Non verbum verbo curabit reddere fidus Interpres Horat. in Art poet but retayning the strength and sinew of the Sentence I haue rendred it as best fitted the property of speech in our owne language Where the Kings words were to be inserted I haue chosen rather to follow his Maiesties owne Coppy then the French Translation which sometimes varyeth from it neyther haue I therein wronged mine Author Wherefore omitting those smaller mistakes which the discreete will passe ouer with an easie censure whether they bee wordes redundant as in or the twice repeated Or Syllables disioyned as often for often or letters transposed as villaines for villanies or wordes ill orthographized as Epostle and daceiue in one page for Apostle and deceiue Likewise Alminacke Letonies terent for Almanacke Letanies torrent c. Those other which are represented in the end of the booke I leaue to thy courtesie necessarily to be amended being such as import the matter and in which the Composers omitting or not well reading the wordes interlined wherein I sometimes corrected my selfe haue thrust in their owne coniectures Farewell TO THE READER MAy it please thee gentle Reader to vnderstand that after we had finished our worke and that the booke was now ready to come forth there came to my hands certaine corrections and amplifications of some points from the Author himselfe earnestly intreating to haue them inserted which because they could not conueniently be brought in in their proper places the booke being already printed yet that we might doe him right against the malice of his captious Aduersaries I thought it good to bestow them in this page requesting thee of thy charity which couereth a multitude of sinnes at once to pardon both our faults Page 30.14 reade the last Canon 45.25 r. as though he affirmed it without knowledge and spake it onely vpon trust 80.23 r. iudged to be vniust 181.7 r. the earth is almost full of the chips and pieces thereof Page 338.16 after the word men leaue out the whole sentence ending with the word Saluation then adde as followeth Onely we must note that this word Dulia hath a double and doubtfull signification and that there be two sorts of Dulia The one is a Religious action the other is onely a seruice an humane respect which is yeelded also to the liuing As for that kinde of Dulia which is a Religious worship the holy scripture forbiddeth it to be giuen to any saue onely to God alone as 1. Sam. 7.3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prepare your hearts to the Lord and yeeld Dulia or Seruice to him alone And S. Austin Quaest 94. vpon Exodus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 debetur Deo tanquam Domino Doulia is due to GOD as to him who is MASTER And de Ciuit. Dei lib. 10. cap. 1. Religio non est nisi Dei cultus Religion is nothing else but the seruice of God plainly shewing that the seruing of the Creatures is not an action of Religion But if we take the word Dulia for a respect and seruice done vnto men and not for a religious action our aduersaries doe amisse to say that they serue the Saints or other Images with Dulia seeing they yeeld them a religious seruice and a voluntary worship tending to the attainment of saluation Againe ibid line 29. reade that then no miracles were wrought by their Images Page 367.13 r. the whole earth is full of the peeces of it 399.27 Modicum quodque delictum mora resurrectionis illic luendo Page 425.27 r. in the 9. Distinction and the 9. Canon of the Councell of Antioch and the 17. Canon of the Councell of Chalcedon These wordes of the Canon of Antioch are for a marginall note 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Page 433. blot out the 8. last lines and the first line of the next page Page 440.21 read So in the 6. generall Councell Pope Honorius is condemned as an Hereticke and cast out of the Catholicke Church in the 13. Act and the same Councell assembled in the palace in the 13. Act doth by name condemne the Church of Rome c. Page 441.17 reade the 11. Homily of S. Chrysostome vpon Matthew Page 454.14 reade that Christ is an head more absolute and greater then the Pope and that the Pope is of lesse vertue then the holy Ghost Page 470.12 reade vpon the foundation layd by another Apostle The fame and good report and the mutuall communication of the strangers that were Christians with the Romanes had planted the Christian Religion at Rome but the Church of Rome required the presence of some Apostle for her full establishment A Table of the principall matters contained in this worke THE FIRST BOOKE ¶ Of the Vsurpation of Popes ouer Kings CHAP. 1. The occasion why IAMES the first King of Great Brittaine wrote his Booke together with a iudgement vpon Doctor Coeffeteaus Booke Pag. 1. CHAP. 2. Remonstrations of D. Coeffeteau with his iudgement touching the Treasons and attempts vpon the life of the King of England Pag. 16. CHAP. 3. Of Cardinals Pag. 23. CHAP. 4. Of Iesuites Pag. 39. CHAP. 5. Of the power of the Pope ouer the Temporalties of Kings and that he cannot take from Kings their Crownes nor free Subiects from the Oath of fidelitie and thereupon the reasons of Bellarmine are examined Pag. 45. CHAP. 6. Of the Clergie and their Exemptions Pag. 88. CHAP. 7. Of the Authoritie of Emperours and Kings ouer the Bishops of Rome that they haue chosen them punished them and degraded them That Princes haue had power ouer Bishops and their Temporalties The first seede of Poperie in England Pag. 105. CHAP. 8. That they who haue written against the King of Great Brittaine his Booke haue vniustly called him Apostata and Hereticke Pag. 128. THE SECOND BOOKE ¶ A defence of the Confession of IAMES the first King of great Britaine ARTICLE 1. Of the Creede Pag. 133. ART 2. Of the Fathers in generall Pag. 134. ART 3. Of the authority of the Fathers each apart by themselues Pag. 135. ART 4. Of the authority of the holy Scripture Pag. 143. ART 5. Of the Canonical and Apocrypha books Pag. 145 ART 6. Of the memory of Saints and of their Holy-dayes Pag. 154. ART 7. Of the Virgin Mary Pag. 164. ART 8. Of the suffrages of Saints and of the seruice due vnto them Pag. 173. ART 9. Of the Masse without Communicants or Assistants and of the Sacrifice of the Masse Pag. 202. ART 10. Of the Communion vnder one kinde Pag. 246. ART 11. Of Transubstantiation Pag. 258. ART 12. Of the Adoration of the Host Pag. 271. ART 13. Of the eleuation of the Host that it may be adored Pag. 274. ART 14. Of carrying their God in Procession Pag. 275. ART 15. Of workes of Supererogation and of super abundant Satisfaction and of the Treasury of the Church Pag. 276. ART 16. Of the baptizing of Bels. Pag. 308. ART 17. Of the Reliques of Saints Pag. 311.
their gouernment but let all those be cast downe that scandalize their sacred persons or exempt themselues from their authority CHAP. VII The authoritie of Emperours and Kings ouer the Bishop of Rome that they haue elected degraded and censured them that Princes haue had authoritie ouer their Bishops and their temporalties The first beginning of Poperie in England WHo so desires to see more proofes drawne out of ancient Histories by which it is made euident that the Bishops of Rome acknowledged themselues subiects and vassals of the Emperours let him read the place of the King of great Brittaines Apologie Obse crantes interim ex animi feruore vestram mansuetudinem obtestando veluti presentes genibus aduoluti coram vestigia pedum volutando where he answers the first Breue of Paulus Quintus whereunto we may adioyne the words of Pope Adrian writing to the Emperour Constantine sonne to Irene in the letters inserted into the second Councell of Nice We in the meane time with feruencie of spirit beseeching your Grace and as if wee were present fall before you on our knees and prostrate our selues at your feete both my selfe and my brethren In those daies Popes kissed the feet of Emperours Long before King * Platine in vita Agapeti 1. Theodorick employed Iohn the first Bishop of Rome in the nature of an Ambassadour to Iustinian the Emperour and after his returne kept him in prison till he died Platina in the life of Agapetus the first saith that King Theodat sent Agapetus his Ambassadour to Constantinople Soone after Pope Vigill comming to Constantinople at the Emperours command he caused him to be whipt and drawne with a halter about his necke through the Cittie Oh that they had had the grace in those daies to haue thundred against the Emperour and by authority of the See Apostolique to haue giuen away the Empire to some other as touching the election of Popes they were commonly chosen by the suffrages of the people and clergie of the cittie of Rome but this election continued doubtfull till the Kings of Italie or the Emperours had confirmed them who did often also establish the Bishops by their owne absolute authority not regarding the voice of popular assemblies In the yeare 535. Agapet the first was chosen by King Theodate who elected also Syluerius after Agapet Syluerius beeing deposed by Betisarius a captaine the Emperour Iustinian surrogated Vigill into his place In the yeare 581. Gregorie the Archdeacon was sent to the Emperour Tiberius to make an humble excuse for that Pelagius was elected without his approbation the incursions of the Lombards and the great inundations of waters hauing cut off their passages The same Gregorie beeing soone after chosen Pope by the common people wrote humble Letters to the Emperour Maurice not to confirme his Election in the yeare 679. Pope Agatho besought the Emperour Constantine to forgiue him the tribute which the Bishop of Rome did vsually pay for their consecration as the King of England hath learnedly obserued Looke Sigebert and Luitprand Stella Platina c. being farre from enforcing the Emperours vpon the day of their consecration to lay downe a summe of money at the Popes feete for tribute in token of their subiection as the Almaine Emperours were afterwards constrained to do Bellarmine saith that Constantine the fourth gaue ouer this power of chusing the Popes to Benedict the second but he maliciously hath omitted that the Emperour in stead thereof sent thither his souldiers which he ordinarily kept at Rome which continualy occasioned Faction and Sedition in their Elections witnesse the election of Canon the first and of Sergius the first in the yeares 686. and 688. by which they were driuen to haue recourse to the Exarches Sigonius lib. 3. the Emperours Lieutenant in Italy The title of the Empire of the West and the Royalty of Italy being fallen into the hands of the French Charlemaine seazed both the Soueraignty ouer the Citie of Rome and the power of electing Popes into his owne hands The forme or nature of this authority is faithfully reported by his Maiestie of England iust as it is inserted into the Romish Decree in the 69. Distinction in the Canon Adrianus Leo the the third yeelding to this authority sought and offered him some presents to be confirmed by him Soone after Paschall the second send his excuse to Lewes le Deuonaire because his election was dispatched before his pleasure was knowne Some alleadge hereupon that Lewes did at that time freely disclaime his authority and to produce a Declaration to that purpose but the practise of that time proueth the contrary for a little after in the yeare 827. Gregory the fourth would not enter vpon his charge till his election was confirmed by Lewes as Sigonius and Platina testifie In whom you shall finde a like example in the life of Benedict the third which is he whom Platina and a whole score of other witnesses make to succeede next after Pope Ioane In the yeare 867. the Ambassadors of Lewes made head against Pope Adrian because they had not beene called to his election the people hauing tumultuously forced him to take the Papacy vpon him The warres of the Normanes came then suddenly vpon them which set the Emperours about other businesse and the Sea of Rome began then to grow to that ouerflowing and disorder that for the full space of two hundred yeares there was nothing to bee seene but slaughter theft adulterie forcery and one Pope degrading and thrusting out another in which time by Coeffeteau's owne confession many Masters sate in the Pontificall chayre and it is pleasant reading to peruse the Councel of Rhemes held vnder Hugh Capet about that affaire During which hurly-burlies the Church of Rome was in the yeare 898. constrained to sue vnto Berengarius King of Italy to interpose his authority in the election of the Popes And a while after Otho the first Emperour of Almaine hauing subdued Italie seazed vpon the same authority Anno 992. and chose Pope Leo the eigth and after him Iohn the fourteenth and after that Benedict the fift as Sigonius Platina and others doe affirme In the yeare 995. Otho the third keeping the same custome chose Gregory the fift without any regard to the voyces of the common people Siluester the second who as Platina Stella Fasciculus temporum and sundry others do write attained the Popedome by bargayning with the Diuell about the yeare 997. was established by the Emperour Otho the second Sigonius Platina who had beene his Scholler In the yeare 1024. the Earles of Tusculum which then were growne mightie aduanced Iohn the one and twentieth who was a Lay-man to the Popedome In the yeare 1047. Henry the second deposed Benedict the ninth Seluester the thirteenth and Gregory the sixt from the Papacy who by Platina are called three Monsters as the King of great Britaine doth truely obserue The same Emperour renewed the Oath vnto the people
of inflicting corporall punishment vpon them but of this we haue spoken at large before Thence doth Coeffeteau proceede to the Example of Henry the fourth which he saith cannot be alleadged because the times were then troublesome but the example suits very well to our purpose for that the Popes were the onely instruments of raising those troubles to exempt themselues from the Emperours subiection and to subiect the Emperours to themselues euen in seruices more seruile then seuuitude it selfe stirring vp the sonne to seeke the life and Crowne of Henry his father who died being depriued of his Imperiall dignity by his sonne the Popes instrument therein who vouchsafed not his father so much fauour See Helmoldus in the Chronicles of Sclauonia Naucl. 39. genera Baronius de vitis Pontificum and many others as to cause his body to be buried Fredericke Barbarossa being come soone after into Italy to be Crowned Emperour the Pope enforced him to hold his stirrope when he tooke horse But this Emperour little-skil'd in these seruices putting himselfe forward to hold the left in stead of the right stirrop was adiudged to practise the same submission the day following and howbeit he performed it very mannerly yet in conclusion the Pope sought to pull his Crowne from him And in the same degree of pride did Alexander the third treade vpon the said Frederickes necke vpon the staires of S. Markes Church in Venice the History is reported by many writers and alleadged by the King of great Britaine in his confutation of Bellarmine about the end of the booke and it is paynted at Venice in the hall of del Scrutinio del grand Constiglio the Maps and Tables thereof are reckoned vp and expounded by Girolam Bardi in a booke expresly written of that argument In the sequel of his discourse Coeffeteau fals into that wretchlesse negligence that he accuseth the King of mistaking the History not alleadging so much as one passage for his confutation And sure it is not Platina that doth alone record the deposition of these three Popes by Henry the fourth for Stella a Venetian Monke who hath written the liues of the Popes hath the same in these wordes Henricus Caesar habita Synodo Benedictum praedictum Syluestrum hunc Gregorium abdicare se Pontificatu coegit His Maiesty of England alleadgeth to the same purpose the example of Philip le bel K. of France that wrote with liberty enough vnto Boniface the eight who first inuented the Iubile Platina Stella in these wordes Let your great folleship vnderstand that in in temporall matters we are not subiect to any man c. And he it was that surprised the aforesaid Pope at Anagnia and committed him to prison at Rome where for griefe hee died An. 1303. To the example of Lewes the ninth King of Fraunce that established the law called Pragmatica sanctio against the pillaging and merchandizing of the Court of Rome he ioyneth the example of Lewes the eleauenth who being vrged by Pius the second to repeale that Sanction remitted his Legates to the faculty of the Diuines of Sorbone Iohannes Maierius libra de schismat Concil who made it good against the Pope with whom Iohannes Romanus the Kings Aduocate was ioyned that opposed them so farre with his conclusions that the Court appealed to the next Councell as indeeede they did The said King saith farther that the facultie of Sorbone came to maintaine this point that if the Pope should offer violence to our King the French Church had authority to establish a Patriarch and seuer themselues from the See of Rome And that Gerson Chaunceller of the Vniuersitie of Paris was so farre from defending this pretended temporall power of the Popes that he wrote a booke De auferibilitate Papae ab Ecclesia that is Of the possibility of forsaking the Pope and remoueing him from the Church How much more did hee beleeue then that the temporall power of Kings might be free from the insulting of Papall authority To this doth Coeffeteau make no other answere but that these contentions were onely for temporall matters and that Philip or Lewes or the faculty of Sorbonne or the Kings Aduocate desired not to preiudice the Popes authority in any regard as he is head of the Church so that here he answeres well to the King of Englands question whose ayme is onely vnto matters temporall and to the vsurpation of Popes ouer Monarches Touching the title of Head of the Church which is an abuse more intollerable hee reserues that for an after-discourse Now if so be the dissention betweene Philip and the See of Rome continued not many yeares as Coeffeteau obserueth Fol. 22 pag 2 it was because the Pope gaue way vnto him and Benedict the eleuenth was very glad to giue Philip absolution Platina Stella which he graunted of his owne accord because the other might haue beene well without it That we may close vp this point the King of great Britaine drawes many examples out of Matthew Paris and out of the Records of his Kingdom to this purpose as William Gifford whom King Henry the first inuested with his Bishopricke and Rodulphus whom the same King inuested with the Archbishopricke of Canterbury by his Ring and Crosier-staffe and Thurstan nominated to the Archbishopricke of Yorke depriued by the King of his temporalties for corrupting with bribes the Popes agents in the Councell of Rhemes The said King alleadgeth many examples of Abbots Bishops and Deanes in England that haue eyther against the Popes will yeelded obedience to their Soueraignes or haue beene degraded censured and imprisoned by their Princes for their disobedience in adhaering to the Popes And which is more considerable these are late examples such as haue happened while the Papacy domineered most How stood the case then when the Bishoppe of Rome had nothing to doe in England with matters eyther temporall or spirituall The Kingdome of Fraunce doth furnish vs with examples of more pregnancy The Synode of Fraunce is of speciall note to this purpose which is to be found in the third Tome of the Councels of the Colleyn Edition pag. 39. where Carolomanus qualifying himselfe as Duke and Prince of Fraunce vseth this speach By the aduise of my Clergie and others of principall esteeme of the Realme Ordinauimus Episcopos We haue ordayned Bishops in the Cities and haue established Boniface Archbishop ouer them The Councell of Maurice holden vnder Charlemaine Anno 813. beginneth thus Carolo Augusto verae religionis rectori ac defensori sanctae Dei Ecclesie and the first Councell of Mayence vnder Lewes le Debonaire Ludouico verae relligionis serenissimo rectori And these I trow should haue been accounted irreligious Titles now-a-dayes And here let it be principally noted that Coeffeteau trusts more to his heeles then to his hands for he buckles onely with the first of these examples and all his answere is that Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury opposed this
course But to this I reply that for this opposition he was forged both to forsake England and quit his Bishopricke The contradiction of one of the Popes pensionary Prelates opposing his Soueraigne is of small moment in this behalfe for Anselme was accounted the Popes not the Kings subiect Nor is it any greater wonder if Mathew Paris who so often magnifies this King Henry doe now and then cast some imputation vpon him in as much as he was a superstitious Monke and liued soone after who in euery passage complaining of the tyrannie and exactions of the Popes doth yet sometimes restrain himselfe for some idle respects in which he oftener gropes for the truth then he doth see or finde it We must also obserue that the principall quarrell betweene the King of England and the Pope being for inuesting men with spirituall promotions the Pope hath bestowed very glorious Titles on those persons that suffered for this quarrell as if he should write Rubarbe vpon a pot of Rats-bane So hath he placed this Anselme in the Kalender of Saints and Confessours and Thomas of Canterbury in the Catalogue of Martyrs that lost his life not for the profession of the Gospell but for a Controuersie of Prebends and the right of Inuestiture Coeffeteau doth here adde That the Kings of England in the matter of ordination of Priests haue neuer violated the Discipline of the Church The King of England alleadgeth these and many other examples of like nature And I suppose that hee had not vouchsafed the reading of the booke against which he writes For the Kings book saith that Henry the first inuested an Archbishop in his Archbishopricke with his Ringe and Crosier-staffe without the Popes leaue which is flat repugnant to the discipline of the Church of Rome Fol. 15. pag. 1 And besides the now Pope Paul the fift doth pretend that the Venetians in punishing the criminall offences of their Clergy doe derogate from the liberty of the Church Edward then the first and second by inflicting corporall punishment vpon the Clergy that would hold a dependancy from the Pope haue by this reckoning derogated from the liberty of the Church To conclude our Doctor sayth that Henry the first did in other things submit himselfe to the lawes of the Church that in the Records of England most of the monuments speake of yeelding obedience to the See Apostolique that his Maiestie embraceth a Religion which his Predecessors neuer possessed but haue euer acknowledged the authority of Rome in all matters depending vpon matter of conscience First I answere that this is to wander from the question for heere is nothing questioned but the Popes Supremacy ouer Kings in matters temporall Secondly that barely to affirme and to confirme nothing especially writing against a King doth eyther discouer much weakenesse or argue ouer-much neglect and indeede his whole allegation is vntrue Concerning Henry the first I confesse that he ascribed too much honour to the Church of Rome for he liued in a dark ignorant age and in the height of the Popes tyranny to which England of all Countries was most enthralled which cannot bee proued of the times more auncient It may well appeare that the Citie of Rome being the seat of the Empire was by consequent the resort of all nations by which meanes the Church of that citie how poore and miserable soeuer might haue aduertisements from all parties and haue intelligence with all the Churches within the Empire and consequently which is the Church of great Brittaine which was originally planted by some of S Iohn Disciples that came thither out of Asia whereof we haue this proofe that euen to the time of August which was sent into England by Gregogorie the first about the yere 596. the Church of the Iland did keepe the feast of Easter according to the custome of Asia vpon the 14. day of the month which if it had beene vnder the iurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome no question but it had abrogated that custome when Victor in the yeare 200. did excommunicate the Churches which made any precise obseruation of the 14. day Helene mother vnto Constantine was of the Iland and held no points of Papistrie maintained at this day Pelagius was also of this Iland and sauing the points of free will and originall sinne dissented not in any opinions from S. Angustine Now S. Angustine receiued no Popish opinions now defended as we haue proued in the 20. chapter of my booke of the Eucharist in another place In the twenty Chapter of my booke of the Eucharist Pontificus Verumnius lib. 4. Jo. Lelandus that he died excommunicate from the Church of Rome The first Christian King of great Brittaine that can be remembred was Lucius that possessed a part of the Iland in the time of Marcus Aurelius who questionlesse had commerce with the Bishop of Rome for he had beene at Rome and held correspondence with the Emperour but that he should be subiect to the Bishop of Rome or acknowledge him the head of the Vniuersal Church admits no manner of proofe In the yeare of our Lord 530. that Warlike Prince Arthur raigned in great Britaine of whom being a Christian it doth not appeare that eyther he depended vpon the Bishops of Rome or that they intermedled in the election or inuesting of the Britaine Bishops during the raigne of Arthur or his Successors In the yeare 596. soone after that the English Saxons being Almaines and at that time Infidels had inuaded Britaine then did Gregory the first send Austen into this Iland a man full of faction and arrogancy to plant the Christian faith although the Christian Religion had beene planted here more then foure hundred yeares before But by the Christian faith these men doe now vnderstand the authority of the Pope This Austen was strongly and stoutly opposed by the Christians of that Countrey who refused to change their auncient forme of Religion which they had receiued from such as were Disciples to the Apostles They had seuen Bishopricks and one Archbishopricke the seat whereof being first errected at Carleon was afterward translated to S. Dauids as it is recorded by Rainulphus Cestrensis lib. 1. cap. 52. for the Archbishop of London was of a later foundation besides they had a Colledge of 2100. religious persons at Bangor who about the yeare 550. when the Order of S. Benet began to flourish in this I le were called by the new name of Monkes Men that adicting themselues to the study of Diuinity got their liuing by the labour of their handes not being tyed to the rigorous obseruation of a Vow whereunto no man by the ancient Order of S. Benet is obliged This Austen then found meanes to insinuate himselfe into the familiar acquaintance of one of the petty Kings of the Countrey called Ethelfred King of Northumberland who was an enemy to the auncient Christians of that land and had inuaded their Countrey and wasted many Churches with this Austen then
assembled according to the vsuall forme and there was good order kept in the first Sessions So Menas and Euticheus Patriarches of Constantinople sate Presidents in the fift Councell of Constantinople albeit Vigilius Bishop of Rome were in the same Towne which doubtlesse was the cause why he refused to be present at the Councell All which notwithstanding after the close and conclusion of the Councell he approued the Acts. Read carefully the second Councell of Nice and you shal see that in reckoning vp the Bishops who were assisting thereat hee who hath translated the Acts of the Councell hath oftentimes placed to gratifie the Pope the Deputies of Rome the first yet notwithstanding the whole action of the councell doth plainely shew that they were not Presidents at all they speake almost neuer a word and they giue in their opinions sometimes amongst the rest But Tharasius Patriarch of Constantinople speaketh to euery matter gouerneth the whole action pronounceth the conclusions and is cheefe President in the Councell And to come vp a little higher the most famous Councell that euer was was the first Councell of Nice in which surely the Bishop of Rome was not President but if we will beleeue the testimony of Athanasius who was there present Hosius Bishop of Corduba in Spaine sate in the first place His testimony is reported by Theodoret in the second booke of his story and fifteenth chapter where he saith that there was no Councell helde wherein Hosius was not President And this hee speaketh agreeable to that which the same Athanasius saith in his Epistle to them that liue in the desert The first speaker was Eustachius Bishop of Antioch who sate at the Emperours right hand Which hath made some men to thinke that he was President but it appeareth not throughout the whole action that the deputies of Rome did any thing In the Tomes of the Councels though made for the Popes greatest aduantage yet Hosius subscribeth the first and the deputies of Rome vnder him And least any man should say that he was the Bishop of Romes Legate he subscribeth apart in these wordes Hosius Episcopus Cordubensis Ita credo Then the deputies of Rome subscribe apart Victor Vincentius Presbyteri vrbis Romae pro venerabili Papa Syluestro subscripsimus For if they had beene all three deputies for the Bishop of Rome they would thus haue subscribed Hosius Victor Vincentius pro Syluestro c. And Hosius should rather haue taken this title then to be qualified only Bishop of Corduba c. Whosoeuer hath neuer so little looked into the stories knoweth that the Bishops of Constantinople considering that the dignity of the sea of Rome came for that Rome had for a long time beene the seate of the Empire and seeing that the Empire was now translated to Constantinople haue laboured to haue themselues to be credited and preferred before the Bishop of Rome Euen so farre forth that Iohn the Bishoppe of Constantinople whom Greekes call S. Iohn the Almosner began vnder the Emperour Mauritius about the yeare sixe hundred to call himselfe the first and chiefe Bishop and Oecumenicall Bishop that is to say Vniuersall Whereupon Gregory the first Bishop of Rome doth not complaine that Iohn did set footing vpon the Sea of Rome or that he did him any wrong by vsurping that which belonged to the Bishop of Rome but saith that this was a new Title and That he which will be called vniuersal Bishop is the forerunner of Antichrist because that in the Pride of his heart he preferreth himselfe before others Now the intent of this Iohn was not to haue denyed the others to haue beene Bishops also but he said that he was the first and aboue the rest And indeede this Iohns successors continued this title and are so called in Zonaras and Cedrenus And further in the second Councel of Nice the second Action there is an Epistle of Adrian Bishop of Rome wherein he calleth n = a Dilecto fratri Tharasio generali Patriarchae Tharasius Bishop of Constantinople vniuersall Patriarch Howbeit Gregory in his Epistles thinketh that he who will be vniuersall Bishop doth by consequent ruine the Bishopricke of others and seeketh if not directly yet at leastwise by consequence to be the onely Bishop the Bishopricke of others after that being nothing else but a bare name without substance as is the charge of Bishops vnder the Papacy Thus hath God pluckt out of the mouth of Gregory the condemnation of his Successors for this good man was not aware that in so speaking he called Boniface the third his Successour the forerunner of Antichrist to whom the Emperour Phocas gaue the title of vniuersall Supremacy within a while after the death of Gregory And yet for all this the Bishops of Constantinople would neuer acknowledge themselues inferiors to the Bishop of Rome no nor those of Antioch and Alexandria vntil that the Turkes and Saracens hauing ouerthrowne all the rest the Bishop of Rome onely finding in our Kings soft spirits and that they were litle seene and versed in Diuinity drew from them huge liberalities perswading them to whatsoeuer he would euen to subiect their Crownes vnto him and to pill and rifle their Kingdomes and to take vpon him n = b Gregor in Registro l. 4. Epist 32. Epist. 24. Epist 36. Epist 38. li. 6. Ep. 30. Ad Mauricium c. those Titles of which we shall speake anone He that wil see how much the Pope hath exalted himselfe let him compare the foure first Councels where all thinges are passed by common voices with the Councell of Florence in which they gaue power and authority to the Pope to make new articles of faith And with the latter Lateran Councell in which all is referred to the will of Pope Leo the tenth who there is called the diuine Maiestie the corner stone laid in Sion the Lyon of Iuda the King and Prince of all the world whom all the Kinges of the earth ought to adore To such Councels the Pope doth willingly affoord his personall presence because he doth there rule and domineere with absolute authority but in the ancient Councels he refused to bee present because there hee should haue found Bishops as stout and as strong and as ambitious as himselfe Adde hereunto that in the generall Councels they vsed the Church of Rome and her Bishop no otherwise then they did their particular Churches So in the sixe generall Councels re-assembled at the Pallace Pope Honorius is condemned for an Hereticke And the thirteenth Canon doth by name condemne the Church of Rome because it disalowed the marriage of Priests And further in the 55. Canon the Church of Rome is expresly forbidde to fast any more the Satterdy and the Sunday vpon payne of incurring the rigour of the Canon of the Apostles which saith This is the 65. Canon of the Apostles If a Clerke be found fasting on the Satterday or the Sunday one onely excepted let
and stirre vp the mildest spirits and was desirous by pardoning the wicked to make them become good and though he could not find cause in them why to pardon he fouÌ„d it in himselfe for though they no way deserued mercy yet he shewed himself worthy of his greatnesse in doing good to those of so euill demerite He considered that God whom hee represents sendeth raine vpon the Bryers and Thistles as well as on fruit Trees and makes the Sunne to rise alike to the good and to the euill or else it may be that his clemency was accompanied and assisted with a neglect of his enemies esteeming many of them not worthy of his wrath But for the better preuenting of such conspiracies in future times the Parliament together with the King framed a forme of Oath to be administred to all his Maiesties subiects which is to this effect That they acknowledge IAMES the first King of great Britaine for their lawfull King and that the Pope cannot by any right whatsoeuer depose him from his Kingdomes nor discharge his subiects of their obedience to him nor giue them licence to beare Armes against him Also that notwithstanding any Declaration or Sentence of ExcoÌ„munication made or granted or to be made or granted against the said King his Successors they wil beare faith and true alleageance to him his heyrs Successors him and theÌ„ wil defend to the vttermost of their power against all attempts conspiracies whatsoeuer And that they wil reueale al treasons and trayterous Conspiracies which they shall know or heare of against him or any of them And that they do abhor detest and abiure this damnable position that Princes which be excommunicated by the Pope may be deposed or murdered by their subiects And that they beleeue and in conscience are resclued that the Pope hath no power to absolue them of this Oath or any part thereof And renounce all pardons and dispensations to the contrary And that without any Equiuocation mentall Euasion or secret Reseruation whatsoeuer they doe sincerely acknowledge and sweare all these things and doe make this acknowledgement heartely willingly and truely So helpe them God This Oath being offered to those of the Romish Church diuers of them tooke it without difficulty and amongst the rest Blackwell the Arch-Priest who then was and still remaines in England These things being come to the knowledge of the Bishop of Rome Paul the fift that raignes at this present he dispatches presently for England a breue or as they terme it letters Apostolique bearing date the two twentieth of September 1606. by which he declares That this Oath cannot be taken with good conscience exhorting them rather to vndergoe all cruell torments whatsoeuer yea Death it selfe rather then to offend the Maiestie of God by such an Oath and to imitate the constancy and fortitude of the other English Martyrs willing them to haue their loynes girt about with verity and to haue the Brest-plate of righteousnes and to take the shield of faith That God that hath begunne this good worke might finish it in them who wil not leaue them Orphants c. And finally willeth them exactly to put in practise that which is commaunded in the Letters of Clement the eight his Predecessor written to Mr. George Black well the Arch-priest of England by which Letters all Princes of any Religion contrary to their owne are excluded from the kingdome of England These Letters being come into England were not receiued by those of the Romish Church with such respect as the Pope expected for many iudged them ridiculous as exhorting them to suffer Martyrdome for ill doing since none can be a Martyr but for hauing done well As also for that they declare that this Oath is contrary to the Catholique faith without telling why or wherefore as likewise for that the exhortations of holy Scripture to shun vice and to perseuere in the profession of the Gospell and to resist the Diuell are in this Papall breue drawne to a contrary sense to kindle sedition and to incite subiects to disobedience And aboue all for that these Letters ingaging the subiects to reuolt doe necessarily plucke vpon them persecution and the iust anger of their natural Prince who being vnwilling to require any caution of them in any thing contrary to their beliefe demaundeth no more of them but fidelity and ciuill obedience For these considerations some part of the Priests and Friers of England said that these Letters of the Pope were shufled in by their Aduersaries and forged by the Heretiques for so they of their goodnes are pleased to tearme vs to kindle the anger of the King against them which was already prouoked by the plot of the Powder-mine which onely fell out to ruine the vndertakers By reason whereof the same Pope being aduertised that through these doubts whether they were true or fained the Authority of his Letters were infringed hee writ others more expresly bearing date the three and twentieth of August 1607. In which he seemeth to wonder that they any way suspect the truth of the Apostolique letters Non solum motu proprio exceâ—â—a nostra scientia verum etiam post longam grauem deliberationem that vnder that pretence they might exempt themselues from his commaunds and therefore declareth vnto them that those letters were written not onely vpon his proper motion and of his certaine knowledge but also after long and weighty deliberation and therfore again inioyneth them fully to obserue them for such is his will and pleasure To these letters giuing the Alarums to rebellion for their greater confirmation were added the letters of Cardinall Bellarmine to George Blackewell the Arch-Priest In which after he had put him in minde of their auncient acquaintance hee greatly blameth him for taking the Oath the which vnder colour of modifications hath no other aime or drift but to transferre the authority of the Pope the head of the Church to a Successor of HENRY the eight by the examples of his Predecessors he exhorreth him constantly to defend the primacy of the Pope whom he calleth the head of the faith But he sheweth neyther what wordes or clauses in this Oath are contrary to the faith of the Romish Church nor wherefore this Arch-Priest should rather chuse to die then to obliege himselfe by Oath to be loyall to his King in things meerly ciuill and which no way meddle with the Primacy of the Pope and yet this is the onely thing whereof question is made and whereof proose is expected These letters both of the Pope and Cardinall being fallen into the handes of his Maiestie might wel haue kindled the anger of a very patient Prince and haue armed and stirred him vp against those with whom these Papall letters were of more power then eyther their faith to their King or their obedience to God For what Prince can permit in his Kingdome subiects that acknowledge him not or that to retaine
in order as Onuphrius saith Nihil dignitatis aut praeeminentiae illis dabat antiquitus esse Cardinales But now the Cardinals looke downe from a greater height vpon the rest of the Clergy who are very many degrees beneath their greatnesse There was in those times no speech of Cardinall Bishops and if any Cardinall Priest of one of the Parishes of Rome became a Bishop of any City of Italy he reteyned no longer the name of Cardinall no more then a Parson that is made Bishop now reteyneth the name of Parson still but it were now to goe backewards and to stoope very low for a Cardinall to become a Bishop and leaue his Cardinalship Then hee that was made Cardinall was tyed to one certaine Church or Parish but now it is cleane otherwise for by the contrary he that is now created Cardinall is loosed and discharged from the Church that was his cure as appeareth by the forme of the nomination of the new Cardinals contayned in the the first booke of the holy Ceremonies in which the Pope speaketh thus * Sect. 8. cap. 3. Authoritate dei patris omnipotentis sanctorum Apostolorum Petri Pauli nostra N Episcopum Firmanum absoluimus a vinculo quo tenebatur Ecclesiae suae Firmanae c. By the authority of God the Father Almighty and of the holy Apostle S. Paul and S. Peter and likewise by our owne wee discharge and free Iames Bishop of such a place of the bond by which he was tyed to his Church or cure and admit him Carainall Priest * Sect. 9. cap. 14. Cenâ—entâ—r omnia beneficia promo ti vacantia Also by the promotion of a Cardinall all his Benefices are held voyde if he obtaine not a new graunt of them from his Holinesse In those dayes likewise there was no such thing knowne as to receiue a ringe and a red hat at the Popes handes after they had kissed his feete nor the new tricke of opening and shutting their mouthes nor of carrying of * Sacr. Cerem l. 1 Sect. 3. Quatuor nohiles pileos quatuor CardinaliuÌ„ suprà baculos deferentes foure red hats at the end of a staffe before the Pope in solemne procession as saying like to the Doctor whereof it is spoken in Saint Luke Chap. 4. ver 6. All this power will I giue to thee euery whit and the glory of them for that is deliuered vnto me and to whomsoeuer I will giue it Aunciently the duety of the Cardinall Deacons was to carry the Table on which they celebrated the Lords Supper but since their office hath been to carry the Pope vpon their shoulders For which Innocent the third in the first booke of the mysteries of the Masse giueth this reason sayth he It belongeth to the Leuites to carry the Arke of the Couenant which is often in the Scriptures called Euerlasting All that then which was in the time of Gregorie being compared with that which now is hath no manner of resemblance of it but euen as when wanton verses are grauen in the barke of a young tree the letters grow together with the tree Crescent illae crescetis amores Euen so that which was amisse in these Cardinals during the weakenesse and minority of the Sea of Rome since they were glewed and fastened to this Sea they haue growne vp together with it And as it happeneth that in a body generally swolne some parte is more troubled with the swelling then others So this part of the body of the Romane Church is swolne more then the rest and a prodigious deflux is come vnto it The which will be more apparant when I shall haue examined the truth of that which Coeffeteau sayth affirming that Cardinals are most respectfull to Princes and that they desire not to goe vpon euen termes with them I speake not to touch any that are liuing but as it may well be that a man may dislike of his Cloake because it is too gorgeous so it is likewise possible that many of those which haue beene aduanced to this degree doe thinke that there is too great pompe and glittering in this habite we will therfore speake onely of the rules and general customes of the Roman Church which questionlesse doe equall Cardinals with Kings for marke the titles which Pope Pius the second giueth them in the sixt Chapter of the eight Section of the first booke of the holy Ceremonies * Ad collegium Apostolicum vocati consiliarij nostri coniudices orbis terrarum Successores Apostlorum circa thronum sedebitis vos Senatores vrbis regum similes c. Being called to the Apostolique Colledge you shall be our Counsellors and with me shall iudge the world you shall sit about the Throne as the Successors of the Apostles you shall be Senators of the Citie like vnto Kings being the true kings of the world on which the doore of the militant Church must turne But it is not much to equall them with Kings for they are often preferred before them they are not tyed to holde the bridle or the stirrope of the Pope when he getteth to horse-backe neyther are they bound when the Pope is carried by men to giue the assistance of their shoulders as Kings and Emperours are In the publique actions and solemnities at Rome Kings are vnder the Cardinals as for example * Prior Episcoporum in capite ad dextram Et si aderit Rex aliquis erit in secundo loco Si plures Reges mixti erunt cum Card. primis â—ilij vel fratres regum si non seruiunt Papae debent sedere inter Diaconos Cardinales vel post eos Primogenitus autem Regis quia Rex futurus putatur post primum Presbyterum Cardinalem erit In that Papall feast which is made after the Coronation of the Pope described in the first booke of Ceremonies Section the third there is set downe the order that is to be held at the table The first Cardinall Bishop sitteth highest on the right hand of the table If there be any King there he sitteth beneath the Cardinall And if there bee diuers Cardinals and diuers Kings there then they intermingle them placing a Cardinall then a King and then another Cardinall and so another King as for the sonnes and brothers of Kings they eyther serue the Pope at table or else sit amongst the meaner sort of Deacon Cardinals but the eldest sonne of a King hath place next after the first Cardinall Priest so that all the Cardinall Bishops and the first Cardinall Priest are all before him * Dum Papa lauat manus non Praelati sed Laici omaes genu flectunt And when the Pope washeth his hands al the laietie of what degree soeuer kneele downe but all the Prelates stand and not to seeke for examples further off it is not vnknowne to the King of England that Cardinall Wolsey contested with HENRY the eight And we shall hereafter heare what authority Pandulphus and
Otho Cardinals and Legates tooke to themselues in England so farre as to take place of the King himselfe and if any Cardinall now a dayes beareth himselfe with fitting respect vnto his King this is to be attributed to his particular wisedome and discretion but not vnto the orders and Constitution of the Church of Rome The Colledge of Cardinals succeeded the Senate of Rome being made in imitation of it and we haue seene thereupon that the Pope calleth them the Senators of the City Also they haue their right of consecration and Canonization as aunciently the Senate of Rome had the habite indeede is differing for the Senators had somewhat a long Mantle called Latus Clauus which was a Mantle bordered with large flowers of purple and scarlet but the Cardinals haue taken a habite all of scarlet such as the Romane Pontifices and the Priests of Iupiter Mars and Quirinus were wont to weare of whom Caecilius in the Dialogue of Minutius Foelix speaketh complayning that the Christians Sacerdotum honorâ—s purpuras despiciant ipsi seminudi doe despise the dignity and purple of Priests they being themselues halfe naked like to that which Ouid saith in his fourth booke de Fastis Illic purpurea canus cum veste sacerdos For which cause I cannot but much wonder that the Popes who haue so artificially and with such dexterity established themselues haue not with the same aduise and prudency taken a habite of some other colour for feare least it might bee thought that in him and his Cardinals the Prophesie of the Apocalips were accomplished Chap. 17. ver 3. So he carried me away in the spirite into the Wildernesse and I saw a woman sit vpon a scarlet coloured beast full of names of blaspemy hauing seuen heads and tenne hornes and the woman was arayed in purple and scarlet and decked with gold c. which prophesie had bin the obscurer were it not that it is sayd in the ninth ver The seuen heads are seuen Mountains on which the woman sitteth and in the last verse The woman which thou sawest is that great Citie which raigneth ouer the Kings of the earth The * Platina Pope Paul the second was the first that gaue scarlet to the Cardinals as well for themselues as for their Mules to the end that this prophesie which agreeeth in generall with the Sea of Rome might likewise appertaine particularly to euery one of the pillars of the said Sea which is to be set vpon a scarlet coloured beast CHAP. IIII. Of the Iesuites THE Iesuites now follow in their rancke who by this their vnaccustomed title haue taught vs that Iesus and Christ are two diuers things since that now a dayes it is one thing to be a Iesuite and another to be a Christian. The King of great Britaine saith in his Apology that the principall of the Iesuites were dealers in this treason wherof some fled others as Garnet and Ouldcorne were apprehended and executed Hereupon Mr. Coeffeteau with a good grace exhorteth the King of great Britaine to haue a good opinion of these fathers and saith that the Iesuites would giue their liues for his conseruation affirming that they are vniustly calumniated and for their full iustification alleadgeth the testimony of the French King who since hee hath come to the true knowledge and vnderstanding of them hath called and receiued them about his person And as for such as haue attempted against his Maiesties life he saith that if they did amisse yet not confessing that they did so all their society should not be lyable to the reproach of their offence The answere This Discourse being thus sweetned doubtles cannot but much please the King of great Britaine for now he may hereafter sleepe in security since the Iesuites are become his so sure friends as to be ready to die for his conseruation neyther is it a small point of charity to hasten a Prince and send him the sooner to Paradice The Patron of their order which was a Spanish Captain gaue it them in their Institutions to be faithfull and true hearted towards Fraunce and England and doubtlesse the generall of their order which should alwayes be a Spaniard nourisheth them in that good â—nclination and men doe them wrong that say they enterprise any thing against Kings that are excommunicated by the Pope since it is a Tenent amongst them that after such excommunication they are no longer Kings as also they doe them wronge that say they incroach vpon the temporall since what they haue by their hauing of it becommeth spirituall And by this it is likewise to be presumed that when the Court of Parliament by pronounced sentence of all the chambers there assembled declared them to be Heretiques perturbers of the Kingdome and corrupters of youth it is to be presumed that this was done by the aduise and plotte of the Ministers of Geneua as likewise those Iesuites which haue beene executed in England are not to be blamed since they were ledde and carried to these attempts by a Catholike zeale and that at Rome where Saints are made they haue beene matriculated into a roule of Martyrs And indeede Iohn Castell in his examination whereof the original is yet to be seene confesseth that he was put into a Chamber of Meditations all full of pictures of Diuels into which they shut the greatest sinners there making them to become wilde fierce with fasting and darkenesse And so hauing cracked turned their brains imprint and fix in them these desperate resolutions But now we hope that they being made geÌ„tle milde by peace prosperity wil imploy these chambers for grammer Meditations and for this I do not thinke that the other Iesuites doe approue that which the Iesuite a Mariana imprinted at Toledo apud Petrum RodericuÌ„ An. 1599. And since at Mena by Balthasar Lippius 1605. Mariana the Spaniard writeth in his booke De Rege institutione Regis in the 6. Chap. where he greatly commendeth the paricide of Iames Clement sayth that he was incyted therunto by the b Cum cognito à Theologis quos erat sciscitatus tyrannum iure occidi posse Deuines the same Iesuite as it were correcting of himselfe c Hoc tamen tem peramento vti in hac disputatione licebit si non ipse qui perimitur venenum haurire cogitur sed exterius ab alio ad ibeatur vt sella eo aut veste delibutauini interficiendi habeat saith that he in his meat or drinke alloweth not the poysoning of a Tyrant for so he stileth al Princes that the Pope approues not but wisheth that this be done by the impoysoning of his garmeÌ„t or chaire by some violent poyson neyther is that of the Iesuite d Clerici rebellio in regem non est crimen laesae maiestatis quia non est subditus regi Emanuel Sâ in his Aphorismes of Confessions in verbo Clericus by the aduise of the rest of
his fellowes where he saith that the rebellion of a Clergie man against his King cannot be treason in that he is not subiect to the King which agreeth with that which is written by the Iesuite Saunders in his second booke of his visible Monarchie whereof the King of great Britaine in his first booke cyteth many passages Now whereas the Iesuites of France did make a booke intituled * In the pag. 70. of the Edition of the bigger print 1595. you shall finde these wordes The Pope pretendeth nothing ouer Souerainty but to correct as a father as a Iudge such as are pernitious to the Church For then he may not alone but he is bound to shew himselfe their Superior Security wold make thee peruerse froward but thou must be kept down be made to confes that thou hast neyther reason nor conscience For it is fit that Princes shold be often held in and curbed by feare of their temporalities The defence of the truth against the pleading of Anthony Arnold In which they maintaine at large that the Pope may as Iudge depriue Princes of their temporalties This is wholly to be imputed to the times for then it was fit to speake in that manner but now they reserue those Maximes for fitter seasons Diuinity is to be applyed as occasions serue and wee are now in an age that if wee would know how wee were to teach and moue the people we must first looke into the Aâ—minake and accommodate our selues to the affaires of the Common wealth and therefore it is to be hoped that such * The which are produced in the Chapter following passages of Bellarmine that do make the liues and Crownes of Kings subiect to the Pope will be mended in the next Edition And as for the troubles and seditions which these Fathers haue stirred in Polonia which hath cost Demetrius his life and as for the causes which haue moned the Venetians to banish them out of their estate this a thing wholly to be imputed to the Climate or to the strange humors of the Country which is farre differing from Fraunce All this being considered it is to be hoped that the King of great Britaine following the counsell of Doctor Coeffeteau will take them to be neare about his person The other Reasons which are brought to recommend them seeme not to me of any great weight It is said that they carefully instruct youth if it be so how commeth it to passe that since they haue vndertaken to teach learning is so much decayed I would willingly that one could shew mee in Fraunce any of their Disciples that were of exact and exquisite learning or whom haue they in their society that may bee compared with those that were the Schollers of Turnebus or of Cuias Who are yet as many of them as are left the very lights and ornaments of the Court where is now the Vniuersitie of Paris which had wont to haue in it thirty thousand schollers but hath declined towards barbarisme euer since this kinde of people haue vndertaken to teach by their abridgements and Epitomies the which haue beene framed and composed by a rable of Pedants that teach all by rote in stead of drawing their instructions from the Fountaines of the Greeke and in stead ofâ—etling their iudgements by the course of auncient Philosophy And as for humane learning Scaliger Casaubon Passerate Lipsius and diuers like vnto them were they brought vp in their schooles Or indeede whom haue they brought vp comparable to them But Coeffeteau saith that the most Christian King is serued by them dealeth well with them and taketh them neere vnto his person our condition is too low and our vnderstanding too weake to search out the Counsels of so great a King whom God hath endued with an incomparable wisedome but yet I thinke that this serues not to iustifie them for who can tell whether his Maiesty doth this onely to put in practise that rule of the Gospell which is To doe well to those that hate vs Or whether he endeauoureth by his goodnes to master and ouercome their wickednesse and so by that meanes to binde them to fidelity Or who can tell whether his Maiestie herein imitateth the example of God who imployeth the wicked spirits for such causes and to such purposes as are best knowne to his diuine wisedome Or who knoweth whether in this he doth like Vlisses who for auoyding of tempests would keepe the winds with him shut vp in a leather bagge This great King whose paines and industry procureth our generall repose whose vigilancy makes vs to sleepe securely who bereaueth himselfe of himselfe and bestoweth himselfe on the publique and who maketh peace to flourish vnder the shaddow of his victories Long may hee enioy that quiet and repose which he hath broght euen to those that hate him Let his Counsels be euer blessed with happy successe his life with safety his subiects with fidelity his Crowne with glory and his Kingdome with prosperity CHAP. V. Of the power of the Pope ouer the temporalities of Kings and that he cannot take from Kings their Crownes nor free subiects from the Oath of fidelity And thereupon the reasons of Bellarmine are examined THe King of great Britaine in his Apology complayneth of two Breues or letters Apostolique of Clement the eight sent into England a little before the death of the late Queene ELIZABETH which were produced at the arrainment of Garnet the Iesuite by which the said Pope excludeth him from the succession of the Kingdome by a generall debarring of all such as were not of the Romane Religion This thing being so notoriously vniust and so publique yet notwithstanding Coeffeteau saith that there hath beene a wrong interpretation made of this Popes intentions and that it hath beene some particular mens drift to put it into his Maiesties head that he went about to hinder his establishment in the Kingdome These are insurious speeches to say that the King of great Britaine hath beene circumuented and that men haue only made him beleeue things but that he hath not seene any such Breues but speaketh this onely vpon trust There likewise turning to the side of Kings against the consent of the whole Romish Church he speaks thus It is a thing without doubt Fol. 6. pag. 2. that if the Pope would inuade Kingdoms and giue them in prey to whom he pleaseth deuesting the right possessors of them he well deserueth that Princes should stand stiffe against his viosence and should ioyntly runne vpon him as vpon a robber and spoiler of their inheritances And a litle after The Popes pretend nothing ouer the temporalties of Kings are contented only to make their authority appear ouer the crimes of men which he bindeth or looseth without stretching of it tyranically to dispose of their possessions otherwise then such as are fallen vnto him what causes here moued Coeffeteau thus to fauour Kings and to pare the Popes nayles so neare
vntil the thirtieth day I cannot see how this can serue to giue vnto the Pope power of deposing Princes For if Theodosius would not haue followed the counsell of Ambrose there had beene no harme done But this good Emperour did of his owne accord yeeld vnto it After him followeth Gregory the first at the end of whose Epistles is found a priuiledge graunted to the Abbey of S. Medard which hath this clause for the burthen of the Song If any King Prelate Iudge or secular person what soeuer shall violate the Decrees of this Apostolicall authority and of our commandement be he of what dignity or greatnes soeuer he may be let him be depriued of his honour I might say that this is onely an imprecation against Kings and not a Decree of deposition But we neede not busie our selues about the sense seeing that the Epistle is false It is a priuiledge indeed vnto which the name of Gregory is put to winne the greater credite and authority The falshood of it appeareth first in the Barbarisme of the style for men did neuer call neyther at Rome nor in Italy farmes or possessions by the name of Mansos It is a word which is found in the Chapter of Charles the great and of Lewes which sheweth that this priuiledge was first composed in France and not written at Rome Which thing also appeareth in this that he vseth these wordes Tusiacum Mortinetum fiscos regios To call the lands of the Kings Demaines Fiscos regios is a Barbarisme that may easily befall some French monke but at Rome this would not haue beene vnderstood and you espye the French vaine in these wordes very often repeated Dominus Medardus Monsieur S. Medard Adde hereunto that this priuiledge is absurd and vniust for it forbiddes to depose the Abbot of S. Medard howsoeuer attainted with crime vnlesse it be after the Popes pleasure known and after a Councel assembled wherein there shall bee found a dousen witnesses besides the accusers Now to breake this goodly priueledge is thought to bee a crime for which a King ought to loose his Kingdome The cheef poynt is that the humor of this Gregorie the first who called himselfe seruant of seruants doth very much disagree with these so arrogant terms which cut after the stile of an earthly Monarch For writing to Mauricius the Emperor in his third booke and sixt Epistle But I the vnworthy seruant of your goodnesse Ego autem indignus pietatis tuae seruus Ego vero haec dominis meis loquens quid sum nisi puluis vermis And a little after Now I speaking these things to you my Lords what am I but dust and a very worme And the King of great Britayne hath wisely obserued in his first booke that the Emperour Mauricius had commaunded this Gregory to publish a law which Gregory himselfe condemned as vniust and yet to obey his Master he published it I sayth he as one subiect to your commaundement haue sent these same lawes into diuers Countries and because they do not agree with God Almighty I haue by these my letters signified it to my Lords and Masters How well this Gregory knew to keepe his rancke and could not finde the way to draw this temporal sword which yet stucke fast in the scabbard For an vpshot of falshoods so at the end of this goodly priuiledge the subscriptions of the Bishops of Alexandria and Carthage who neuer knew the Abbey of S. Medard especially the Bishop of Alexandria who neuer saw Gregory and who beside that signeth his name very low among the thronge of ordinary witnesses albeit he neuer thought himselfe inferiour in any thing to the Bishop of Rome After all signeth King Theodoret as inferiour to all the Bishops After this Gregory wee are brought downe to Gregory the second the great puller downe of Images If we may beleeue Cedrenus and Zonaras great adorers of Images this Gregory went about to hinder the Italians from paying their tributes to Leo Isauricus who had demolished Images But Platina who hath most carefully searched out the story of Popes witnesseth the contrary and sayth in the life of this Gregory that vpon order giuen from the Emperour for the breaking downe of Images The people of Italy were so much moued Qua cohortatione adeo animati sunt Italiae populivt Paulum abfuerit quin sibi alium Imperatorē deligerent Quo minus a id fieret authoritate sua obstare Gregorius amicusest that it wanted but little but that they had chosen themselues another Emperour but Gregory employed his authority to hinder that matter Nay further he neuer for all that declared Leo fallen from the Empire he did not translate his Scepter to another he did not dispense with his subiects for their Oath of Alleageance And yet the Emperour at that time did onely hold a third part of Italy which was a very small portion of the Empire so that his tributes of Italy were vnto him of very little value As for Pope Zacharie when they report in the yeare 750 to haue taken from Childeriche the Kingdome of Fraunce to giue vnto Pipin and likewise Pope Leo the third whom men say to haue translated the Empire of the Greekes to the French by giuing the Empire to Charlemaine I could conuince all this of falshood and shew that the practise and custome of Popes is to giue vnto some one that thing which he cannot take from him Or after hauing incyted some one to inuade the possessions of his neighbour to vaunt afterward and to reproach him that what he got by rapine he now holdeth by his Holinesse liberality or as if in the Sacring of the Emperour because he hath put the Crowne on his head he should say that he hath giuen him the Empire as if in the sacring of a King he that hath inaugurated him by performing the Ceremony should bragge that he hath giuen him the Kingdome By this reason the Bishop of Ostias who hath had for a long time the right of consecrating the Pope should haue bin aboue the Popes and the Bishop of Millan should giue the Kingdome of Italy to the Emperour because from him he is to receiue a Crowne of Iron but this belongeth to another discourse neyther is the proofe of it necessary to this purpose For had these Bishops done much worse then this yet could not their example serue for a rule vnlesse it be shewed where and when God gaue them this power For is it credible that the Bishops of Rome could haue had in their hands this power neare eight hundred yeares together without enploying it or that they suffered this temporall sworde to hang rusting on a pinne without euer making vse of it vntill that after many ages this Zachary bethought himselfe of putting it to seruice in an action which the Church of Rome it selfe confesseth to bevniust Seeing that the Canon Alius before aleadged sayth that Childericke was not deposed for any
c. that if they had been able they would certainly haue done it but that they feared to prouoke this Emperor against them to haue drawn persecution against the Christians O blessed Apostle how fitly to the purpose dost thou stop this euasion furnishest vs with an answer that cutteth off all difficultie for he saith That we must be subiect to Princes not only for wrath but euen for conscience sake He wil that we obey Princes not only for feare of incurring thier displeasure but also to satisfie the conscience and our duety towards God And S. Peter in like manner in his first Epistle and second Chapter Submit your selues to all manner ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King as to the Superiour c. This then is to be done not only to stoope and yeelde to the present necessity but also for Gods sake And to say truth could not S. Peter at whose word Ananias and Saphyra gaue vp the ghost and S. Paul who in reasoning with Elymas the Sorcerer strooke him with blindenesse could not they I say by the same power haue crushed this monster Nero or haue throne him from the height of the Capitoll But what wil they say if we produce ages wherin Orthodox Christians were the stronger party and yet did they abstaine from the life or Crowne of the Emperour Constantius was an Arrian against whom Liberius Bishoppe of Rome did not cast forth his lightnings neyther did hee attempt to dispossesse him but vpon the Emperours commaund hee went into banishment After his decease Iulian the Apostata mightily laboured to restore Paganisme at what time almost the whole Empire was Christian and that which is more his Armies were composed of Christian souldiers as Ruffinus witnesseth in the first booke of his Story cap. 1. Theodoret lib 4. cap. 1. Socrates lib. 3. cap. 19. And indeed when the Armies after his death conferred the Empire vpon Iouinian a christian Prince they cryed with one voyce We are Christians What could there be more easie then to haue thrust this Apostata from the Empire And if God hath giuen to the Bishop of Rome this power to degrade Monarches why was he then wanting to this his duety when there was such a pressing necessity and so great a facility to haue done it There liued at that time Gregory Nazianzen the ornament of his age who in his first Oration against Iulian saith that the Christians at that time had no other remedy against the persecutors saue onely their teares But if our Popes now a dayes had then liued This passage is alleadged in the 11. Decree Quaest 3. c. Iulianus and might haue beene beleeued they would easily haue furnished other meanes S. Austin vpon the 124. Psal speaking of the obedience that the Christians yeelded to this Iulian Distinguebant Dominum aeternum a Domino temporali tamen subditi erāt propter Dominū aeternum etiam Domino temporali They made a difference saith he betweene the Lord eternall and the Lord temporall and yet they were subiect to their temporall Lord because of the Lord eternall Such a like example we haue in the Emperour Valens an Arrian and a persecutor whose officers and people were for the most part faithfull beleeuers but their Religion neuer brake out into rebellion The Emperour Valentinian the yonger was infected with Arrianisme as we see by the 33. Epistle of S. Ambrose where Valentinian sendeth his Colonels and Captaines to dispossesse the Orthodox Christians of the Temple in the City of Milan to put in the Arrians Ambrose the Christian people withstood him but with modesty saying Rogamus Auguste non pugnamus Non timemus sed rogamus Whereat Valentinian was so much offended that he called S. Ambrose ‡ Si Tyrannus es scrire volo vt sciam quemadmodum me aduersum te praeparem tyrant At the same time one * Sosomen lib. 7. cap. 13. Maximus a Catholick Prince rebelled against Valentinian and made him to forsake Italy taking in hand the defence of the true faith against an Emperour that was an Hereticke What did the Christians then Did S. Ambrose or the Bishop of Rome commaund the people to obey Maximus and to rebell against Valentinian Nothing lesse nay rather Valentinian by the helpe of Theodosius and the Orthodoxes was re-established in his authority which greatly serued to set him in the right way To be short we finde in the auncient Church many Bishops banished and chastised by Emperours but neuer any Emperour dispossessed of his Empire by the Bishoppe of Rome So then Cardinall Bellarmine doth accuse the auncient Bishops of Rome for that during the oppression of the Church they vsed not those means and remedies which they had in their hands in that they drew onely the spirituall sword whereas our new Popes skirmish with both hands and flourish both swords besides all other dexterities Yea futher if the auncient Bishoppes of Rome were in doubt to prouoke the Emperors for feare of being cause of much slaughter and confusion why did not this feare with-hold the late Popes from thundring against the Emperours Fredericke Barbarossa and Henry the fourth Why did they draw on those horrible confusions which filled the west Empire with blood sacked many townes and caused threescore maine battels to bee fought It is then a manifest corruption of the Scripture when in the same place he produceth the Epistle of S. Paul saying to the Corinthians 1. Cor. 6. that rather then they shold go to law before vngodly men or Infidels they should erect those who were of least estimation in the Church Iudges amongst them Then he addeth Is it so that there is not a wise man amongst you not one that can iudge betweene his brethren From this Text Bellarmine maketh this collection that the Corinthians might establish new Iudges This is to take the Scriptures cleane contrary to the meaning of them For first S. Paul doth not speake of deposing Magistrates secondly he doth not speake of erecting new ordinary Offices in the Common-wealth but to chuse out from among the faithfull some persons to compose their differences by arbitrement peacable meanes rather then to draw blame vpon the Church by bringing their suits and quarrels before Infidels This is the exposition that Theodoret and Chrysostome giue vpon this place and Lyranus and Thomas vpon this Epistle Now if the Cardinall maintaine that S. Paul doth speake of forsaking the ordinary Iudges to institute new in their places let him produce some examples hereof let him shew vs the practise of it There he is silent and for good cause for who maketh any doubt but that the Christians if they should haue set vp ordinary Iudges in place of Imperiall Officers should haue beene held culpable of Leze-maiesty The danger which he pretendeth to be intolerating an heretical King cannot beare skale against the commaundement of God Adde hereunto that this reason is but
themselues wormes dust and his petty-seruants as did Gregory the first writing to Mauricius CHAP. VI. Of the Clergie and of their Liberties and Exemption § Tertia Cleriâ—i non possunt a Iudice politico puniri vel vllo modo trahi ad secularis magistratus tribunal CArdinall Bellarmine cap. 28. of his booke De Clericis sayth That Clergie men may not at any hand be punished by the politique Iudge or be drawne before the iudgement seat of the Secular Magistrate He saith also that the cheife Bishop hauing deliuered Clerkes from the subiection of Princes § Respondeo summus Pontifex Clericos exemit a subiectione Principum non sunt amplius Principes clericorum superiores Kings are no longer Superiours ouer Clerkes In the same place also he maintayneth that the goods as wel of the Clergy as of secular men are and ought to be exempted from the taxe and tribute of Secular Princes § Quarta Bona Clericorum tam Ecclesiastica quam secularia libera sunt ac merito esse debent a Tributis Principum secularium Hereunto the King of great Britaine speaking to the Emperour to the Kings and Princes of Christendome sayth in this manner And when the greatest Monarches amongst you will remember that almost the third part of your Subiects and of your Territories is Church-men and Church-liuings I hope ye will then consider and weigh what a feather he puls out of your winges when he denudeth you of so many Subiects and their possessions in the Popes fauour nay what bryers and thornes are left within the heart of your Dominions when so populous and potent a party shall haue their birth education and liuelyhood in your Countries and yet owe you no Subiection nor acknowledge you for their SOVERAIGNES So as where the Church-men of old were content with their tythe of euery mans goods the Pope now will haue little lesse then the third part of euery Kings Subiects and Dominions To these words so full of weight and euidence Coeffeteau answereth very softly and sillily He saith that Catholicke Kings do not apprehend any such calamitie seeing that amongst them Ecclesiasticall Persons liue vnder their Lawes and acknowledge their authority euen the Pope himselfe beeing aware of it That in France the Cardinals and Byshops performe vnto the King the Oath of Fidelity coÌ„mendeth the Kings for hauing giueÌ„ to Clerks great immunities notwithstanding which he sayth that they doe not let to be bound to ciuill Lawes These wordes are full of timerousnesse and lurking ambiguity Answere Hee saith that Clerkes indeede liue vnder the lawes of Princes but hee doth not tell vs that in case of disobedience the King may punish them for otherwise there is no subiection He sayth that the Bishops yeeld the Oath of Fidelity but the question now is not touching fidelity but touching subiection and obedience He speaketh of immunities granted by Princes but he doth not tel vs what these immunities be for this is one as Bellarm. witnesseth and we will shew hereafter that Clerks are no longer subiects to Kings that the King is no longer their Superiour Thus can we learne nothing of this Doctor So that indeede his Maiesties complaint is so iust that if we holde our peace threin the cause wil proclaime it selfe Euery man knoweth what a Diminution to the Crowne and greatnesse of Kings these immunities of Clergy men do bring all which they couer and rabble vp vnder the Title of the liberty of the Church vnworthily transporting this sacred name of Christian liberty which signifieth in the word of God the deliuerance from the curse and malediction and from the yoake of sinne and from the heauy burthen of the ceremonies of the law to ciuill pretences and dispensations with that naturall duety which wee owe vnto our Prince vnder whom we had the happinesse first to behold the Sunne This is a thing that belongeth euen to the law of Nations and besides that is authorised by the word of God that euery person be subiect to the Soueraigne Magistrate But here now see how in one kingdome as in Fraunce there will be found aboue three hundred thousand persons who vnder the title of Clergy-men haue shaken off the yoake of the Princes authority yea euen children that are entred Nouices into that Body exempted from all obedience towards their parents This body of the Clergie hath its Iudges and officers their prisons likewise apart Their causes are not called to be answered before Royall Iudges but receiue hearing and determination in the great State chamber at Rome called La Zuota or in the consistorie There is a third parte of the Lands of this kingdome in the hands of Clergy men to the great preiudice of our kings For it often commeth to passe that the proprietarie owners and possessors of lands doe sell their inheritances whence accureth profite to the Prince by the Kings fine which ariseth of euery first part or first prime of such fales and other rights belonging to the cheefe Lord which Rights are lost when once immoueable goods enter into the possession of the Clergy The king doth also lose his right of Aubaine which is an escheate to the king of all such goods as any stranger dying in Fraunce is possessed of also the right of confiscation and in case of desertion when a man doth quit his owne estate The Clergy being a body that neuer dyeth that neuer confiscateth and in which body inheritances dye by Mortmaine Vpon whom the secular persons conferre euery day new Donations but we neuer see the sharing of Ecclesiasticall goods made to the profite and behoofe of any Lay-man for goods finde many gates open to enter into the Clergy but neuer a one to get our from thence like those footings of the wilde beasts which all turned inward towards the Lyons denne but there appeared no trace of any that euer returned from thence And hence it commeth to passe that as in mans body the thighs and armes grow lesse and lesse by how much the bigger the belly swelleth through excesse so in the body of a Common wealth The Nobility and the Commonalty who are as the armes and legges of that State they are brought low by the increase of the Clergy To this end also they haue obtained that the Church shal alwayes be held in non-age and in her minority that if she shall at any time haue made promise or contract that may turne to her disaduantage she may vnder that pretence be releeued And whereas in common course of law thirtie yeeres are sufficient to keepe possession by way of Prescription De Praescript Cap. 2. in Serto. Contra ipsam Romanam Ecclesiam Centenaria vel contra alias Ecclesias quadragenaria prescriptro Legitima sit completa Against the Church of Rome and against the Templaries no Prescription can be of force vnder one hundred yeares which is in effect as much as that against them there is no Prescription The other
that they should not offer to chuse their Bishop without his commaundement After which Leo the ninth Sigonius pa. 372. Platina In Clemente 11. Nicholas the second Honorius the second were elected according to the same rule Sigonius in the yeare 1064. saith that Hanno the Archbishop gaue Pope Alexander a checke for entring vpon the Papacy without the penalty of Henry the Emperour Quam sedem multos iam per annos nemo nisi a rege probatus ausus esset attingere vnto which seate none saith he for these many yeares hath presumed to approach without the Kings approbation The same Hildebrand which was called Gregory the seuenth the scourge of Emperours was confirmed by Henry the fourth in the yeare 1075. who hauing first dared to incite the Almaines and Italians to reuolt from the Emperour and infinite warres being kindled thereby vnder this Henry and his successors it would be ouer-long to reckon vp how many Popes haue beene degraded and how many Anti-Popes created by the Emperours By which confusion and warlike broils continuing for one hundred or six score yeares the Papacy grew to a farre greater greatnesse then it maintaines at this day for it is within these two or three hundred yeares fallen wel-neare halfe way from the height and State wherein it stood The King of great Britaine hauing alleadged some of these testimonies Mr. Coeffeteau makes after his fashion a superficiall answere and saith That in the beginning it was not so Fol. 16. pag 2 And he saith well for in the beginning the Bishop of Rome medled not with the election of the Emperours hee did not pull downe Kingdomes he imposed no Annates or tyrannous impositions vpon the Clergy hee intermedled not with temporall affaires neither did his Ecclesiastical authority extend farther then the Churches and parishes in the Suburbs that is no farther then the Prouost-ship and Iurisdiction of the Citie of Rome he was not called the Monarch of the world nor the head of the Vniuersall Church nor God vpon the earth nor did he weare a triple Crowne nor made the Kings to kisse his feet nor did he vaunt that he could not erre in matter of faith but as fast as the Emperours did fall so fast did the Popes rise and I assure my selfe that the Pope would rather renounce his succession of S. Peter then the Donation of Charlemaine Secondly Coeffeteau saith That in the first ages the Christian Emperours did not enterprise such matters no not the Constantines or Theodosij Here then wee must learne him some skill in historie Betweene Constantine the great and Theodosius the first Valentinian was Emperour whose royall assent concurred in the election of Ambrose Bishop of Millaine a Prelate more reuerenced at that time then the Bishop of Rome Ruffinus speakes plainely in his second booke the eleuenth chapter The desire of the people being reported to the Emperour hee gaue commandement that their desire should be accomplished Socrates hath the same Lib. 4 cap. 25. The Emperour Theodosius chose Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople for as Sozomen testifieth he commaunded the Bishop to write downe in a paper their names whom they thought worthy reseruing the choyce vnto himselfe and hauing cast his eye ouer the list of such as were named among all the rest hee made choice of Nectarius Now wee are to vnderstand that the Bishop of Constantinople was not then inferiour to the Bishop of Rome in any respect Of which we could produce 780. witnesses to wit those hundred and fiftie Bishops which were in the first Councel of Constantinople vnder Theodosius and the sixe hundred and thirty Bishops in the Councell of Calcedon in which Councels there are expresse Canons to that purpose The third Canon of the Councell of Constantinople speakes in this tenour a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Bishop of Constantines Citie hath prerogatiues of honour next after the Bishop of Rome because it is new Rome Which Canon attributing to the Bishop of Rome priority of rancke not in respect of the See but in regard of the cheife Citie is expounded at large in the Councell of Calcedon in these wordes in the eighteenth Canon b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Our Fathers haue very rightly giuen the preheminence to the See of auncient Rome because the City was the Seate of the Empire So the hundred and fifty Bishops of the Councell of Calcedon beloued of God moued with the same reasons haue transferred the same preheminence to the seat of c That is to say Constantinople New-Rome thinking it reason that the City honoured with the Empire and with the presence of the Senate and enioying the same priuiledges as ancient Rome being the Seate of the Empire did and being after it the next should in matters Ecclesiasticall haue equall aduancement For then the See of Rome had the precedency without any authority or Iurisdiction aboue the rest iust as one Counseller of State goes before another that is equall in Commission with him This excellent Canon hath beene shamefully falsified in the Romane mane Decree in the Canon Renouantes the two and twentieth Distinction where in stead of Etiam in Ecclesiasticis our Aduersaries haue thrust in Non â—amen in Ecclesiasticis Hereupon I conclude that if Theodosius being at Constantinople had a hand in the election of the Bishop of Constantinople he might as well meddle with the election of the Bishoppe of Rome in case hee should be present in Rome And indeede Coeffeteau confesseth that the Emperour Constantius medled both with the election of Foelix and with the deposing of Liberius Bishop of Rome but he saith that he was an Arrian and that S. Hilarie cal'd him Antichrist which notwithstanding disables not the authority of this example for if Liberius had beene then an Arrian as hee became afterwards no man could haue thought it strange that Constantius had expelled him and aduanced another of the Orthodoxe faith into his roome S. Hilary blamed him not because he medled with the deposing or election of a Bishop but because in Liberius he persecuted the truth which may be as well said of the Kings of the Gothes fauourers of Arrianisme which made and vnmade the Bishop of Rome at their pleasure And it is principally to be considered that the Emperours tooke lesse heede to the choosing of the Roman Bishops as long as they preached the Gospell themselues and were contented with the office of being Pastors of the City of Rome and did not thrust their Ecclesiasticall sicle into the temporall haruest But assoone as they began to speake bigge and to meddle with ciuill affaires and that when matters were doubtfully ballanced they were like a great stone in one of the scales who can wonder if the Emperours bâ—gan then to looke about that none of an aduerse faction were brought in to that See against themselues That which Coeffeteau subioyneth makes nothing to the purpose to wit That the Emperours of the East continued
the vsurpation of the Gothes out of a base coueteous humour for it makes not whether their proceedings were tainted with auarice or no some one in the prosecution of his right may mingle his particular vices Now if this custome be not then are the Popes and Councels worthy of blame that haue adiudged them both iust and necessary as Adrian the first Leo the eigth and others which vnrequested did voluntarily referre this choyce to the Kings of Italy and to the Emperors And indeed Sigonius Anno 963. saith that Leo the eigth was of opinion Non sine causa AdrianuÌ„ 1. Ca rolo magno tribuisse vt Ecclesiam ordimaret Pontisicemlegeret Labertate populo â—eddita Romanos in dies deteriores effectos that Adrian the first had cause to referre the honour of gouerning the Church and chusing the Pope vnto Charlemaine and that when liberty was giuen to the popular Assembly for the election of the Pope things greweuery day from bad to worse It is heere more remarkable that Coeffeteau doth a little after contradict himselfe for after hauing condemned this electiue custome as as an vniust vsurpation of the Emperours a little after he saith that the Emperour did not vsurpe this right Fol. 18. pag. 2. but receaued it from the Pope If then the Emperours did not vsurpe this power he doth vniustly call it vsurpation And if the Popes gaue this authority the fault was onely in the Popes And if it be a Right as Coeffeteau cals it it can be neyther wrong nor iniustice not vsurpation The feare of the Lombards should haue beene no motiue to the Popes to iniure their own See to pâ—ssesse the Emperours of that which appertained not vnto them Touching that which he addes Fol. 19. p. â— that Lewes the sonne of Charles disclaymed this right I haue already disproued it as vntrue The Canon Ego Lodouicus in the 63. Distinction is of the same touch and as true as the Donation of Constantine It is also vntrue which he saith that the Popes acknowledged Lewes for a benefactor of this See and that they should thinke themselues obliged to him and other Princes which haue bestowed on them the temporalities which they possesse For first the Popes would not acknowledge any such obligation to this Lewes nor to his predecessors notwithstanding all their gifts vnto them hauing forged the Donation of Constantine to obliterate the memory of this benefite and cast an immaginary Conduit-pipe that might from others of farther distance deriue this bountie vnto them Besides their abusing and thundring their stormes vppon our Kings and robbing their Kingdomes is their faire acknowledgement of this good turne like him that hauing gathered the fruite and refreshed himselfe in the shadow of a tree doth with his bil-booke lop off the boughs and branches for recompence Moreouer we denie notwithstanding any thing Coeffeteau sayth that the Popes held their temporal possessions of Pipin or Charles or of Lewes or of any King or Emperour I am not ignorant that these Princes haue exceeded in their liberalities to the Bishop of Rome which they haue performed to their hinderance but they euer did as Princes vnto subiects reserue the Soueraignty ouer the Donce To examine the matter by auncienter proofes and better Sigonius in the History of the yeare 687. saith that the Exarches sent Iudges vnto Rome to administer iustice vnto the people Platina hath the fame in the life of Sergius the second who was the first that chaunged his name after his election because he was formerly called Hogs-snout In the diuision betweene the children of Lewes le Debonaire Lotharius the eldest sonne had for his part the City of Rome with Italy c. Platina in the life of Eugenius the second saith that †Sigonius p. 116 Lotharius in Italiam veniens Magistratum delegit qui populo Romano ius diceret Lotharius comming into Italy established Magistrates at Rome to iudge the people of the Citie Aboue all we haue expresse testimony of Sigonius in the seuenth booke of the History of the Kingdome of Italy Ann. 973. * Pontifex RomaÌ„ Rauennamque ditiones reliquas tenebat authoritate magis quam imeprio quod ci uitates Pontificem vt Reip. Principem Regem verò vi summum Dowinum intue entur atque ei tributa obsequiaque praeberent Then sayth he the Bishop of Rome helde the City of Rome and Rauenna rather by anothers authority then their owne commaund Because these Cities acknowledged the Bishop as a Prince in the Common wealth but did euer looke toward the King as their soueraigne Lord payde him tribute and to him yeelded their obedience And yet it was a long while after ere the Emperours came to Rome to take their Crownes which they held not of the Pope who had onely a hand in the Ceremony but of the people of Rome So that all that which the Pope dooth at this day holde in the nature of a soueraigne Prince is a meere vsurpation ouer the Empire and he cannot exhibite his titles nor shew vs the beginning of his Princely Soueraignty Coeffeteau goes on and condemnes the Emperor Otho for deposing Iohn the thirteenth for his irregular life and Henry the third for deposing three Popes in a short time and saith that in this proceeding he shewed a zeale but no knowledge Whereunto I answerre that this Iohn being maintayned by an Army and a very potent faction he could not be expulsed but by the power of the Emperour nor is it zeale without knowledge to apply vnto an extreame malady the onely and most necessary medicine that can possibly the prouided Our Doctor doth further adde that Constantine did shew much more Religion when in the Councell of Nice he acknowledged that it belonged not to him to iudge of the faults of Bishops But these were but words of his gratious respect vnto them such as the same Prince vsed when he said that if he should finde a Clergy-man offending with a woman he would couer him with his cloake but before in the sixt Chapter we saw that the lawes of Constantine did not priuiledge the offences of the Clergy from the ciuill authority no not the lawes of Iustinian which were made more then two hundred yeares after And indeede Theodoret lib. 1. cap. 19. alleageth an Epistle of Constantine to Nâ—comedians in which speaking generally of all sorts of men he saith that * Si quis audacter inconsulteque ad memoriam aut landem pestium illarum exarserit illias statim audacia ministri Dei hâ—e mea executione coercebitur If any one will rashly and inconsiderately maintaine those pestilent assertions speaking of the Arrians his audatiousnes shall be instantly curbed by the Emperours execution who is Gods Minister I doe plainely confesse that they caused them to be very often deposed by a Synode but yet they ceased not to haue soueraigne authority ouer the Bishops before their deposition or to haue power
Fraunce were vnder Marcus Aurelius the sonne of Anthony that is to say in the yeare of our Lord 162. threescore and fiue yeares after the death of Domitian whosoeuer shall calculate the times shall find that Denis the Ariopagite was then Iudge in Ariopagus at the time when S. Paul conuerted him whence it is to be presumed that he was at least thirty or fiue and thirty yeare olde which time if you extend as farre as to the raigne of Marcus Aurelius he should haue liued some hundred and fiftie yeares and also should die by torment before that he was broken by olde age We could produce others in this point but this sufficeth to iustifie the King of great Britaine who though he should haue called the Saints that neuer were Tutelary gods yet should there not bee iust cause to reprehend him After this Caeffeteau comes to the authorities of the Fathers surely this matter should well deserue some commaundement from God One Ordinance of God had cut off al difficulty and had been more of value then a thousand testimonies of men But Coeffeteau could finde none for indeede there is none Being not able then to draw out of the Diuine spring he seekes heere and there for the Cesternes of men Our aduersaries tell vs that they receiue the Fathers for interpreters of the Scripture but the passages are drawne out of phrases of the Fathers in which they doe not interprete the scripture but what will become of the matter if these quotations be to no purpose if indeede they be false And that is it which we are to shew Basill in his oration of the 40. Martyrs saith indeed that some in their necessity had recourse vnto them but he doth nor commaund to doe it as Bellarmine will haue it in b Where he pâ—â—â—teth confugiat for confugit and oret for orat falsifying this place Aliud est quod docemus aliud quod sustinemus donec emendemus tolarare compellimur a man must not maruaile if a people newly crept out of Paganisme did retaine something of their owne Custome and oftentimes the Bishops caryed away with the terrent of popular zeale were constrained to tollerate these abuses Saint Austine in his twentieth booke against Faustus the Manichee Chap. 21 confesseth that many dranke drunke ouer the Sepulchres of the dead but withall he addeth it is one thing that we teach another that we tollerate it is one thing that which we are commaunded to teach another thing we are commaunded to correct and which we are constrained to beare withall vntill that it bee amended And in the first booke of the manners of the Catholicke Church Chap. 24. I know many saith hee who doe adore the Sepulchres and pictures I know many who drinke most excessiuely ouer the dead The good Bishops saw these maladies in their flockes which being desirous to amend they haue beene often hindred by the sedition of the people as appeareth by the Counsell of Carthage where the Bishops of Affrica being desirous to abolish the abuse which was committed at the sepulchres of the Martyrs they feare to be hindred by the tumult of the rude people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If say they men be hindred to doe this by the vprore of the people at least wise let the multitude be admonished not to assemble in these places Coeffeteau then had alleadged this to purpose if he had the generall custome of the Church of those times or some prayer to Saints made in the publicke seruice instead of producing the misguided deuotion of some particular men In the second place he aleadgeth the oration of Gregory Nyssen in the praise of the Martyr Theodore which we haue heretofore evicted of falsehood After this he produceth the oration of Grogory Nazianzen vpon Saint Basill And here againe his vnfaithfull dealing appeareth for hee dessembleth the wordes going before which serue for a solution where Saint Gregory sheweth that that which he saide to Saint Basill being deceased is onely by opinion and by coniecture These are his wordes And now Basill is in the heauens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 offering as I thinke sacrifices for vs and praying for the people hee speaketh as being assured thereof we know also that the custome of Orators who speake in praise of any man is to make Rhetoricall appellation to the dead and to speake to the absent as to men present The Bookes of the Paynims are full of these examples See how Plinie speaketh to Ciciro long before deceased in his seauenth booke and thirtyeth Chapter Salue primus omnium parens patriae appellate To Gregory Coeffeteau addeth the Catechisme of Cyrill which are falâ—ely attributed vnto him Gesner in his Bibliotheca witnesseth that this booke is found in written hand vnder the name of one Iohn of Ierusalem Gretzer a Germiane Iesuit in his booke for Pilgrimages page 354. witnesseth the same Harding in his Treatise of Accidents without subiect Section the 6. saith that in his time this booke was not fouâ—d but manuscript and knowne to a fewe And the foolery which is found in the 24. Catechise when he saith that the wood of the Crosse doth increase and multiply in such fort that the earth is full thereof sheweth that this booke was written many ages since doubtlesse by this Iohn of Ierusalem an aduocate for Images who liued in the yeare 767. See the Ecclesiasticall Stories of Vigner in the yeare 767. Afterwards commeth a place of Saint Austine It is iniurie to pray for a Martyr by whose prayers wee on the other side ought to be recommended This place is found indeed in his 17. Sermon De verbis Apostoli but not in the 80. Tract vpon Iohn as Coeffeteau alleadgeth it who spake by other mens report Now this place is not to the purpose for hee saith onely that the Saints pray for vs which thing wee haue neuer denyed we doe out of Godly considerations presume that albeit they know not the necessity of particular men yet they pray for the Church in generall But that wee should for this cause inuocate them or yeeld them any religious seruice Saint Austine doth not avouch Lastly Coeffeteau addeth Saint Ambrose who in his booke of Widdowes exhorteth Widdowes to pray to the Angells and Martyrs whom he calleth beholders of our liues and actions Here a man may see the humour of our Aduersaries which is to passe by the vertues of the Fathers and to set forth nothing but their vices and blemishes like Flyes who cast themselues vpon gaules and botches of bodies rather then vpon the sound parts The Reader then shall be aduertised that Saint Ambrose was chosen Bishop before he was baptised Hauing thus cast himselfe at the first iumpe into a charge to the which hee was no way prepared no man ought to maruaile if in his beginnings he said somthings for which he afterwards corrected himselfe The booke of Widdowes is one of his first works wherein you may
see more eloquence then diuinity and we will no other proofe hereof then that place which saith that the Martyrs if there remained any sinnes vnto them they purged them by their bloud what is there lesse agreeing with the Gospell then to thinke that any Martyrs haue beene without sinne and that which is worse that a man may wash away and blot out his sinnes by his owne blood For the holy scripture doth giue vs no other labor for our sinnes then the blood of Iesus Christ Apoc 1.5 To Iesus who hath loued vs and hath wasted away our sinnes by his blood And in the 7. Chapter The Saints do wash their garments in the blood of the lambe and to the end that no man should deuise any other clensing Jdeo ad Regem per tribunos aut Cometos itur quia homo vtique est Rex nescit quibus debeat Remp. credere Ad Deum autē promerendum saffragatore non opus estsed mente deuota Saint Iohn 1. Epist 1. saith that the blood of Iesus Christ doth clense vs from ALL sinne yea Saint Ambrose himselfe hath not perseuered in this error But vpon the first Chapter of the Epistle to the Romanes he disputeth against those who said that they did as those who goe to the King by his offices and hee calleth it a miserable excuse and addeth Therefore men goe to a King by his Collonells and Nobles because the King is a man and knoweth not to whom to commit the Common-weale But to be receiued into grace and fauour with God we need no spokesman but onely a deuout Spirit Himselfe in the oration vpon the death of Theodosius Et tamen tu solus Domine inuocandus es tu rogandus Thou ONELY O Lord oughtest to be inuocated and prayed vnto Let this be noted in generall vpon all the passages that the King of great Britaine demaunded authorities from the first fower ages But all these allegations are but about the end of the fourth age we must then helpe Coeffeteaus memorie and bring him a little higher In the first age we haue the Apostles who did not only not inuocate the Virgin Mary nor any other of the Saints deceased But who doe expresly forbid vs to inuocate any other then God alone 1 S. Paul Rom. 10. How shall they cal vpon him in whom they haue not beleeued He is of opinion then that a man cannot call vpon any but him in whom he beleeueth Now we beleeue in God onely The Creede doth teach vs to beleeue in the Father and in the sonne and in the holy Chost but not to beleeue in any creature And Iesus Christ Ioh. 14.1 You beleeue in God beleeue also in me If any man will here bring forth vnto vs two sortes of Religious worship he must be pleased to proue them vnto vs by the word of God 2 The same Apostle Rom. 14.23 sayth that whatsoeuer is done without faith is sinne And cap. 10. he saith that faith commeth by hearing the word of God Prayer therefore to Saints being not founded vpon the word of God it is without faith and consequently is sinne 3 S. Peter Act. 1. calleth God searcher of the hearts agreeable to that which Salomon saith 2. Chr. 6.30 that God ONLY knoweth the hearts of men If then the Saints know not our hearts what an abuse is it to call vpon them Must a man cry high And how shall they know whether thou be an hypocrite or no If it be so that they see all things in the face of God as some say then should they haue an infinite knowledge and by consequent should be infinite and should know the day of iudgement * marc 13. which is vnknowne to them And their spirit in one onely moment should apprehend and behold infinite diuersity of things which is a thing incompatible with the nature of the creature whose life and being and consequently whose actions are fleeting by acontinuall succession of parts That is to say that as the parts of their duration succeede one another so their thoughts and action successiuely follow one another They doe not then apprehend infinite things in one moment Thus is their imaginary looking-glasse broken wherin nothing doth appeare but the temerity of these men who affirme things that they cannot know who speake of heauen and yet haue their nose in the ground describing what is done there as if they came but lately from thence I further adde that this is greatly to trouble the felicity of the Saints to make them spectators of mens affaires An holy woman that inioyeth the glory of heauen would she no feele an extreame greefe if she beheld from heauen one of her children tormented in Hell another broken vpon the wheele at the Greue in Paris another giuen to Art-magicke or bowing his knee before an Image or adoring a God made and set vp by men 4 The Apostle S. Paul 1. Tim 2. There is one God and one Mediator betweene God and men the man Christ Iesus In the Greeke it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vnicus Deus vnicus mediator Seeing that these things are thus coupled together it is certain that as there is but one God so is there but one Mediator It is a coy nicenesse to say that he is the only Mediator of Redemption but not of Intercession But this distinction is not found in the Gospell and indeede it doth contradict it selfe for Iesus Christ is not the mediator of intercession but so farre forth as he is our Redeemer whence it followeth that in Iesus Christ to be mediator of redemption and mediator of intercession is one and the same thing And that which is more the same Apostle Rom. 8. doth teach vs that euen as touching the intercession he is our onely mediator For he saith Christ is he who died nay rather who is risen againe who also is set at the right hand of God who maketh request for vs. Now he died onely for vs he rose onely for our sakes and onely is set downe at the right hand of God and he alone then also it is which maketh request for vs for the course of the wordes and the drift of the place doth necessarily so require it And that which is more by this Distinction they condemne the Church of Rome who maketh Saints also to bee mediatours of Redemption as Bellarmine teacheth in the fourth Chapter of his first booke of Indulgences and indeede the Church of Rome doth holde that their sufferings doe turne to our aduantage and the Priest in the Masse doth euery day craue saluation of God not onely for their prayers but also for their merites as if by their good workes they had merited saluation Quorum precibus meritisque rogamus c. and the grace of God for vs Let a man read all the Letanies and publicke prayers of the Church of Rome and he shall finde that they say Petre Ora pro nobis S. Nicholae Ora pro
through the instigation of the Diuell In the 20. chapter of my Apologie for the Supper of the Lord. An Epistle which witnesseth that S. Austen died excommunicated out of the Church of Rome which also wee haue elsewhere defended against Coeffeteaus accusations Neither was this the first ordinance by which these Bishops sought to stifle the growing tyrannie of the Bishop of Rome wherby he laboured to draw the appeales of the causes of Affrica to himselfe his purpose being that they who were condemned in Affrica by the Councels might make their appeale ouer the Sea that is into Italy For these same Bishops in another Councell assembled at Mileuitum in the two and twentieth Canon say If they who are condemned by the neighbour Bishops thinke that they may appeale from their iudgement Quod si ab cis prouocandum putauerint non prouocent nisi ad Affricana Concilia vel ad Primates prouinciarum suarum ad Transmarina autem qui putauerit appellandum à nullo intra Affricam in communione suscipiatur let them not appeale any whither else then to the Councels of Affrica or to the Primates of their Prouinces But whosoeuer shall appeale beyond the Sea let him not be admitted to the Communion by any in all Affrica These men feared neuer a whit least there might come from Rome a lapse vpon their Benefices or a deuolution to the Pope they did not expect from him the Archbishops Pall nor the Cardinals Hat nor any liberality of consecrated grains nor feared they his excommunication whose power in those dayes passed little further then mount Apennine And here out of this Discourse the Reader shall further learne that this very Canon is found in the Romane Decrees in the second Cause in the Canon Placuit but wholly corrupted and miserably falsified for after these wordes Whosoeuer shall appeale beyond the Sea let him not be receiued by any to the Communion there is a peece of another stuffe and another coulour vnhandsomely patched on vnlesse he appeale to the Sea of Rome Nisi forte Romanam sedem appellancrit how could this exception be allowable seeing that this Canon of the Councell was expresly made against the Sea of Rome So is it also against the truth and euidence of all the Coppies Yea so farre are the auncient customes and ordinances from giuing any Iurisdiction to the Bishop of Rome ouer other Patriarches that here is a flat Canon of the Councell of Nice recyted by Ruffinus to the contrary in his first booke and fift chapter They ordaine also that in Alexandria and in the Citie of Rome the auncient custome be kept to wit Et vt apud Aleandriam in vrbe Roma vetusta consuetudo seruetur vt vel ille Aegypti vel hic suburbicarum Ecclesiarum solicitudinem gerat that he of Alexandria haue the care of Egypt the Bishop of Rome of all suburbicary Churches that is of all the Cities that were vnder the authoritie and ciuill iurisdiction of the citie of Rome These Fathers did liberally cut him out a large share as the times then were but scant enough according to his ambition as now it is S. Cyprian Bishop of Carthage wrote many Epistles to Cornelius Bishop of Rome al which beare this inscription Cyprian to Cornelius his brother sendeth greeting which had bin a great vnreuerence if Cornelius had bin head of the Vniuersall Church or if he had had power of Iurisdiction ouer S. Cyprian So likewise in the fourth booke of Socrates cap. 11. the Eastern Bishops who write to Liberius Bishop of Rome Socrates lib. 4. cap. 9. Domino fratri collegae nostro call him nothing but Brother and Companion yea they speake like Masters for qualifying themselues the Catholike and Apostolike Church they denounce Anathema against the Councel of Ariminum without expecting the iudgement or the will and pleasure of Liberius Thereupon Leo the first This is the Title of the three first Epistles albeit he speake bigge in his Epistles neuerthelesse he commonly taketh no other Title to him but onely this Leo Bishop of the Citie of Rome to such and such sendeth greeting See here a notable Example The auncient custome of the Church was that the penitents should confesse their faults aloude in the face of the Church But the Church being growne into wealth and riches many men refused to vndergoe this shame Sozom. l. 7. c. 16. Socrat. lib. 5. cap. 19. and iudged it intollerable To giue them content herein an order was established that euery Church should haue a Penetenciary Priest who should receiue their confessions in secret This order hauing beene euery where receiued Neuerthelesse Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople abolished this custome throughout all the East without asking the Bishop of Romes counsel who also did not reprehend him for it and this hath euer since so remained Thereupon I say that if Nectarius had beene subiect to the Bishop of Rome he would neuer haue vndertaken so great a matter without his aduise and contrary to his example Should a Bishop of Paris or Lyons bee borne withall now adaies if of his owne authority without aduise from the Pope he should put away auricular confession out of his Bishopricke Here are other examples It appeareth by S. Austens 118. Epistle to Ianuarius This Epistle is found in the 1. Tome of the Councels in the page 461. of the Collen Edition that in Rome they fasted on the Satterday but at Millan they did not so Damasus Bishop of Rome writing to S. Ierome complayneth that the seruice and the singing in the Church of Rome was performed with ill grace and vnseemly and with too great simplicity and requesteth Ierome to teach him the custome of the singing and seruice of the Greeke Church that he might bring it into the Church of Rome Is it credible that the Church of Rome would haue dayned to be the Disciple of other Churches and to correct her faults by the example of her neyghbour Churches if she had ruled and gouerned all other Churches as she doth to this day S. Ierome in an Epistle to Euagrius sheweth that the custome of other Churches touching Deacons was better then that of Rome which he saith was but a City from whence pride first sprunge So the Canon Aliter in the 31. Distinction saith That the Tradition of the Easterne Churches is one and that of the Church of Rome another for there the Priests and Deacons doe marry but here not And this Canon is attributed to Pope Steuen to whom Cyprian writeth Socrates lib. 5. cap. 21. maketh a long Bed-roule of diuers Church-customs and sheweth how different the Churches were in the obseruation of Fastes of the marriage of Churchmen and of the dayes of publique Assemblies which diuersity is an euident proofe that they were not all gouerned by one onely vniuersall head otherwise they should all haue beene conformed to the Ordinanances of the Church of Rome
vnto the 15. verse of the 21. chapter Seauen dayes after his arriuall he is taken and to auoyd the violence of the Iewes he appealeth vnto Caesar when he came to Rome he preached there two yeares Acts 28.30 and there suffered Martyrdome as we may easily gather out of the 2. Timothy Chapter 4. verse 6. and by the subscription of the Epistle From whence it appeareth that the Epistle to the Romanes could not be written aboue three yeares before his death and not to be too strict let vs admit that it might be 4. yeares let vs now shew that S. Peter had not beene at Rome when S. Paul wrote this Epistle for that is prooued by the fifteenth chapter of the said Epistle to the Romanes where Saint Paul saith that he is resolued to goe to Rome whereof he rendreth this reason to wit I study to set forth the Gospell not in those places where mention hath beene already made of Iesus Christ to the end faith he that I build not vpon another mans foundation He presupposeth then that neyther S. Peter nor any Apostle had till that time laid nay foundation in the Church of Rome otherwise S. Paul going thither soone after should haue built vpon anothers ground-worke The renowne and credite and the mutual conference and conuersation of the Christian strangers with the Romanes had sowen the Christian Religion at Rome but before S. Pauls comming thither there was not any forme of a Church gouerned S. Paul laid the first foundation as is manifest by the place alleadged This being thus gained let vs end the rest of the combat The Kings Maiesty of England hath aduisedly noted that the Apostle S. Paul did excommunicate the incestuous person of his owne authority the spirit of the Corinthians ioyning with his spirit without making or medling with S. Peters spirit Coeffeteau here answereth that by the spirit S. Paul meant not authority but knowledge and declaration of will as Beza expoundeth it I aunswere that this declaration of will was done by vertue of the power and authority which he had as he addeth in the wordes following In the name of our Lord Iesus and by his power so calleth he that power which Christ had giuen him and which hee denieth to haue receiued from any man Gal. 1. v. 1. and chap. 2. v. 6. n = * They which were the cheef brought nothing vnto it But saith Coeffeâ—eau it is not necessary at all times to expresse all the functions of the Church nor the Primacy of S. Peter it being sufficient to beleeue it Then say I if he omitted it in this place and neuer thelesse beleeued it you must then shew vs some other place wherehe confesseth that he beleeued it Coeffoteau goeth further and saith Coeff fol. 89. That in the Letters of the Councell of Ierusalem the decision was made by the authority of the whole Assembly without speaking of Peter Acts 15.23 because the Letters were sent in the name of all the company n = * The apostles and the Elders brethren to the brethren that are of the Gentils in Antiochia Besides it is sufficient that elsewhere S. Peter is called cheefe by the Oracle of truth and that Peter himselfe speaketh first To this I say that if in these dayes a Councell where the Pope were present should write Letters to decide a Controuersie it would be thought very strange if in those Letters there were no mention made of the Pope Againe we cannot finde that the Oracle of truth did euer giue vnto S. Peter any power or Iurisdiction ouer the other Apostles Furthermore in this Councell Peter spake as a man that gaue his aduise or iudgement but it was Iames that spake last and pronounced the finall decision as President in the action But among all the reasons alleadged by the King of great Britaine that is most witty and forcible which is drawne from the first chapter of the first to the Corinthes which hath not beene yet noted by any other S. Paul had founded the Church of Corinth and had laboured mightily but after his departure from them they fell to faction and partaking one saying I am of Paul another of Apollo and another of Peter Those that said they were of Paul had a desire rather to become his followers then Peters it appeareth then that S. Paul had not taught them to acknowledge S. Peter to be his Superior and to be the head of the vniuersall Church for if he had so taught them they would neuer haue resisted and withstood that his instruction Neyther is it possible that any man would oppose himselfe herein against S. Paul thinking in so doing to become his Disciple or that he would not beleeue him to the end he might become his follower This is not onely absurde but it is also impossible from this argument so aptly collected Coeffeteau being vnable to comprehend the force thereof is driuen to shifts and querkes cleane from the purpose To as little purpose is it when he saith that Caluine speaking of the Controuersie betweene Paul and Peter Coeff fol. 90. Gal. 2. did not inferre a Preference of S. Paul before S. Peter but onely an equalitie for his Maiestie doth not intend a preheminence of S. Paul aboue S. Peter in generall but onely in this particular action Forasmuch as iustly to reprehend is a thing more noble then to be reprehended and to teach better then to learne I also adde that it is very likely that if S. Peter had had his Cardinals about him or a guard of Swyssers and Light Horsemen See Crysostome vpon chap. 1. to the Galathians he would not haue suffered S. Paul to haue withstood him to his face But follow on the line and leauell of S. Pauls purpose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it will lead you directly to the truth that S. Pauls drift was to meete with and to preuent the mis-regard which some had of his Apostleship which some held to be of an inferior ranck because he was none of the twelue but came after them Against this opinion of theirs he iustly armeth himselfe and saith in the very beginning of his Epistle that he is an Apostle not of men nor by man but by Iesus Christ where he teacheth vs sufficiently that hee had no commission from S. Peter And chap. 2. verse 6. he saith that they that seemed to be in estimation added nothing vnto him He saith that the charge was diuided betweene him and Peter to him were the Gentiles committed euen as to Peter those of the circumcision that Iames Peter and Iohn who were accounted the Pillars gaue him the right hand of Fellowship that he withstood Peter to his face when he came to Antioch Petrum solum nominant sibi comparat quia primatum ipse accepit ad fundandam Ecclesiam se quoque pari modo electum vt primatum haberet in fundandis gentis um Ecclesijs and went not the right
the Bishops of the world We graunt then willingly that the auncient Bishops of Rome before the corruption of Doctrine and vsurpation of the Monarchie in the Church were successors of S. Peter in the Bishoppricke of Rome onely euen as the Bishop of Corinth was successor to S. Paul but withall we adde this that through the corruption of Doctrine which hath by little little crept into the Church of Rome euery age hauing added and contributed thereunto hee is now wholy and iustly falne from that succession For he may not in no wise be called Peters successor who oppugneth the Doctrine preached by S. Peter and who in the Chaire of verity doth establish a lie The Turke may not bee called successor to the Emperour of Greece albeit he be seated in his place seeing that he is rather his subuerter I would haue one shew me that euer S. Peter preached any other purgatory then the bloud of Iesus Christ or any other satisfaction to the iustice of God then his obedience any other sacrifice propitiatory then his death That euer he gaue pardons for an hundred thousand yeares or drew soules out of Purgatory with buls and indulgences that he euer degraded Emperours that he tooke away from the people the reading of the holy Scriptures or the Communion of the Cup or that he commaunded the worshipping of Images and publique Seruice to bee said in an vnknowne tongue or that he euer constrayned other Bishops to take from him letters of Inuestiture and to pay vnto him Annates Or that euer S. Peter was called God on earth the Spouse of the Church and caused himselfe to be worshipped or that euer he sung Masse or commaunded the Host to be adored or that euer he left off preaching the Gospell or quitted the Crosier-staffe to take vnto him a triple Diaderne If I say they can shew me that S. Peter euer did these things then though the Pope were Bishop but of one Village alone I will willingly acknowledge him for S. Peters Successor but still in the Bishopricke only and not in the Apostleship which ended in his person and is not deriued vnto his Successors in particular Churches THus doth the confession of the King of Englands faith remain firme and vnshaken against which Coeffeteau hath armed himselfe with humane testimonies being vtterly destitute of any authority out of the booke of God For as they that are ready to drowne catch hold on any thing so these men in a desperate cause embrace all defences but least of all those that be good Againe whatsoeuer this Doctor alleadgeth out of the Fathers is found to be eyther false or clipt or vtterly counterfeit This payment is not currant especially to such a Prince who hath consecrated his penne to the defence of the truth But this is not to be imputed to Coeffeteaus disability but to the vnlawfulnesse of the cause vnto which we haue in such sort satisfied as whosoeuer shall examine my worke he shall finde an answere to Bellarmines booke also which he hath not long since made against the said booke of the King of great Britaine with more weakenesse and lesse dexterity then Coeffeteau hath done There remayneth the last part of his Maiesties booke wherein with a straine of admirable wit assisted by the spirit of God hee openeth the booke closed with seuen seales and piercing into the secrets of sacred Prophesies he findeth in the seat of Rome the full accomplishment of the Apocalyps When hate and bitternesse shall be extinguished through time Posterity shall admire both the worke and the person and looking backe into ages past for the like patterne shall not be able to finde any thing to be compared with it We will not feare then to enter into these darkenesses vnder so great a guide for it is hard eyther to stumble or to stray where so faire a Torch doth light and shine before vs. But we must here take breath a while before we enter into this taske For the sudden death of our King like a great cracke of Thunder benummeth our handes with astonishment and troubleth our spirits with griefe and anguish Let vs then giue place to necessity and leaue to write that we may haue leisure to lament and let Posterity carefully bethinke it selfe of remedies and hold it for a thing most certaine that hee that setteth light by his owne life is master of another mans and that there is nothing so forcible to make vs to contemne our owne liues as this new doctrine which by the murther of Kings openeth the way to the Kingdome of heauen FINIS Faults necessarily to bee corrected The first number noteth the Page the second the Line The letter R. standeth for Reade L. signifieth the line in the same PAGE PAge 13.25 r. Siloe 14.20 r. Enfant 17.19 r. Armies l. 24. r. these 20.15 r. villanies 42.13 for that r. as l. 19. r. State 49.25 r. things that appeare are more feared c. 56. l. vlt. r retorted 62.2 r. infinity of businesses 71.3 for or r. and. 74.2 r. differents 79.24 r. in the Bookes of the Acts and Charters 81.1 r. See and in the margent paulum annixus 82.1 r. whom l. 3 r. giue it l. 20. r. Ostia 84.25 r. deuolued 90.27 r. Ruota 91.4 r. fifth part or fifth penny 95.14 blot out he l. 25. r. Distinction 97.23 for alleadged r. already 99.18 make it 560.100.26 r. no wayes for now adayes 101.24 for take r. make 102 17. r. aboue 104.24 for Sinnes r. Summes 106.25 r Bellisarius 107.20 r. Conon 108.4 r. debonnaire l. 7. for to r. doe 110.1 for penalty r. priuity 119.12 Consiglio l. 17. r. retchlesse 125.7 for which is r. with l. 11. r. Augustin l. 25. for as r. and. in the margent Ponticus verunnius 127.20 r. different 136.24 blot out kinde in the marg r. communia debere 140.9 r messieurs l. 12. r. of for or 147.15 r. receiued them 158.2 r. or no more 160.25 r. Nattiers 161.1 blot out the. 168.4 r. Doctors l. 17. madonna 27. Letanies 169.22 for Fathers r. saluation 173.11 r. the brecz-flies 174.9 r. discourse l. 19. r. she for he 177. l. the last r. Antonine 178 27. r. places for phrases 180.18 r. as not being 182.18 r. lauour l. 20. r. washed 188.18 r. but saith 193.11 r no prescription 197.27 for toward r. ouer vs. 203.20 r. out of the 217.23 for ouer turnes r. powreth out of l. the last r. therefore 221.1 blot out the. 229.28 r. they saw well that if they should breake 261.3 for tongues r. Fire-tongs 281.11 r. commanded 300.1 r. meditation 301.8 for defectiue r. wanting 305.4 r. another 307.22 blot out that l. 23. r. should 308.1 blot out bad 309.25 r. with l. 28. r. istud 349.14 for if r. though 369.28 r. Suppositions