured of the King his Father that hee gave him both the heritages and honours of Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester of Ferrare Earle of Darby and of Iohn Baron of Monmuth who to their owne ruine and destruction had displayed seditious ensignes against the King And further to advance him to the marriage of Blanch Queene of Naverne hee created him the first Earle of Lancaster and gave unto him the County Castle and Towne of Lancaster with the Forrests of Wiresdale Lounsdale New-castle beneath Linne the Manner Castle and Forrest of Pickering the Manner of Scaleby the Towne of Gomecester of Huntendone c. with many large priviledges and high titles of honour Therefore King Henry upon the day of his Coronation caused to bee proclaymed that hee claymed the kingdome of England first by right of conquest Secondly because King Richard had resigned his estate and designed him for his successour Lastly because hee was of the blood royall and next heyre male unto King Richard Haeres malus indeed quoth Edmund Mortimer Earle of March unto his secret friends and so is the Pyrate to the Merchant when hee despoyleth him of all that he hath This Edmund was sonne to Roger Mortimer who was not long before slaine in Ireland and had beene openly declared heyre apparent to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue as descended by his Mother Philip from Lionell Duke of Clarence who was elder brother to Iohn Duke of Lancaster King Henries Father and therefore the said Edmund thought himselfe and indeed was neerer heyre male to the succession of the Crowne then hee that by colour of right clayming it carried it by dint of force But such was the condition of the time that hee supposed it was vaine for him to stirre where King Richard could not stand Whereupon hee dissembled either that hee saw his wrong or that hee regarded it and chose rather to suppresse his title for a time then by untimely opposing himselfe to have it oppressed and depressed for ever to this end hee withdrew himselfe farre from London to his Lordship of Wigmore in the West parts of the Realme and there setled himselfe to a private and close life Idlenesse and vacancy from publike affaires he accounted a vertue and a deepe point of wisdome to meddle with nothing whereof no man was chargeable to yeeld a reckoning In revenues hee was meane in apparell moderate in company and traine not excessive yet in all these honourable and according to his degree so that they which esteemed men by outward appearance only could see in him no great shew either of wit and courage in his mind to be feared or of wealth and honour in his estate to bee envied And thus whilest a greater enemy was feared hee passed unregarded making himselfe safe by contempt where nothing was so dangerous as a good opinion and taking up those coales in obscurity for a time which shortly after set all the Realme on fire King Henry presently after his coronation created his eldest sonne Lord Henry being then about xiii yeares of age Prince of Wales Duke of Cornewall and Earle of Chester and soone after he created him also Duke of Aquitaine Afterwards it was enacted by consent of all the states of the Realme assembled together in the Parliament that the inheritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and of France and of all the Dominions to them appertaining should bee united and remaine in the person of King Henry and in the heires of his body lawfully begotten and that Prince Henry his eldest sonne should be his heyre apparant and successor in the premises and if hee should dye without lawfull issue then they were entayled to his other sonnes successively in order and to the heyres of their bodies lawfully begotten The inheritance of the Kingdome being in this sort setled in King Henry and in his line it was moved in the parliament what should be done with King Richard The Bishop of Caerliel who was a man learned and wise and one that alwayes used both liberty and constancy in a good cause in his secret judgement did never give allowance to these proceedings yet dissembled his dislike untill hee might to some purpose declare it therefore now being in place to be heard of all and by order of the house to be interrupted by none hee rose up and with a bold and present spirit uttered his mind as followeth This question right honourable Lords concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight the determining whereof will assuredly procure
man answerable to her in equall degree both of blood and of yeares but the French King denyed that hee would any more joyne affinity with the English nation whose aliance had once so unfortunately succeeded then they entred into speech of a perpetuall peace but hereto the Frenchmen would not agree In the end it was concluded that Lady Isabell should be delivered to King Charles her Father but without Dower because the marriage betweene King Richard and her was never consummate by reason whereof shee was not donable by the very treaty of the marriage Also the surcease of armes which foure yeares before had beene made with King Richard for the terme of thirty yeares was continued and confirmed for the time then unexpired Some Authors affirme that a new truce was taken but these also are at difference for some report that it was during the life of both the Kings others that it was but for a short time which hath the more apparance of truth by reason of the open hostility which the yeare following did breake forth betweene the two Realmes Shortly after King Henry sent the Lady Isabel under the conduct of Lord Thomas Piercy Earle of Worcester in Royall estate to Calis she was accompanied with a great troupe of honourable personages both men and women and carried with her all the Iewels and Plate which shee brought into England with a great surplusage of rich gifts bestowed upon her by the King at Calis shee was received by the Earle of S. Paul Lieutenant for the French King in Picardy and by him was conducted to King Charles her Father who afterwards gave her in marriage to Charles Sonne to Leâ—es Duke of Orleances and so was either rest or respite of warres procured in France whilest neerer stirres might bee brought to some stay For within the Realme the fire and fury of the late sedition was scarcely quenched and quiet but that the Common-wealth should not cease to bee torne by multiplying of divisions one streight succeeding another the Welshmen upon advantage of the doubtfull and unsetled estate of King Henry resolved to break and make a defection before either the King could ground his authority or the people frame themselves to a new obedience and having learned that common causes must bee maintained by concord they sought by assemblies to establish an association and to set up their owne principality againe To this purpose they created for their Prince Owen Glendor an Esquire of Wales a factious Person and apt to set up division and strife and although hee was of no great state in birth yet was hee great and stately in stomack of an aspiring Spirit and in wit somewhat above the ordinary of that untrained people bould crafty active and as he listed to bend his mind mischievous or industrious in equall degree in desires immoderate and rashly adventurous in his young yeares he was brought up to the study of the Common law of the Realme at Loâ—don and when hee came to mans estate besides a naturall fiercenesse and hatred to the English name he was particularly incensed by a private suite for certaine lands in controversie betweene the Lord Gray of Ruthen and him wherein his title was overthrowne and being a man by nature not of the mildest by this provocation he was made savadge and rough determining either to repaire or to revenge his losse by setting the whole state on fire Also his expence and liberality had beene too excessive for a great man to endure which brought him to barenesse too base for a meane man to beare and therefore he must of necessity doe and dare somewhat and more danger there was in soft and quiet dealing then in hazarding rashly Herewith oportunity was then likewise presented for trouble sometimes are most fit for great attempts and some likelihood there was whilest the King and the Lords were hard at variance that harme might easily bee wrought to them both Vpon these causes his desire was founded and upon these troubles his hope But that his aspiring and ambitious humour might beare some shew of honest meaning hee pretended to his Countreymen the recovery of their free estate the desire whereof was so naturally sweet that even wilde birds will rather live hardly at large in the aire then bee daintily dieted by others in a Cage and oportunity was at that time fitly offered or else never to bee expected to rid them of their thraldome falsely and colourably intituled a peace whilest the one Kings power was waining and the other not yet fully wexen and either of them grew weake by wasting the other neither was their any difference which of them should prevaile sith the warre touched both alike insomuch as the overthrow would ruine the one and the victory the other So he exhorted them to take courage and armes and first to kill all the English within their territories for liberty and Lords could not endure together then to resume their ancient customes and lawes whereby more then armes Common-wealths are established and enlarged so should they be a people uncorrupt without admixion of forraigne manners of bloud and so should they forget servitude and either live at liberty or else perhaps be Lords over other Hereupon many flocked unto him the best for love of liberty the basest for desire of booty and spoile insomuch as in short time hee became Commander of competent forces to stand openly in the field And being desirous to make some proofe of his prowesse hee sharply set upon his old adversary Reignold Lord Grey of Ruthen whose possessions hee wasted and spoiled slew many of his men and tooke himselfe prisoner yet gave him faire and friendly entertainment and promised him releasement if he would take his Daughter to wife This he desired not so much for need of his ability or aid as supposing that the name and countenance of a Lord would give reputation to the house that was then â—ut in rising but the Lord Grey at the first did not so much refuse as scorne the offer affirming that hee was no ward to have his marriage obtruded upon him Well said Owen Glendore although you bee not my ward yet are you in my ward and the suing your livery will cost double the marriage money that elsewhere you shall procure The Lord Grey being not very rich to discharge his ransome and seeing no other meanes of his deliverance at the last accepted the condition and tooke the Damosell to wife notwithstanding his deceitfull Father in law trifled out the time of his enlargement untill hee died The Welshmen being confident upon this successe beganne to breake into the borders of Hereford-shire and to make spoile and prey of the Countrey against whom Lord Edmund Mortimer Earle of March who for feare of King Henry had withdrawne himselfe as hath beene declared to Wigmore Castle assembled all the Gentlemen of the Countrey and meeting with the Welchmen they joyned together a sharpe and cruell conflict not in forme