that they are feared and by consequence is to increase their Insolence and to expose to Contempt the Authority of the Prince and the General 〈◊〉 is to be done then in these Occasions where Gentleness and Rigour are equally dangerous He must not amuse himself abou◠〈◊〉 the Goâ—dian knot for this will never be 〈◊〉 it must therefore be 〈◊〉 through After the Spanish Soldierâ— were gone out of the Low 〈◊〉 byâ— Virtue of the Perpetual Edict Don Iohn of Austria who was Governour there soon perceived that the intention of these Provinces was to govern themselves in the form of 〈…〉 that he was constrâ—iâ—â—ed toâ— retire from 〈◊〉 where he waâ— at the Mercy of the 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 and immediately to recal theâ— Spanish and Italian Troops which he had 〈◊〉 away to appeaâ—e the Rebels 1577. that whether all Things should be granted or all refus'd to the Mutineers was of equal Hazard to the common Good In fine all Reasons both on the one and the other side being duly weigh'd it was resolv'd to counterfeit Letters as from Tiberiâ—â— by which he gave a free Discharge to all such as 〈◊〉 serv'd foâ— the space of Twenty Years 3 It is Prudence in a General not to ingage the Prince and yet to preâ—â—â—d to do that in Obâ—dâ—â—â—ce which he doth through Necessity Thus Germanicus by couâ—terfeiting Letters from Tiberâ—â—â—uâ— who ordered him to gâ—â—nt them their Demands 〈…〉 concâ—â—led his Inability to bring them to Reason and 〈◊〉 was not in thâ— mean time obliged to make good any of the Promises contained in these forged Letters And probably these Letters were only Blank◠〈◊〉 by the Prince for otherwise Germanicus who knew too well how much he was suspected by Tibeâ—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 not have 〈◊〉 use of this Expâ—dientâ— and declar'd those for Voluntiers who had serv'd Sixteen retaining them undâ—r a particular Ensign exempted from all sorts of Duty When seditious Persons or Rebels obâ—â—in of a Prince more than they have demanded of him thâ—â— have great Reason to believe thâ—â— he is much more 〈◊〉 to deceive them as they deserve than to satisfie them This puts me in mind of what Christian the Fourth King of Denmark did on the like Occasion who was so far from discovering any Resentment against Mutineers who had made insolent Demands of him that he handsomly pretended to yield to their Reasons and to be willing to give them all the Satisfaction they desired And as a Testimony of this he said That he would drink with them which appeared to them the more sincere because he often did his Friends this Honour and because in his Nature he was very familiar But after he had made every one of them as drunk as Beasts he caused them all to be hanged the same Evening This Relation was given me by a Danish Envoy excepting only to repulse the Enemy and ordaining them to be paid double the Legacy which had been left them by Augustus XXXI The Soldiers suspecting the Design l These Soldiers who were kepâ— under the Colours 〈…〉 requir'd that all this should be immediately perform'd And the Tribunes expedited the Discharge but the Payment being postpon'd till they were in Winter-Quarters the Fifth and the Twenty first Legions refus'd to return into their Garisons And Germanicus was forc'd to pay them out of the Money 2 Princes and Generals of Armies ought to avoid nothing more carefully than the necessiâ—y of making Soldiers wait a long time for their Pay for want of Pay is always followed with want of Respect and Obedience and in the mean time the General dares not punish Men whose Demands and Complaints are just Besides the opportunity of Acting and Fighting are lost as long as the Mutiny continues and there is no security in employing them whilst they believe that they have a Right to do themselves Iustice by Treachery In fine the longer their Pay is delayed the more of their â—nsolence and cruelty must the People fear Insomuch that the Princes Authority remains in suspence betwixt the Impunity of one side and the desperate Condition of the other Some Spanish Troops saith Sir William Temple c. 1. of his Remarks having mutinied for want of Pay and seized the Town of Alost in the Neighbourhood of Brussels the People of this City were in despair thâ— Tradesmen left their Shops and the Huâ—bandman his Work and all ran to Arms So that the Estates being assembled at Ghent in the Year 1576 it was there resolved to drive out of the Low-Countries all Foreigners and to re-establish the ancient form of Government Which gave the King of Spain to know by a â—atal Experiment that nothing is able to stop the Torrent of an â—â—raged and obstinate People who overturn all that stands in their way which he broughâ— with him to defray his Voyage and out of what he could borrow from his Friends Cecina brought back to the Ubians the First and the Twentieth Legions and iâ— was indeed a shameful March to see carried as it were in Triumph the Silver m This Money was Sacred which they had extorted from their General amongst the Eagles and the Ensigns In the mean time Germanicus being gone to visit the Army on the Upper Rhine the Second the Thirteenth and the Sixteenth Legion took the Oath of Fidelity without the least demurr and the Fourteenth having paus'd a little on the Matter he offer'd them the Money and their Discharge without their once demanding it 3 It 's Wisdom for a Man to do that of his own accord which he sees that he shall be obliged to do by force This Anticipation makes that received as a Favour which a little later would pass for Constraint XXXII But the Sedition was again renewing in the Country of the Chauci n Now Fâ—iseland through the Malice of those Rebellious Veterans who were there in Garison if a timely Stop had not been put to the Beginnings by the Execution of two Soldiers whom Mennius the Mareschal-de-Camp caus'd to be suddenly put to Death A daring Action and of good Example rather than of true 1 There are Occasions in which a greater Regard is to be had to the publick Service than to the Laws the Necessity being some time so pressing that there is no means to expect their Assistance which is often retarded by Formalities Besides it is not to cross the Laws to procuâ—e the publick Good in prospect of which all the Laws were made Saluâ— Populi suprema Lâ—â— esto says Cicero 'T is on these Occasions said Cardinal Richelieu to the late King in which your Authority ought to go beyond the Forms of Law to maintain Rule and Discipline without which a State is not able to subsist Part 1. of his Pol. Testament sect 2. ch 3. Iustice o Because it belonged only to the General to punish with Death Notwithstanding which the Mutiny still gathering to a greater Head he took flight and hid himself but
they renounced Friendship with those had offended them â—orem fuisse majoribus quotis dirimerent amicitias interdicere domo â—ùmque finem gratiae ponere Ann. 6. To which Tacitus's Words to Tiberius in his Harangue against Piso Si obsequium erga Imperatorem exuit ejusdémque luctu meo laetatus est odero seponà mque à domo mea Ann. 3. which he interpreted Banishment and till Tibâ—rius's Reign durst never ask leave of the Emperor and Senate to return home And then depended on his Brother M. Silanus's Credit and Reputation for his illustrious Birth and great Eloquence But Silanus thanking Tiberius on his Brother's behalf he replied before the Senate it was matter of Ioy to him as well as others to see his Brother return home after so long Travels that he lawfully might because he was not banished either by Decree of the Senate or other Law h There were three sorts of Exile the first was called Deportatio Transportation this was perpetual and extended to loss of Estates and Privivileges Ann. 1. Deportati autem jus civitatis bona amittebant The second was Relegatio by which a Criminal was sent to such a Place or such a time or perhaps for ever but not deprived of the Priviledge of a Roman Citizen The third Depended on the Will and Pleasure of the Prince by a certain Writing under his Hand to those he suspected or had offended him and he recalled them at Pleasure That his Offence against his Father remained and his return revers'd not Augustus's Decrees 1 Princes ought to forbear as much as may be reversing what their Predecessors have done For besides that this Respect is of good Example for their Subjects who have therefore the greater Reverence for Majesty it is a lesson to their Successors how to behave themselves towards them Never any Prince had greater Cause to be discontented with his Predecessor and despise his Memory than David and yet he not only slew him that brought the News of Saul's Death and his Crown and lamented him that would often have killed him he makes his Elegy magnifies his Valour his Liberality his Riches the Loveliness of his Person saying to the People of Israel He was swifter than Eagles he was stronger than Lions 2. Sam. c. 1. Lewis XII of France was very ill used under Charles VIII yet he turned out few of his Officers but said he would maintain every Man in his Estate whereby he gained great Honour Commines dans le dernier Chapitre de ses Memoires From that time Silanus lived in Rome but as a private Person XXVI They afterwards debated moderating the Law Papia Poppaea i This Law was made by Papius and Poppeus when Consuls and contained Rewards and Punishments That the Magistrates should have Precedence according to the number of their Children or a Married Man before a Batchellor That in Elections those who had most Children should be prefer'd That any Person might stand sooner than ordinary for an Office if he had so many Children as to be capable of it That whosoever in the City had three Children in other Parts of Italy four and in the Provinces five some say seven should be excused all troublesome Offices Hence came the famous Iustrium Liberorum which the Emperor 's often indulged to several to whom Nature had denied it On the other side Unmarried Persons were uncapable of receiving any Legacy or Inheritance by Will unless from near Relations which Augustus when he was old added to the Iulian Laws to make Celibacy more Penal and enrich the publick Yet Marriages were not more frequent most finding it better having no Children 2 When Men had rather want the Comforts and Pleasures of Marriage than to bring upon themselves the Necessity of Children and consequently of multiplying the Misfortunes of their Families 't is a certain sign of a Tyrannical Government It was in this Sense Pliny the younger wrote to Trajan that he desired Children in his Reign because he was assured of being an happy Father And Tacitus says After the English had lost a Battle whereby they were at the Mercy of the Râ—mans they fell into so great a Despair that many of them killed their Wives and Children tanquam misererentur in compassion to them to deliver them from a cruel Slavery that was coming upon their Country In Agricola However the Informers daily ruined many Families so that their Laws were grown as fatal to them as formerly their Crimes This leads me to give some Account of the Original of Laws and to shew from whence it is they are come to such an infinite number as at present XXVII As the first Men were without Malice and Ambition 3 Pagliari pleasantly asks Who were these Men had this Simplicity and Innòcence Tacitus speaks of The first Man that was Born in the World killed the second we ought then to conclude since Adam's Fall by Disobedience there have always been good and bad Obserâ—ation 341. But probably Tacitus never read Genesis they wanted not Correction and Punishment and as they were naturally enâ—lined to good they needed no Rewards Nothing was forbid where nothing was desired that was not allowed But after Equality was gone Ambition and Violence succeeded Modesty and Iustice and by degrees introduced Sovereignty and Tyranny which have always subsisted in some Countries Some at first desired to be governed by Laws others not till they were weary of Kings 4 Divers Monarchies have been turned into Commonwealths some through the Inconstancy or Untractableness of the People but most through the unbounded liberty of their Kings who would not content themselves with a Legal Authority Therefore says Antonio Perez if Princes love and would preserve themselves they ought not so much to beware of those Physicians that either through Ignorance or Flattery or particular Hatred suffer them to Eat what is contrary to their Health as Counsellors that give them an Arbitrary Power without Bounds For such Counsellors will soon tire out the Patience of the People and consequently make them Dethronâ— their Masters Dans ses Relations The first Laws were simple as Men's Minds 5 Laws ought to bear a â—roportion to the condition of Men for they are made like Remedies in Physick to Sute the Nature of Distempets A Law-Giver that shall make Laws against Vices and Corruptions unknown to the People he governs will debauch their Innocence by teaching what they should rather be ignorant of Like imprudent Confessors that by unnecessary Questions instruct Girls in the Knowledge of Ill before they know the difference of their Sex Or like some Preachers that to Confute Errors and Infidelity raise such Scruples and Objections as their Answers do not sufficiently clear and instead of confirming the People in the Faith make many of them curious and inquisitive and Scepticks if not downright Atheists and the most cebrated were those Minos gave thâ— Cretians k They are now the
of all the Magistrates except the Tribunes of the People who sometimes had the better of him At first the Dictatorship was conferr'd only on the Nobles but afterwards the Commons were admitted to it as well as to the Consulship The Dictatorship saith Machiavel deserves to be reckon'd amongst those things which contributed most to the advancement of the Roman Empire For in Republicks which are always slow in their motions because no Magistrate can dispatch any business singly and one having need of anothers agreement in their opinions the time insensibly slips away The ordinary remedies are very dangerous when they are to provide against some pressing Evil which doth not give time to wait for the Consultation of many whence I conclude that Common-Wealths which in pressing dangers have not recourse either to a Dictator or some other Magistrate of the like Nature will certainly run a-ground upon some sudden accident Heretofore the Dutchy of Brabanâ— created a Râ—vert or a Protector on whom the Province conferr'd an Absolute Power for the time The Prince of Orange got himself chosen Ruvert Anno. 1577. Cabrera c. 24. l. 11. of his Philip II. and Strada lib. 1. dec 1. Dictatorship was granted but as necessiâ—y requir'd and for some time And the Authority of the d Ten Men who govern'd the Common-Wealth instead of Consuls It was under them that the XII Tables were compos'd i. e. a Compilation of the best Laws of Greece but particularly of Athens whose Polity was esteem'd the most Excellent For all those which the Kings had made were abolish'd in hatred of Monarchy The first year each made his Table according to the several matters which fell to their lot and the Year following they made two more in common to supply what was wanting in the ten former But as they were endeavouring to perpetuate their Government which began to degenerate into Tyranny the Deâ—emvirate was abolished for Ever and the Consulship restored The Decemvirs had greater Authority than the Dictator for the Dictator could make no alteration in the ancient Laws of the City nor do any thing which was prejudicial to the State the Tribunes of the People the Consuls and the Senate who still subsisted put a Bridle upon him which kept him from breaking out of the right way saith Machiavel on the contrary the Consulship and the Tribuneship having been abolish'd by the Creation of the Decemvirs to whom the People transferred all their Rights these Ten who had their hands at liberty there remaining no appeal from them to the People had an opportunity of becoming insolent Decemvirate continu'd only for two Years 1 The surest way to preserve Liberty saith Livy is not to permit the Magistracy wherein the Supreme Authority is lodg'd to be of long duration There is no place in the World where this Maxim is so well observed as at Venice and it may be this is the chief Cause which hath made it out-live so many Ages and so many States which were more powerful than theirs and not surrounded with so many dangerous Neighbours Machiavel saith that the short Duration of the Dictatorship hinder'd the Dictator from transgressing the Bounds of his Duty Discourses lib. 1. ch 34. The Consular Power of the e The Patricii or the Nobles being at discord with the People who would have the Commons admitted to the Consulship as well as the Nobles â—ound an Expedient to create Military Tribunes in the room of the Consuls so that as often as the People and the Nobility could not agree in the Election of the Consuls they created Military Tribunes who exercised all the Military Functions A Testimony saith Machiavel Discourse l. 1. c. 34. that it was rather the Name of Consul that they hated than the Authority of the Consulship And this Custom lasted about 80 Years not in a continu'd Succession for there was sometimes of Consuls and sometimes of Tribunes Tacitus says nothing here of the Tribunes of the People who held notwithstanding a considerable Rank in the ancient Common-Wealth as having been instituted to moderate the Power of the Consuls and to protect the meaner sort against the Insolence of the Great ones besides their Persons were Sacred and Inviolable They were instituted fifty years before the Creation of Military Tribunes when the People jealous of the Power of the Nobles and weary of their Insults retired to the Crustumerin Hill call'd afterward the Sacred Hill because of the happy accommodation of this quarrel There was at first but two Tribunes of the People but a little while after there was four other and in process of time they were multiply'd to ten and the Nobility excluded from this Office which was not observed in following times C. â—â—â—inius Stolo and Sextius Lateranus put a stop to the Elections of Consuls for the space of five years and by these means the Senate was forced to admit Plebeans to the Consulship which was conâ—err'd upon them the first time in the Persons of Sextus and Liciâ—â—us Sylla the sworn Enemy of the Common People had much humbled these Tribunes but after lus Death they resumed all their Authority Military Tribunes remain'd in force but for a little space 1 All Power that is Established by Sedition as was that of these Tribunes can never subsist long Neither was the Arbitrary Dominion of Cinna or that of Sylla of any long continuance 2 Nothing is so weak and so obnoxious to a reverse of Fortune as a Power which hath neither Right nor Reason for its Foundation Cinna was sâ—ain in a Sedition by his own Soldiers and Sylla constrain'd to renounce the Dictatorship Upon which Caesar said pleasantly that Sylla could not Read seeing he knew not how to Dictate The Power of Pompey and Crassus were soon transferr'd to Iulius Caesar and the Arms of Marc Anthony and Lepidus gave place to those of his Successor Augustus Then it was that the Civil Wars having exhausted the Forces of the Common-wealth Augustus Caesar assum'd the Government 1 Ambition and the Quarrels of Great Men are the Shelves on which the Liberty of Common-Wealths are always split for the State is weakned in Proportion as particular Persons fortifie themselves by Arms under pretence of revenging their Injuries or of securing themselves against the Resentments of their Enemies or the Violence of these that are stronger And as the People suffer themselves in the end to be the Prey of their Dissentions they are constrain'd to receive an absolute Master that they may have Peace Thus Tacitus had good reason to say that the Factions of Citizens are much more dangerous in Common-Wealths and that Regal Power came not into the World but since Equality and Modesty went out of it Periculosiores sunt inimicitiae juxta libertatem In Germania Postquam exui aequalitas pro modestia ac pudore ambitio vis incedebat provenere dominationes Ann. 3. To conclude Tacitus seems to observe here that
the same Blood and Rome obliged to them for her great Power This War was the first occasion of raising Cn. Pompâ—ius Marius and Sylla who turned those Arms against the City they were entrusted with against the Allies For Sylla that was of a noble Family out much lessened in their Greatness valuing himself upon the Credit of ending the War in Italy demanded the Consulate and obtained 〈◊〉 by the Suâ—â—ragâ—s of almost all the Citizens At the same time the Government of Asia â—alling to Sylla Pub. Sulpicius the Tribune declared for Marius who at 70 years of Age would Command all the Provinces and by a Law turn'd Sylla out of the Government to give it to Marius whence presently began Sylla's Civil War who drove Marius and Sulpicius with their Accomplices out of Rome This War was succeeded by that of Cinnâ— who was no more moderate than Marius or Sulpicius He to Revenge himself of the Senate that deposed him from the Consulate and put another in his place recalled Marius and his Son from Exile and all of their Party that were Banished to strengthen his own to which by great Promises he drew all the Officers of the Roman Army at Nola. While he made War with his Country Cn. Pompeius seeing himself disappointed in his hopes of being continued Consul stands 〈◊〉 'twixt the Commonwealth and Sylla to watch an opportunity to mâ—nd his Condition by going with his Army to that side had the Advanâ—age For it often happens in Civil Wars that great Men Sacrifice their Alâ—egiance to their Interest Pompey dying after he had given Cinna Battle he and Marius became Masters of Rome whose Entry was followed with the Death of the Consuls Octavius killed by their Order and Cornelius Merula who cut his Veins to prevent Cinna's Revenge for being in his Place Marius dying next year at the beginning of his Seventh Consulate Cinna that entred upon his Second had all the Power of the Government but being very violent the great Men retired to Sylla in Greece which made him return into Italy to revenge the Nobles who made him their Chief as Marius was of the People and Cinna was slain by the Soldiers who Mutined against him when he would have had them Embarkt to Fight the Nobles Sylla endeavours to end all Differences by a good Accommodation and upon â—easonable Terms but Peace would not please those that hoped to advantage themselves by Fishing in Troubled Waters The Ambition of young Marius elected Consul at 26 years of Age continued the War but after he lost a Battle he was slain by some that Sylla hired to do it He was surnamed The Happy so much was his Courage valued This Victory made Sylla Dictator who so much abused his Authority that Marius and Cinna were regretted For he was the first invented Proscription i. e. by publick Authority gave a Reward to any one should kill a Citizen of Rome so that more was noâ— given for the Head of an Enemy slain in Battle than for a Citizen's killed in his own House After Cinna Marius and Sylla came Pompey the Great who according to Tacitus was not better than they but knew more how to Dissemble Post quos Cn. Pompeius occultior non melior Hist. 2. As soon as Pompey was in the Management of Publick Affairs not content to be the first he would be alone from thence came Caesar's Iealousie which in Conclusion produced another Civil War where Fortune leaving Pompey Caesar became Master of the Empire Paterâ— Hist. 2. Chap. 6. â— 12. 13. 15. 17. 19. 20. 21. 22. 25. 28. 33. 47. 48. hindred them making many Laws and very different till Sylla the Dictator changed or abolished them to make all new Then there was some Intermission which continued not long by reason of Lepidus's turbulent Demands and the Licentiousness of the Tribunes who managed the People as they pleased and made as many Laws as they had Persons to accuse so that the Commonwealth being corrupt the Laws were infinite 1 The multitude of Laws says Plato de Republica is as sure a sign of the Corruption of a State as a multitude of Physicians is of a Complication of Distempers It may truly be said adds a great Minister That new Laws are not so much Remedies for the Disorders of States as Testimonies thereof and sure toâ—ens of the weakness of a Government if old Laws have been well executed there will be no need of renewing them nor making others to stop new Disorders which then had never been settled Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique However it be Mezeray had reason to say That the multiplying Regulations in France served only to multiply the Abuses Dans la Vie d' Henry III. XXIX Then Cneius Pompeius was a third time Consul n Paterculus says That in this Consulate he had no Colleague and that this extraordinary Honour gave Caesar so much Iealousie that from that time they were irreconcileable Enemies He adds Pompey used all his Authority against Canvasing for Offices Chap. 47. and chose for Reformation of Manners but being more severe 2 In making Laws the Disposition of the People is to be observed No Laws are worse than those that require Perfection for the difficulty of observing them brings them into a Disuse Practice never reaches Speculation and consequently things are not to be adjusted in such a manner as will be best but in such a manner as will last longest Cardinal Pallavicini very properly calls too severe Laws the Bane of publick Tranquillity than the Offences deserved was the Subverter of the Laws he made and lost by Arms what he had gain'd by them o All good Men says the same Author would have Pompey and Caesar both quit their Commands Pompey agreed with those would have Caesar do it but was against doing it himself too And thence began the Civil War Chap. 48. From that time there were continual Troubles for Twenty Years no Custom no Law observed the greatest Crimes went unpunished and many good Actions were fatal At length Augustus Caesar being the Sixth time Consul and settled in his Authority he abolished those things he commanded in his Triumvirate and gave new Laws to be observed in time of Peace and under a Monarch And that they might be the better kept he appointed some to look after them The Law Papia Poppaea provided the People as common Parent should inherit their Goods that left no Children p By the Lex Papia those who had never been Married nihil capiebant â—x testamentis they were incapable of taking any thing by Will But the Orbâ— i. e. those who had been Married but had no Children lost only a Moiety And it is in this Sense Iuveâ—al makes the Adulterer say to the Husband Quod tibi filiolus vel filia nascitur ex me Iura parentis habes propter me scriberis haeres Legatum omne capis nec non dulce caducum Sat. 9.
Cardinal Richlieu to apply your self to those great matters concern your State and despise the lesser as unworthy your Care and Thoughts You will not only be â—ar from receiving any Advantage from employing your self in things not considerable but on the contrary much Damage by diverting you from others that are better and also because little Thorns being more apt to prick than bigger which are more easily perceived it were impossible to prevent Discontents uâ—eless to your Affairs and very coâ—trary to your Health Chap. 5. de la premiere partie de son Testament Politique Something more is expected from a Prince and when every man assumes to himself the Praise of what is well done the blame of what succeeds not falls upon him alone Where shall I begin to Reform Shall it be your large and spacioâ—s Country Seats The multitude of your Servants of several Nations The Quantities of your Silver and Gold y The way Hâ—nry III. of Castile took to put down Excess in Entertainments desâ—rvâ—s to be mentioned here as a great instance of what a Prince may do that has Wit and Courage One day when his Table was ill served he was told The Grandees of his Kingdom lived much better and that there was nothing so Magnificent as the Entâ—rtainments they gave one another The same day he had notice the Archbishop of Toledo gave a Supper to several Lords he went in Disguise and saw the Magnificence of the Entertainment where nothing was wanting and what was worse he heard them relate their great Estates and the Pensions they held out of the King'â— Demeasâ—s The next morning he caused a Report to be spread That he was Sick and would make his Will upon which they all went to Court About Noon he came into the Room where he usually gave Audience and they waited â—or him and as soon as he sate down he directed his Discourse to the Archbishop and asked him how many Kings of Castille he had known and asked all the same Question Some said they had known three others four others five c. How can that be says the King when I have known twenty at my Age. And seeing them surprised at what he said he proceeded 'T is you my Lords are the Kings to the great Damage of this Kingdom and Dishoâ—our of your King but I will prevent your Reign continuing long and carrying the Merriment any farther you make of me The Archbishop threw himselâ— at his Feet and asked Pardon as did also the rest The King gave them their Lives but made them Prisoners till they restored the Castles they held of the Crown and all they had got from the last Kings An Action that gained him so much Glory and Authority that the great Men were never so humble and obedient Besides it brought him in suâ—h a Treasure that he left a great Sum behind him without over-charging his People Mariana Chap. 14. du Liv. 9. de son Histoire d'Espagne 'T is observable tâ—o the King did this at 15 or 16 years of Age. He was called Henry thâ— Inâ—irm because of his Sickly Countenance but deserved the Title of Henry tâ—e Brave and Valiant for his Courage Which Example plainly shews as Richlieu says Kings can do any thing when constant and resolute and that those things which seem the most difficult and almost impossible are so only because of the negligence and indifference of their Execuâ—ion Your painted Tables and brasen Statâ—es of exquisite Work The promisâ—uous Habits of Men and Women Or the Extravagances of the Women only in their Iewels for which our Money is carried away to Foreigners and Strangers I am not ignorant you blame these things at your Entertainments and a mean is wished for But if a Law should be made against them and punishments appointed those that complain now will cry out that the City is subverted the Destruction of the Nobility sought for and none free from those Crimes But we see old Maladies are not to be Cured without sharp and harsh Remedies 1 Desperate Diseases must have desperate Cures A corrupt Mind is not to be regulated with gentle Methods when inflamed by inordinate Appetites So many Laws framed by our Ancestors so many by Augustus have only given greater Establishment to our Luxury the former have been forgot the latter which is worse have been contemned 2 There is no Remedy when Vice is turned into Virtue Then we are to accommodate our selves to Hippocrateâ—'s Aphorism to administer no Remedies where Diseases are desperate For when we love what is not yet forbid we fear it may be but when we transgress the Laws and are not punished there is neither Fear nor Shame left 3 While Abuses are tolerated Men observe some Rules of Decency because they fear if they take too much liberty the Prince or Magistrate will Reform them But iâ— a Reformer wants Power to make himself Obeyed as it sometimes happens or wants Courage to punish the Great Men who are commonly the first that break new Regulations the Examples of such Impunity opens the Door to Contempt and from Contempt they go insensibly to Licentiousness Therefore a Prince should noâ— meddle with Reformation if he finds himself wanting in Power or of a Temper to be wrought upon by Intercessions or if he will Reform should take a Resolution to be inexorable as Sixâ—us V. was when any dared to break his Laws Why was Frugality formerly used because every Man moderated his Desires we had only one City and our Dominions not reaching out of Italy we had not the same Provocations by Foreign Conquests we learn the use of Foreign Commodities by Civil Wars our own z Patercuâ—us imputes the Luxury of Rome to the two Scipio's surnamed Aâ—ricans The 〈◊〉 says he openâ—d the way to the Roman Gâ—eatness â—ut the other to their Luxury For when Rome no longer sâ—ared Carthage which was burnt they leâ—t not their Virtue by degrees as before but run impeâ—â—ously into all Pleasures and Vices The antient Discipline was despited and gave way to new Customs and all the City turned presently from their Vigilance to Laziness from Warlike Exercises to Looseness and from Laboâ—â— to Idleness At last the publick Magnificence was succeeded with the wastful Expences of particular Men. Au Commencement du Liv. 2. de son Epitome That which the Ediles complain of is a small matter in comparison of others 4 Some People think all is lost if what offends them is not immediately Remedied but a Prince should not be drawn away by anothers Passion He is to forâ—see the Inconveniences may arise from the Refâ—rmation is desired and to consider well if he can undertake it with success so that he may satisfie more than he shall displease For so you see the Wisdoâ— of a Reâ—ormer But no man puts us in mind that Italy wants the support of other Countries that the Liâ—e of the People of Rome is tossed with the
Iustice. Epist. 1. lib. 7. Neither was any Authority able to suppress the Seditions of the People protecting Villanies as much as the Rites of the Gods 1 As Princes are obliged to establish the true Worship of God they ought to be careful to banish false Appearances which are to the preâ—udice of States For we may truly say That Supperstition and Hypocrisie are often coverings to wicked Designs Chap. 1. de la seconde Partie du Testament Politique The Conspiracy of the Marchioness de Verneuil against Henry IV. of France was contrived by a Capuchin called Father Arcange under pretence of Confession which cover'd the frequent private Conversations he had with her and the Count a 〈◊〉 her Brother who pretended he had â—aken a Resolution to become a Capachin It was therefore ordain'd the Cities should send their Deputies with their Privileges Some voluntarily quitted them as Usurp'd others justified theirs on old Superstitions or an account of Services to the People of Rome The Pomp of that Day was great in shew when the Senate consider'd the Grants of their Ancestors the Agreements of Confederates the Decrees of the Kings before the Roman Power prevail'd there and the Religion of the Gods being at the Will of the Senate to confirm or alter them as formerly they had done LXII The Ephâ—sians appeared first setting forth That Diana and Apollo were not Born in the Island of Delos as was commonly believed that in their Country was the River Cenchiris and a Wood called Ortygia where Latona leaning on an Olive-Tree which yet remains there was delivered of these two Deities and that the Wood was Sacred by the Command of the Gods And that Apollo after he had killed the Cyclopes fled thither from Iupiter's Anger That Bacchils when he conquered the Amazons pardoned those that humbling themselves took hold on the Altar That Hercules added to the Rites of that Temple after he was Master of Lydia and their Priviledges were not lessened when under the Dominion of the Persians and afterwards the Macedonians preserved them LXIII Next the Magnesians insisted on the Constitutions of L. Scipio and L. Silla who conquered Antiochus and Mithridates and in acknowledgement of the Felicity and Valour of the Magnesians commanded Diana Lucofryne's Temple should be inviolable Then the People of Aphrodisium and Stratonica produced a Decree of Caesar the Dictator i During the Civil War betwixt him and Pompey and another since of Augustus for the Services done them and opposing an Invasion of the Parthians never departing from their Fidelity to the Romans Those worshipped Venus these Iupiter and Diana surnamed Trivia From Hierocesarea was brought greater Antiquity they having a Temple dedicated by K. Cyrus to Diana Persica and that Perpeâ—â—a Isauricus and many other Emperors had not only acknowledged this Temple for Sacred and Inviolable but the Country two miles about it The Cyprians pretended Franchises for three Temples whereof the ancientest was built by Aerias and conâ—ecrated to Venus Paphia k So nameâ— because this Temple was within the City of Pâ—phos now called Baâ—â—o the second dedicated by his Son Amathus to Venus Amathusia l There was in this Island a Place called Amatonte now Limisso but it is little more than a Village and the other to Iupiter Salaminius built by Teucer m He called this Temple of Iupiter Salamine in Honour of his Country when he fled from his Father Telamon LXIV The other Ambassadors had their Audiences too but the Senate growing weary with hearing so many and their Canvasings a Commission was given to the Consuls to examine their Titles and make a Report They made it very favourable for a Temple at Pergamuâ—â— dedicated to Esculapius n The Church of Orleâ—nâ— is the most â—amous and authentick Sanctâ—ary now in France and it may be in Europe The Priviledge the Bishops have upon their Entry to fâ—ee all the Criminals that 〈◊〉 thither from all Parts of the Kingdom except Traitoâ—s has been preserved by a Possession and uninterrâ—pted Enjoyment ever since S. Aignan and confirmed by the Consent of all the Kings of France and allowance of all the Couâ—ts and Magistrâ—â—es of the Kingdom that have never disputed this Right So the Learned Historian Adrian Valois has reason to wonder at the neglect of the People oâ— Orleans who â—east and celebrate by a general Procession the 8th of May because on that day they were deliveâ—ed â—rom a Siege of the English 1429. and seast not on the 14th of Iune the day their Ancestors drove out 〈◊〉 and the Huns that closely Beâ—ieged them Quem diem si quâ—ndo forte celebrare voluerint scianâ— anno 451. 18 Kal. Iulii qui est Iunii dies quarâ—â—â—â— decimus Hunnos urbe expulsos ac majores suos captivitaâ—e miserâ 〈◊〉 vinculis esse liberâ—tos Notitia Galliâ—rum â—it Genabum but that the Claims of the rest were grounded on obscure beginnings 1 There are a great many Priviledges and Exemptions of which we may say as a Doctor did of Constantine's Donation That it was read by the Blind heard by the Deaf and related by the Dumb. If according to Cardinal Perrâ—n all the Letters of the Pope's were forg'd by the Monks in â—â—â—â—lemaine's time there is great Reason to believe they are the Authors of the greatest part of their Registers by reason of their Antiquity Smyrna and Tenedos pretended both an Oracle of Apollo that commanded one of them to Dedicate a Temple to Venus Stratonicis the others a Statue and Temple to Neptune Those of Sardis and Miletum insisted on later Grants one of Alexander in Honour of Diana the other of Darius in Honour of Apollo The Cretensians desired the Image of Augustus might have some Priviledge Upon the whole the Senate made several Decrees whereby great Honours were allowed but Moderation 2 Princes should religiously forbear violating the Rights of the Church but when they degenerate and are abused they are obliged to apply necessary Remedies Theodorick King of Italy commanded the Magistrates to protect the Church and maintain it in its Rights without prejudice to his Authority Salvâ Civilitate says Cassiodore And it was in this Sense that Charles V. coming to be Crown'd Emperor in Italy answered the Pope's Legats that received him at Genoua That he would never Violate the Rights and Priviledges of the Church but so as to support those of the Empire without suffering the Church to change them Saaveâ—ra empresa 94. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera daâ—â— I'Epitome de sa Vie The Immunity the Ecclesiasticks have is good to Priviledge but not exempt them from their Duty it is to straiten the Circumference in which they are to live and not to give them head nor to suffer them to exceed those bounds of Modesty are requisite for their State prescribed to all commanding them to have the same in Tables of Brass and set them up in some publick Place in the Temples to
the World according to his own Method both as to the Chapters and Paragraphs in his larger Vol. with his Premonition to Princes The Life of Cardinal Richlieâ— In Two Vol. A new Voyage into Italy In Two Vol. By Maximilian Misson Adorn'd with Sculptures now Reprinting with large Additions A new Voyage into the Levant by the Sieur du Mont with Sculptures The Life of Monsieur Colbert The Compleat English Physitian or The Druggist's Shop opened Explicating all the Particulars of which Medicines are made with their Names Natures Preparations Vertues Uses and Doses and above 600 Chymical Processes By W. Salmon The Compleat Guide for Iustices of the Peace In two Parts The First Containing the Common and Statute-laws relating to that Office The Second Consisting of the most Authentick and useful Presidents By Iohn Bond of Gray's-Inn Esq The Second Edition enlarg'd and continu'd down to this time with a Table referring to all the Statutes relating to a Iustice of the Peace By E. Bohun Esq A View of all the Religions in the World from the Creation till these times To which is added The Lives Actions and Ends of Notorious Hereticks with their Effigies in Copper-plates The Sixth Edition By Alexander Ross. Emblems by Fr. Quarles The Elements of Euclid Explain'd in a New but most Easie Method with the Use of every Proposition through all Parts of the Mathematicks By Fr. de Chales Now made English and a Multitude of Errors Corrected The History of Scotland containing the Lives of Iames the I II III IV V with Memorials of State in the Reigns of Iames the VI. and Charles the I. By W. Drummond The Faithful Register or The Debates in four several Parliaments viz. That at Westminster Octob. 21. 1680 that at Oxford March 21. 1680 and the two last Sessions of King Iames. THE TRANSLATORS Vol. I. Book I. of the Annals Book II. Book III. VOL. II. Book IV. V. VI. Book XI Book XII XIII XIV Book XV. XVI VOL. III. The End of Nero and Beginning of Galba Book I. of the History Book II. Book III. Book IV. Book V. Notes on the 5th Book and Chronological Table The Life of Agricola An Account of the Ancient Germans By Pag. Mr. Dryden 1 Mr. William Higden A. M. 161 William Bromley Esq 289 Dr. Fearn 1 William Hart Esq 223 Sir F. M. 249 Mr. G. C. 377 Sir Henry Savilâ— I Sir H. S. 27 Dr. ... 97 Sir Roger L'Estrange 201 Mr. I. S. 297 Mr. Dennis 353 Mr. William Higden A. M. 37â— Iohn Potenger Esq Mr. R. THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus Book I. Vol. I. By Mr. DRYDEN ROME was govern'd at the first by a viz. Romulus its Founder who according to Tacitus rul'â—â— with Absolute Power Romulus ut libitum imperitaverat Ann. 3. Numa who Establish'd a Form of Divine Worship with High-Priests South-Sayers and Priests to perform the Ceremonies of the Sacrifices Numa religioâ—ibus divinâ— jure populum dâ—vinxit Ibid. Tullus Hostilius who taught the Romans the Art of making War and for this purpose Instituted Military Discipline Ancus Martius who adorn'd the City and Peopled it with the Sabines and the Latins whom he had Conquer'd and Built the City of 〈◊〉 to be a Port for the Romans Tarquin I. who built the Cirque and distinguished the Senators and the Knigâ—ts by exterior marks of Honour such as the Ivory Chair call'd in Latin Cella Curulis the Gold Ring the Purple Robe call'd Trabea the Pretexta or the Robe edg'd with Scarlet Servius Tullius who according to Tacitus was the Chief Law-giver of the Romans Praecipuus Servius Tullius sanctor legum fuit Ann. 3. took into the City the Quirinal the Esquiline and the Viminal Hills and caus'd his Laws to be engraven on Tables of Stone and Tarquin Sirnam'd the Proud who having ascended the Throne by Incest and by the Murder of Servius Tullius whose two Daughters he had Married and endeavouring to maintain himself in it by Violence and Terror was with his whole Family expell'd Rome Kings b Tacitus always opposes Liberty to Regal Power Res dissociabiles principatum libertatem In Agricola Haud facile libertas domini miscentur Hist. 4 a Master and Liberty are incompatible Tarquinius Prisâ—us says he Lib. 3. of his Hist. had laid the Foundation of the Capitol and afterwards Servius Tullius and Tarquin the Proud built it one with the Giâ—â—s of the Allies and the other with the Spoils of the Enemies but the Glory of finishing this great Work was reserved for Liberty As for Iuâ—â—us Brutus he was not only Author of the Consulship but also the first who Exercis'd it and with so great Zeal for his Country that not being content with having banished Collatine his Collegue only because he was of the Royal Family of the Tarquins he caus'd his own Sons to be beheaded who endeavoured to restore them to the Throne The two Magistrates on whom was transferr'd the Authority which the Kings had were call'd Consuls to signifie that they ought to assist the new Common-Wealth with their Counsels and not to Govern it according to their humour as the Kings had done Liberty 1 When once the Regal Power begins to degenerate into Tyranny the People aspire to Liberty and when once a Brutus appears that is a Head who is capable to give it they seldom fail to shake off the Yoke not only of the King who Tyrannizes but also of the Regal Power for fear there come another King who might Tyrannize also Occultior non Melior and the Consulship were introduc'd by Lucius Brutus the c The Dictator was a Sovereign Magistrate but whose Power lasted no longer than the Danger lasted which threatned the Common-Wealth so that he was no more than the Trustee of the Sovereign Authority The first whom the Romans created was in the War against the Latins who had given the Tarquins Protection his Name was Titus Lartius or Lâ—rgius He was call'd Dictator ab edicendo or ab edictando i. e. because he had authority to make Edâ—â—ts or because he was not chosen by the Suffrages of the People nor by the Scrutiny of the Senate as other Magistrates were but only Dictus named by the Consul and afterwards proclaimed by the People He was therefore named by the Consul saith Machiavel 〈◊〉 34. Lib. â— of his Discourses because as the Creation of a Dictator was a sort of a Dishonour to the Consul who from being chief Governor of the City became thereby subject as the rest to a Superior Power the â—â—â—ans would have him chosen by the Consuls themselves to the end that 〈…〉 as the City should stand in need of one they might be the more 〈◊〉 to chuse him and to have the less reluctance to obey him the Wounds which we voluntarily give our selves being far less sensible than those which others give us He had power to depose the Consuls witness Cincinnatus who deposed the Consul Minutius he suspended the Functions
People under Subjection who desire to live free Infine it is to preserve the shadow and appearance of Liberty to obey â—hose willingly who have the power to force us to it Libertatis servaveris â—mbram says Lucian si quicquid jubeare velis Neither were the Provinces any ways unwilling to admit these Alterations as being weary'd out with the continual dissentions of the Senators among themselves and the Covetousness of their Magistrates against whom it was in vain to seek the Protection of the Laws Which either through Force or Cabals or Bribery were become of no effect As for the rest Augustus to strengthen his Authority advanc'd Claudius Marcellus the Son of his Sister and yet very Young to the Dignity of the Pontificat and that of Edile g That is to say an Aedile for there were Aediles taken out of the Common People who were not permitted to ride in the City with a Chariot or to sit in an Ivory-Chair But this distinction which was odious to the People was afterwards abolished and all the Aediles were Curules They had the oversight of the Government of the City of Publick Games and of the Reparation of the Temples and of all things relating to the Worship of the Gods And also honour'd with two Successive Consulships Marcus Agrippa a Man of mean Parentage 2 The Prince who would be well served ought to honour Virtue wheresoever it is â—ound and to look upon him as the most Noble who is the best able to assist him to govern well A single Person saith Coâ—â—ines is sometimes the Cause of preventing great Inconveniencies to his Master although he be not of Noble Birth provided that he has only Sense and Virtue Ch. 5. Lib. 5. of his Mem. Cabrera says that Philip the II. in conferring Offices and Military Honours preferred Spill'd Blood to Hereditary Blood Ch. ult Lib. 2. of his History but an expert Soldier and the Companion of his Victories and not long after Marcellus being dead he Marry'd him to his Daughter Iulia. He also gave Tiberius Nero and Claudius Drusus the Command of Armies though but the Sons of his Wife Livia and that his own Family was yet flourishing with Heirs For he had already adopted into the Iulian Family Cajus and Lucius his Grandsons by Agrippa and his Daughter And had earnestly desir'd though with a seeming repugnance 1 It is enough to guess that a Prince does not Refuse a thing in good earnest because he makes no resistance to accept it when it is offered him again with greater importunity The more Popes affect to shew in the beginning of their Pontificate little inclination to call their Relations to the Administration of Affairs the more the Cardinals the Ambassadors and the Courtiers are importunate to persuade them to that which they knew they desire Vid. Reflection 6. of Ch. 7. that they should be made Princes of the Youth and design'd Consuls while yet they wore the Pretext Robe h Praetexta Robe edg'd with Scarlet which Children of Quality wore from the time of the Reign of Lucius Tarquinus Sirnamed Priscus or the Old they left it off at 17 years of Age. In a short time after Agrippa's Death his Sons follow'd him either through the Force of an immature destiny or through the Treachery of their Mother-in-Law Livia 2 The Death of Princes is frequently imputed to those who have the greatest Advantage by it As Livia desir'd to reign even after Augustus's death she was suspected to have poyson'd Lucius and Caius to make way for her Son Henry Duke of Orleance and Catherine de Medicis his Wife were supposed to be the true Authors of the Death of the Dauphine of France because his Death secured the Crown to them One of them as he was going into Spain to command the Armies there and the other as he was returning from Armenia and ill of a Wound which he had receiv'd And as Drusus was not long e'er this deceas'd Tiberius only was remaining Who from thence-forward was regarded as Successor to the Sovereignty Augustus adopted him i According to Paterculus Tiberius was adopted by Augustus in the Consulship of Aelius Catus and of Caus Sentius the 27th of Iune 〈◊〉 Rome 754. Hist 2. Ch. 103. and made him his Collegue in the Empire and the Tribunitial Power He sent him also to make his Publick Appearance in all the Armies that he might be known to the Soldiers and all this at the open Sollicitations of Livia who now no longer manag'd her affairs by Intrigues and secret Artifices as formerly she had done For she had gain'd so great an Ascendant over her Husband now in his declining Age 1 It is rarely seen that a Prince growing old maintains his Authority to the last Tacitus saith that the Power of an Old Man is precarious precarium seni imperium brevi transiturum Hist. 1. For under the colour of relieving his Old Age his Wife or his Son or his Minâ—â—ters assume the Government Duke Philip being grown Old Commines saith that his Affairs were so manag'd by the Lords of Crouy and of Chimay that he restor'd to the King the Cities upon the River of Some at which the Count his Son was much troubled for they were the Frontiers of their Lordships The Count call'd a great Council in the Bishop of Cambray's Palace and there declar'd the whole House of Crouy mortal Enemies to his Father and himself insomuch that they were all of them forc'd to fly These proceedings were very displeasing to Duke Philip but his great Age made him bear it with patience Ch. 1. 2. Lib. 1. of his Memoirs That which also adds much to the Diminution of the Authority of an old and infirm Prince is that there being no more to be hop'd for from him he is abandon'd by his Servants that to satisfie her desires he had banish'd Agrippa Posthumus his only remaining Grandson into the Island of Planasâ—a This Youth 't is to be confess'd had been ill Educated was of a rude Behaviour and valu'd himself too brutally on his strength of Body but otherwise was free from any apparent Vice The Emperor had also BRUTUS and CASSIUS Paterculus saith that never any Persons had so favourable a Fortune in the beginning as Brutus and Cassius nor so short liv'd a one Brutus was but 37 years old when he died Cassius was a better Captain Brutus a â—etter Friend the one had more Vigour the other more Honesty And as it was more advantageous to the Common-Wealth to have Augustus for its Master than Anthony it would likewise have been more agreeable to obey'd Brutus than Cassius They both kill'd themselves the latter frighted by a Company of People who came to bring him News of the Victory believing that they were Enemies the Former a few days after in despair plac'd Germanicus the Son of Drusus at the Head of Eight Legions which were quarter'd towards the Rhine 1 It
to equal their Number to the six Quarters of the City which was much enlarged Servius Tullius the Successor of Tarquin distributed it into nineteen Tribes four of which were called Tribus Urbanae or the Citizens and the other fifteen which comprehended all the Inhabitants of the Country were called Tribus Rusticae And in process of Time the Number of Tribes encreased to Thirty five of the Tribes 1 When a State is lately changed from a Democracy to a Monarchy the Prince as being new ought to leave the People the Enjoyment of some of their ancient Rights to accustom them insensibly to Obedience For which loss of Privileges the People shewed no other Resentment but by insignificant Complaints and Murmurs And the Senate for their part were well satisfied that thereby they were discharg'd from the shameful Necessity of bribing and supplicating the Commons 2 There is no Yoke which the great Men and the Nobility will not bear rather than fall into the Hands of the People and to make court to them to obtain Offices It is for this Reason that a Democracy is always of short duration in States where there is much Nobility to favour their Election And this the more for that Tiberius reserv'd to himself but the Naming 3 A Prince newly established who reserves to himself the naming but of a small number of Officers so as his Nomination be liable to no Contest establishes his Power much better than if he attempted at first to name all For in process of Time it will be easie for him to extend the Prerogatives of a Sovereignty which the People have once acknowledged When the Principality it self is in question the Conditions ought never to be disputed whatsoever they are it is sufficient to get possession of it after which all the rest follows as one would wish Ubi sis ingressus adesse studia Ministros Ann. 4. of four Candidates b So they call those who stood for Offices because during the time of their Suit they wore a White Garment who were to be admitted without Caballing or any Contradiction At the same time the Tribunes of the People demanded the Permission to celebrate at their own Charges those Plays in Honour of Augustus 4 A remarkable Example of Flattery Those who by their Office and their Duty are obliged to preserve the publick Liberty canonize the Person who destroyed it which in their Calendars c In this Calendar called â—osti were set down the Festivals the Ceremonies and the Names of the Magistrates of the Cities were call'd by the Name of Augustales But it was order'd that the Publick should be at the Expence and that the Tribunes should wear the Triumphal Robe d It was a figured Robe edged with Purple with a Vest wrought with Branches of Palms in the Circus where nevertheless it was not allow'd them to be born in Chariots And the Annual Celebration was thenceforward committed to that particular Praetor to whose Lot it should fall to judge the Differences arising betwixt Citizens and Strangers X. This was the face of Affairs at Rome when a Sedition arose of the Legions in Pannonia e These Legions saith Paterculus were for a new Head a new Government and in a word for a new Republick they threatned to give Laws to the Senate and even to the Prince himself they would by main force augment their Pay and shorten the time of their Service to have their Reward before the set time There was nothing wanting to them but â— Head to have lead them on against the Government and whosoever this Head had been he would have found this Army ready to have followed him ch 125. They had no new occasion of Disturbance only the change of an Emperour inspir'd them with Boldness to make some Disturbance in hope to better their Condition by a Civil War 1 The beginnings of Reigns are ever subject to some Tempest for it is then that all Male-contents are stirring and are for selling their Obedience as dear as they can by disturbing an Authority that while it is in its growth hath need to keep fair with all to gain Time to establish it self Want of Power in a Prince Ambition of great Men who have always a good Opinion of their own Abilities and Discontents in the People are the three ordinary Sources of Factions as those are of Civil Wars France saw sad Instances thereof during the Minority of Lewis the Great GOD grant that these may be the last Three Legions were quarter'd together in the same Camp under the Command of Iunius Blaesus who having heard of the Death of Augustus and the Succession of Tiberius had interrupted the daily Exercises of the Soldiers either in Token of Mourning f Ob Iustitium saith Tacitus The Iustitium then was a Vacation or Suspension of all Civil Affairs which was commanded by the Senate or the Magistrates of the City as may be gathered from those words of the Second Book of the Annals Ut ante Edictum Magistratuum ante Senatusconsultum sumpto justitio desererentur fora c. or of Ioy. This Dispute began to give a Loathing to the Army of their Labour and Military Discipline and infuse into them a Propensity of Idleness and Pleasure It furnish'd them with Occasions of frequent Quarrels with one another and of lending an Ear to the mutinous Discourses of the most dissolute amongst them There was in the Camp a Fellow called Percennius formerly Head of a Faction among the Stage-Players 2 Great Seditions are commonly raised by pitiful Fellows and if a Rascal hath a Talent of speaking the Rabble is always ready to lend an Ear to him The common People need no other Oracles especially if the Haranguer inveighs against some Minister that is much hated as they all are In the beginning of the Reign of Charles the Fifth the famous Insurrection of the City of Castille called Las Communidades because it was a Sedition of the common People against the Nobles which afterwards degenerated into a direct Rebellion against the Prince This Revolt I say had for its Leaders a Barbor at Medina del Campo a Fell-monger at Salamanca a Carder at Valenca a Tanner at Segovia a Barber at Avila and such other Deliverers at Burgos at Guadalaxara at Siguenca at Vailladolid at Zamora c. Epitome of the Commandeur de Vera. Bussy-le-Clerc was one of the principal Supporters of the League and Peter de Brousell who was but an ordinary Counsellor was the Oracle and the Idol of the Fronde afterwards a private Soldier Insolent in his Speech and who had learn'd to raise Sedition by his Practice in the Play-house This Man haunting the Conversation of the most Ignorant and Silly who were very inquisitive to know what their Condition was like to be under their new Emperour debauch'd them by his Nightly Conversations with them or at least when it grew late in the Evening
Slaves of Blesus being put to the Torture persisted to deny the Murder the General was in immediate danger of Assassination In the mean time they forc'd the Tribunes and the Praefect of the Camp to â—ly for their Safety they plunder'd their Baggage and kill'd Lucilius the Centurion to whom they had given the Nick-name of â—edo alteram because when he had broken his Baton s The Roman Soldiers were chastized with a Wand of a Vine and the Foreigners in their Service with Blowâ— of Cudgels on the Back of any Soldier he was wont to call for another to continue the Correction The rest of the Centurions absconded excepting only Iulius Clemens who was sav'd as being one who for his ready Wit was thought a proper Man to execute the Commissions of the Soldiers 2 As Soldiers commonly exercise their Hands more than their Minds and consequently understand how to Fight better than how to Speak they set a great Value upon a Man who is able to Speak well and Negotiate especially when they have Complaints to make at Court against their Generals or Favours and Rewards to sollicit which there is some difficulty to obtain There were two of the Legions the Eighth and the Fifteenth who were ready to come to Blows with one another concerning one Sirpicus a Centurion the Eighth demanding him to be produc'd and put to Death the other defending him If the Ninth had not interpos'd and partly with Prayers partly with Threatnings brought them to Reason on either side XVIII These Things coming to the knowledge of Tiberius constrain'd him as expert as he was in dissembling his Temper and concealing all ill News 1 Princes take great care to conceal ill Success from their Subjects because they have the less Veneration for them when Fortune is against them The Army of Lewis the Eleventh having taken several Towns in Burgunâ—y and defeated all the Forces that opposed them the Duke who was then in Picardy caused a Report to be spread in his Camp That his Forces had had the better for fear lest his Army should Revolt if it should know the News of Burgunâ—y Commines l. 3. c. 3. of his Memoirs But of all Evils a Sedition or a Revolt is that which Princes are most concerned to keep the Knowledge of from their Subjects because it is an Example which never stops at the place where it begins It is a Civil Contagion which spreads from Province to Province and whose Progress is so much the quicker as it finds every where many Incendiaries and very few Physicians to send away his Son with all speed to Pannonia without other Instructions than only to act according to the present Necessity and as the juncture of Affairs 2 There are knotty Affairs in which Princes cannot take certain Measures Seditions are of this Nature Severity and Mildness being equally dangerous towards People who must neither be altogether exasperated nor wholly satisfied When the Evil is pressing the best Expedient is to send them a Person of eminent Quality with Power to act according as the Occasion shall require without expecting farther Orders which would retard the conclusion of the Accommodation But Commissions of this nature ought never to be given but to Persons of approved Fidelity And it was for this Reason that Tiberius sent his Son and his Favourite to the mutinous Legions requir'd He gave for his Attendants two Praetorian Cohorts reinforc'd with a Recruit of select Soldiers with a great part of his Cavalry and the Choice of his German Guards sent in his Company the principal Men of Rome and appointed for the Governor of his Person Elius Sejanus his Favourite 3 When a Prince gives a Governor to his Son he ought to chuse a Man of Authority to the end that the young Prince may have an Awe and Respect for him Education saith Cabrera is the Source of all the good and bad Qualities of a Prince and consequently of the good or bad Fortune of his Subjects For want of good Education the Prince in stead of being the Father and the Shepherd of his People becomes the publick Scourge and the universal Plague The inward Counsel of a Prince comes both from Education and Nature which opens the first Windows to the Understanding and displays there more or less Light according to the disposition of the Constitution which gives the first Lineaments to the Manners and Actions ... A Prince's Son is born with no more Understanding than a common Man's he is a Diamond that is hard to cut but which casts a great Lustre after it is polished l. 4. c. 2. of his History Mariana â—aith That Peter King of Castile Sirnamed The Cruel had a mixture of great Virtues and of great Vices that at his Accession to the Throne which was at the Age of fifteen Years and a half he shewed a Mind a Courage and Qualities which gave great Hopes that his Body was indefaâ—â—gable and his Courage invincible in all Difficulties but that with these Virtues there began to appear Vices which Age encreased and Time multiplied and which were owing to the ill Education which he had had under Aâ—phonso d'Albuquâ—rquâ— the Governour of his Childhood Insomuch that his Reign almost in every thing resembled Nero's for he put to Death two of his Natural Brothers with their Mother his Wife Blanche of Bourbon to gratifie his Concubine the Queen of Arragon his Aunt by the Mother's side the Infant Iohn of Arragon his Cousin-German Ioan of Lara his Sister-in-Law and many more Princes and Lords c. 16 c. l. 16 17. of his History of Spain then Praefect of the Praetorium t This Office was new having been created by the Emperors Some are of Opinion that the Praefectus Praetorio was much the same with the Magister Equitum or the General of the Horse under the ancient Common-wealth For as this General held the first Place after the Dictator to whom he was properly Lieutenant the Praefectus Praetorio was the second Person of the Empire especially after Seâ—anus thought fit to lodge in one Camp all the Praetorian Cohorts or Companies of Guards which were before dispersed in several Quarters of the City Tacit. ann 4. Mâ—de 〈◊〉 speaks properly in saying That he was as the Constable of the Empire His Authority grew so great that there was no Appeal from his Iudgments whereas there lay an Appeal from those of the Consuls to the People when Rome was a Commonwealth In the Year 1631 Urban the Eighth having created his Nephew Dom Tade Barberino Praefect of Rome this Lord by virtue of this new Dignity which was but a Phantom of the Ancient would have the Precedency of Ambassadors to Solio and Collegue to his Father Strabo in that Office Employ'd particularly on this Occasion to promise Rewards to those who should submit and threaten Punishments to such as should persist in their Rebellion On the approach of Drusus to the
being discover'd he call'd his Courage to his Succour This Violence said he is not offer'd to me but to Germanicus your General and to Tiberius your lawful Emperour 2 The Affronts offered to Magistrates are reputed as done to the Prince for it is his Authority which they resist and not the Person of him who exercises it It was for this that Charles the Fifth would never recal from Naples the Viceroy Don Pedro de Tolâ—do against whom the City had made an Insurrection and even with some appearance of Iustice. Ulloa in his Life The Constable of St. Pol having given the Lie to the Lord d'Himbercourt Ambassador from the Duke of Burgundy he made him no other Answer but That this Affront was not done to him but to the King under whose Protection he came thither as Ambassador it was to the King in Picardy and also to his Master whose Person he represented and to whom he would report it Memoirs of Commines l. 3. ch 11. The greatest Kings saith the same Cardinal Richelieu cannot preserve their Authority inviolable if they have not a great care to maintain it in the least of their Officers whether near or distant from their Persons For these are Outworks which are attack'd first the taking of which emboldens them to make an Effort against those within and afterward against the Person of the Prince himsâ—lf Pol. Testament part 1. sect 7. ch ult Saying this and seeing them amaz'd he snatch'd their Ensign p The Ensigns were so highly reverenced by the Romans that the Seditious themselves durst not reâ—use to follow them and turning directly towards the Rhine he cried out that he held him for a Deserter who forsook his Rank 3 A Commander who knows how to speak with Vigour and to accompany his Words with some Action wherein Resolution appears will scarce ever fail of striking Terror into Seditious Persons although they be numerous The German Soldiers having made an Insurrection against Alexander Farnese Governour and Captain-General of the Low-Countries he went directly to these Mutineers with his Sword in his Hand and commanded the Colonel of the Regiment to send him immediately two Soldiers of each Company which should be found most culpable whom he caused to be hanged to the number of Twenty in the sight of his whole Army without any Man daring to speaâ—â— a Word Strada's Hist. Decad. 2. lib. 5. insomuch that they all return'd to their Winter-Quarters much discontented and without daring to proceed in their Attempt XXXIII In the mean time Germanicus being already on his return from the Upper Germany the Deputies of the Senate found him at the Altar of the Ubians q Some are of Opinion that this Altar stood where the City of Bâ—â—m is now the ordinary place of Residence of thâ— Arch-Bishop of â—ollen where the First and the Twentieth Legions together with the Veterans who were discharg'd had their Winter Quarters and were still retain'd under their Ensigns A terrible Affright suddenly seiz'd those Soldiers who felt the Stings of Conscience for the Crime they had committed They suspected that those Deputies had Orders to revoke the Grants which they had extorted by their Mutiny And as it is the common Practice of the Multitude to accuse one wrongfully they make Munatius Plancus a Consular Man and Chief of the Deputation the Author of this Decree of the Senate 1 When once a Minister hath got the Reputation of a severe or violent Man all rigorous Resolutions are imputed to him The Flemings imputed all the Rigours of Philip the Second to the Counsels of the Duke of Alva because they knew that he had said to Charles the Fifth who loved them and treated them with Respect as having been born and educated among them that he ought not to give them so much liberty nor so great a share in publick Affairs to the great Discontent of other Nations of his Empire who deserved to be preferred before them Cabrera's Hist. l. 5. c. 2. Towards Midnight they came to a Resolution among themselves to demand the Standard which was kept in the Lodgings of Germanicus r It was a Scarlet Ensign which was set up on the General 's Pavilion when they were going to give Battel and it never was out of his Quarters whence it could not be taken without Sacrilege Accordingly they ran thither in a Crowd broke open the Doors and dragging the 2 It hath been a Maxim of several Princes never to lie twice successively in the same Chamber Henry the Third King of England and the Usurper Cromwel changed almost every Day Prince out of his Bed they threaten'd him with Death and constrain'd him to deliver up the Ensign 3 Of two Evils the least is to be chosen and consequently Germanicus did better in giving up the Colours to them than to let them kill him Then running through the Camp they met the Legats who hearing the Uproar were hastening to Germanicus they resolve to murder them and particularly Plancus whom regard of his 4 Cicero in one of his Letters saith That the exterior Marks of Dignities and great Offices are but Obstacles to the safety of the Persons who wear them that is to say in Seditions for at all other Times they are necessary to draw Respect from the People One Day when Otho entertained the greatest Men of Rome at Supper the Praetorian Soldiers having taken a false Alarm came to force open the Doors of the Palace Otho who knew not whether their Deâ—ign was against him or the Guests dismissed the Company and every one for his safety stripp'd himself of the Marks of his Dignity Tac. Hist. 1. Character would not permit to escape by â—â—ight and therefore having no other Refuge he cast himself into the Quarter of the First Legion and made Religion his Buckler by embracing the Eagle and the Ensings s Which were Sacred and Inviolable amongst the Romans and which Tacitus calls The particular Gods of the Legions Propria Legionum numina Ann. 2. Which notwithstanding the Roman Camp and even the Altars of the Gods were in danger of being profan'd by the Blood of a Roman Ambassador an unusual Crime even among our Enemies if Calpurnius who was Eagle-bearer t The Person who carried the Eagle of the Legion had not prevented the Blow by his Resistance When it was Day-light and Men and Actions could be discern'd Germanicus entring the Camp caus'd Plancus to be brought before him and seated him by his Side on his Tribunal then reproaching them with their mad Behaviour and exclaiming against their fatal Disobedience which he chose to attribute to the Anger of the Gods 5 The General of an Army which hath mutinied doth prudently to attribute part of the Soldiers Fault to higher Causes which have drawn them as it were by force to the end that this handsom manner of excusing them may make them more readily return to their Duty in
old Camp The Sedition was begun by them there was no Crime so heinous which they had not committed and to compleat their Villany they were still for pushing on their Fury to the utmost nothing frighted with the Punishment of some nothing mov'd with Remorse or with the Penitence of others Germanicus therefore gave his Orders to prepare Vessels on the Rhine resolving to terrifie them into Duty in case they persisted in their Disobedience XXXIX The News of this Revolt amongst the Legions being come to Rome before the Event of the other in Pannonia was known the City struck with Fear began to murmur against Tiberius accusing him that while he by his artificial Delays and Dissimulations was still imposing on the People and the Senate which were both of them unarm'd and without Power in the mean time the Soldiers were raising a Rebellion They said that the two young Princes for want of Knowledge and Authority could not hold the Armies in Obedience It was his Duty to go in Person thither and oppose the Majesty of the Empire to the Mutineers who would never dare to make Head against a Prince of consummate Wisdom and Experience and who alone had their Life and Death at his Dispose that Augustus in his declining Age and languishing with Sickness had taken many Iourneys into Germany and that Tiberius now in the Vigour of his Years led a sedentary Life at Rome and employ'd his Time in cavilling at the Expressions of the Senators that he very sufficiently provided for domestick Slavery that it was now incumbent on him to restrain the License of the Soldiers and teach them how to behave themselves in Peace 1 Soldiers cannot love Peace because it confounds them with the Citizens and subjects them to the Laws from which they set themselves at liberty with Impunity in time of War Militares artes per otium ignotae industriosque ac ignavos pax in aequo tenet Ann. 12. The Citizens saith Sir W. Temple pretend to live in safety under the Protection of the Laws which the Soldiers would subject to their Sword and to their Will Chap. of his Remarks on the United Provinces XL. Tiberius was unmov'd at these e Fabius Maximus whose Method was not to fight slighted those envious Persons who in a Ieer called him The Temporiser and Hannibal's Paedagogue saying That it was greater Cowardice to fear the Iudgments of the People than to fear the Enemy But all Captains saith Livy l. 4. have not that strength of Mind which Fabius had who would rather unjustly suffer the diminution of his Authority than do otherwise than what was his Duty to gain the Approbation of the People Seneca saith That there is nothing more ridiculous than a Man who stands in fear of what others will say of him Nil sâ—ultius est homine verba metuente Contradiction in stead of Shoâ—king doth but fortifie and â—arden a resolved Mind Discourses 1 An able Prince ought not to take his Measures from what the People say who always speak by a Passion Non ex ruâ—â—ore statuendum Ann. 3. It is a good Commendation which Tacitus gives Tiberius that he was always a great Enemy to the Reports of the Town Tiberium speruendis Rumâ—ribus validum An. 3. So that Paterculus ought not to be suspected of Flattery in saying That he was an excellent Iudge of what he ought to do and that he embraced not what the Multitude did approve but what they ought to approve For saith he he was more concerned for his Duty than for his Reputation and the Army never directed the Counsels and the Designs of the General but the General always gave Laws to his Army Ch. 113 115. Amiâ—ato saith That Princes who disquâ—et themselves with the Iudgments of the People fall into the same Error with those who scruple certain Things which are not sinful for as the Scrupulous sin by the Opinion which they have of sinning altho they have not sinn'd so Princes who are concerned to hear the People blame what they have done or are doing with good Counsel and thorough Information shew that they have not acted upon certain Principles but by false Prejudices Disc. 7. of l. 3. A Baron of Chevreau who served in Flanders under the Duke of Alva perceiving that the Duke would not hazard a Battel which the Officers judged convenient to fight threw his Pistol in Anger on the Ground saying The Duke will never fight To whom the Duke who had heard him answered That he was pleased to see the Desire which the Soldiers had to fight the Enemy because their Profession required it but that â— General ought to consider nothing but conquering It is ordinary for Soldiers saith the Author who furnishes me with this Example to desire to â—ight to get Reputation by shewing their Courage but the Repuâ—atâ—on of Generals depends upon knowing how to conquer without losing a Soldier if it be possible and consequently not to fight unless they are invited to it by the Necessity of relieâ—ing a Place or by a most certain Advantage Thus they ought never to comply with the Will of the Soldiers if Reason doth not absolutely require it for a Captain hath never suffer'd himself to be prevail'd on by the Discourses and Importunities of his Army but he hath been afterwards beaten by his Enemies Bernard de Mendoza's Memoirs l. 4. c. 11. having fix'd his Resolutions not to leave the Seat of Empire 2 The capital City of a Kingdom according to Tacitus is the Centre and Helm of Affairs Caput Rerum and consequently the Prince's Presence is most necessary there especially in the beginning of a Reign If the Great Pompey had not left Rome where he was the strongest Caesar would have had a great Difficulty to have entred it Philip the Second consulting in his Council Whether he should go into Flanders Don Iohn Manriqua de Lara said wisely That the War being in a remote Country the King ought not to leave the Heart of his Kingdom whence issued out the Strength and the Preservation of all the other Parts Gabrera's Philip the Second l. 7. c. 7. In the Year 1591 the City of Saragossa having made an Insurrection against him about the Privileges of the Tribunal which they call El Iustitia he would never go thither although the People of Madrid and several even of the Grandees aggravated the Danger and when they had reported to him what every one said of him on this Occasion he answered That it was not agreable to the Grandeur of the Monarchy that the Prince for a rebellious City should quit that whence he gave Motion to his whole Empire Herrera's Second Part of his History l. 7. c. 20. No Reason of State nor of War saith Cabrera requires that a King should hazard his Person because neither Vigilance nor Fortune are sufficient Guarantees for the Safety of Princes who ought not to ground their Deliberations on the
imitation of the Titian Priests formerly instituted by Titus Tatius t These Priests or Knights were instituted in Romulus's Reign after thâ— Union of the Sabines with the Romans who received the Sabines as Fellow-Citizens and Companions whom the Day before they had Enemies as Tacitus saith Eodem die hostes dein cives habuerit Ann. 11. This Tatius was King of the Sabines and was admitted a Partner in the Sovereignty of Rome by Romulus who gave him the Capitol and the Quirinal-Hill for his Habitation But his Death which happen'd a little time after reunited the Regal Power in the Person of Romulus who thereby remained King of the Romans and of the Sabines to preserve the Religion of the Sabines Twenty one of the Principal Men among the Romans were drawn by Lot of which Number were Tiberius Drusus Claudius and Germanicus 1 The Orders of Knighthood are not esteemed otherwise than they are confined to a small Number of Knights This small Number ought also to consist of Persons illustrious for their Birth or for their Merit for otherwise the Great Men look on themselves to be disgraced in being associated with them and consequently the Prince deprives himself of an easie way of rewarding them Tacitus saith That the Generals of the Army perceiving that the Senate of Rome granted the Triumphal Ornaments for the least Exploits in War believed that it would be more Honourable for them to preserve the Peace than to renew the War which would equal to themselves all those to whom the Prince's Favour should procure a Triumph to be decreed Ann. 13. In Portugal it was pleasant to behold the Taylor and the Shoemaker of King Alphonso the Sixth to wear the Habit of Christ although in truth they were as worthy of it as most of those to whom the Count of Castelmelhor sold it Then it was that the Augustinian Games began to be disturb'd by the Contention of the Stage-Players and different Factions arose concerning the Preference of this or that Actor u Cabrera well observes that the Spectacles and the publick Games were the Cause that the People of Rome who were before contented to obey the Magistrates and the Laws thought fit to desire to have a Share in the Government For taking upon themselves licentiously to Applaud what gave them the greatest Pleasure as if they had been capable of Iudging prudently they began to perceive that the Players set a great Value on their Approbation and that their Favour gave them Reputation So that after they knew the Power which they had in the publick Feasts they came to slight the Nobles and the Magistrates and afterwards to create Tribunes Aediles and Quaestors At last they introduced the Plebeians into the Consulship and the Dictatorship and made them thereby equal to the Patricians L. 10. c. 22. of his History So that we have no Reason to wonder if Tiberius who was so well skilled in the Arts of Government had an Aversion to Spectacles and all popular Concourses Augustus himself had been much addicted to these Divertisements out of his Complaisance to Maecenas who was desperately in love with the Pantomine Bathyllus Besides that he was himself no Enemy to those Entertainments and knew it was becoming of a Gracious Prince to enter into the 2 As there are certain Days in the Year which the Fathers of Families spend in Rejoycings with their Children it is very reasonable that there should be also some on which the Prince should live as in a Family with his People Tacitus saith That Nero who was otherwise a very bad Prince made Feasts in the publick Places and shewed himself through the whole City as if all the City had been his Hoâ—se Ann. 15. Wise Princes saith Cabrera assist at the publick Plays to gain the Affection of their Subjects and these Plays or Spectacles are assigned to certain Days to mitigate the ordinary Discontents of the People by Diversions which deceive their Trouble Cap. 1. lib. 9. of his History Commines saith That Princes who divide their Time according to their Age sometimes in serious Matters and in Council at other times in Feasts and Pleasures are to be commended and the Subjects are happy who have such a Prince His Memoirs l. 6. c. 4. Pleasures of his People x Strada saith That Octavius Farnese Duke of Parma and Son-in-Law to Charles the Fiâ—th was a great Observer of this Maxim and thereby was as much beloved by the People as any Prince of his Time Laxamentis popularibus ipse se privato non absimilem immiscebat effecitque ut inter principes ea tempestate populorum studiis ac benevolentia claros meritò haberetur Lib. 9. dec 1. Burnet saith That Elizabeth Queen of England was a perfect Mistress of thâ— Art of insinuating herself into the Hearts of the People and although she was suspected of being too much a Comedian she succeeded notwithstanding in her Designs and made herself more beloved by her People by little Complaisances and Affectations to shew herself and to regard the People as she passed the Streets than many Princes have done by scattering Favours with both Hands History of the Reformatiâ—n p. 2. l. 3. Tiberius was of a Temper wholly different but he durst not yet subject a Multitude 3 A Prince upon his coming to the Throne ought to make no alteration in Things which he finds to have been of long Establishment the People parting with old Customs with great diffiâ—ulty If the Memory of his Predecessor is dear to the People he ought to conform himself to his manner of Government at least until his Authority be well established He must lead the People through long Turnings and do it so that they may go where he would have them without perceiving whither they are going Lewis the Eleventh had like to have lost all by desiring to undo all that his Father had done When he came to the Grown saith Commines he disappointed the best and most eminent Knights who had faithfully served his Father in the recovery and settling of the Kingdom But he oftentimes repented afterwards that he had treated them so by acknowledging his Error for thence sprang the War called The Publick Good which was like to have taken from him his Crown C. 3. of l. 1. and c. 11. of l. 6. of his Memoirs When he died he therefore advised his Son not to do as he had done Elizabeth Queen of England at her coming to the Crown acted directly contrary to Lewis the Eleventh for she employed most of the Ministers of her Sister Queen Mary by whom she had been ill Treated and although in her Heart she was already entirely a Protestant she was notwithstanding Crowned by a Bishop of the Church of Rome and ordered Karn who was Mary's Ambassador at Rome to make her Compliments to the Pope Burnet's History Part 2. l. 3. Mariana saith That Emanuel King of Portugal made some difficulty to recall the
a General of an Army should not have Courage that is void of Iudgment so neither ought he to have too much Flegm or too much Speculation because it is to be feared that the foresight of many Inconveniencies which may happen but which do not may hinder him from attempting Things which would succeed in the Hands of others who are less Speculative and more Daring Politcical Test. par 2. sect 4. c. 9. Arminius a This young Man saith Paterculus was of a robust Constitution had a quick Apprehension and a delicate and penetrating Wit beyond what is to be imagined of a Barbarian Considering that nothing is more easie than to destroy those who fear nothing and that overmuch Confidence is the most ordinary cause of great Misfortunes he communicates his Design at first to very few People but afterwards to many more And this Resolution was so immediately followed with the Execution of it that Varus having neglected the first Advice of Segestes had not time to receive a second from him ch 118. Charles Duke of Burgundy committed the same Error that Varus did and perished like him by refusing to give Audience to a Country Gentleman named Cifron who came to discover to him the Treason of the Count de Campobasso and by not crediting the Intelligence which Lewis the Eleventh sent him by the Lord de Contay his Ambassador in France that this Count was selling his Life Whereby you see saith Commines that God infatuated him on this occasion Memoirs l. 4. â— ult l. 3. c. 6 â— For Segestes though he was drawn into the War by the general Consent of his Country-men yet he liv'd in perpetual Discord with Arminius and the bad Understanding betwixt them was increas'd by a particular Offence for Arminius had taken away by force his Daughter Thusnelda betroth'd already to another Thus the Father-in-Law and Son were equally hateful to each other and those mutual Ties which commonly beget Friendship were now the Provocations to the most bitter Enmity 5 As Princes seldom marry but by Interest not for Love Alliance is so far from being a Band of Friendship betwixt them that it opens a Gap to new Pretensions which grow into Quarrels and afterwards into Wars The last Duke of Burgundy hated Edward King of England and the whole House of York against which he assisted the House of Lancaster whence came his Grandmother by the Mother's side and yet at last he married Margaret Sister to Edward only to strengthen himself against King Lewis the Eleventh But as this Alliance was not made but by State-Interest and that both of them might gain their Ends the Duke notwithstanding hated Edward on whom he made biting Iests and Edward offer'd Lewis to joyn with him and to bear part of the Charges if he would continue the War against the Duke Commines l. 1. c. 5. l. 3. c. 4. l. 4. c. 8 11. of his Memoirs XLIX Germanicus on this Account commanded out Cecina with Four Legions Five thousand Auxiliary Soldiers and some Companies of Germans rais'd in haste from some Places on this side the Rhine He himself conducted a like Number of Legions but double the Number of Allies and having built a Fortress on the old Foundations which his Father had laid and which were yet standing he march'd with great speed against the Catti leaving behind him Lucius Apronius with Order to take care that if the Rivers should overflow by any sudden fall of Rains yet the Ways might be kept in repair and continue passable For in setting forward he found the Waters so very low and the Ways so dry a Thing uncommon in that Climate that he found no difficulty in his March but he feared in his return it might be otherwise He came so suddenly upon the Catti that the old Men the Women and the Children were either kill'd at first or taken Prisoners and the young Men forc'd to swim the River of Adrana b Now the Eder who attempting afterwards to obstruct the Romans in the building of a Bridge over it were repuls'd by their Arrows and their Engines These Hopes failing and their Propositions for Peace being also rejected some of them came over and submitted to Germanicus the rest forsaking their Cantons retir'd into the Fastnesses of their Woods Germanicus having burn'd Martium c Now Marpurg the Capital City of Hesse their Capital Town ravag'd all the Low-lands and took his March backwards to the Rhine the Enemy not daring to attack his Rear as their Custom is when they â—eign to fly rather through Stratagem than Fear The Cherusci d The People of Brunswick and of Thuring were desirous to have succour'd their Friends thâ— Catti but they were apprehensive of Cecina who caâ—ry'd far and near the Terrour of his Arms. On the contrary the Marsi having presum'd to charge him were vigorously repuls'd and entirely routed L. Some time afterwards there came Deputies from Segestes to desire his Assistance against his Country-men who had besieg'd him for Arminius had there the stronger Party because he had advis'd the War 1 As there is nothing subject to greater Iealousie nor more difficult to preserve amongst powerâ—ul Neighbours than Liberty they who advise War appear to have a greater Affection for their Country than those who advise Peace and consequently have more Credit amongst their Fellow-Citizens It was by this Method that Maurice Prince of Orange who looked on the Treaty of 1609. as the Ruine of his Authority in Holland where he aimed at the Sovereignty found means to destroy Iohn Barnevelt who had been the principal Promoter of this Treaty by perswading the People by Pamphlets that this great Man was corrupted by the Spanish Gold and held Intelligence with this King for the reduction of the United Provinces to his Obedience it being the common Practice of Barbarians only to love and esteem those Persons who are Fierce and Daring and more especially in unquiet Times Segestes had added to the Deputies his Son Segimond though the Mind of the young Man was wholly averse to that Employment 2 When a Subject is conscious that he is guilty of Tâ—eason he ought not to trust to the Prince's Clemency if he hath not good Security of it If my Mother was my Iudge said Alcibiades I would not trust her with much greater Reason they who have the Prince for Iudge and Party ought to take good Security before they surrender themselves into his Hands The Cardinal Alphonso Petrucci was no sooner come to Rome but Leo the Tenth caused him to be arrested and afterwards strangled in Prison altho he came thither under the Security of the Pope's safe Conduct whereof the Spaâ—ish Ambassador was Guarantee The Landgrave of Hesse was cheated by the Confidence he reposed in Charles the Fifth with whom he had two Electors and several other Princes of the Empire for Intercessors for the Year in which all Germany revolted being created Priest of
for trying the Government of a Woman named Erato whom they soon laid aside 2 Gynecocracy is the Worst of all Governments For this Sex saith Tacitus is not only weak and voluptuous and consequently unfit for the Management of Affairs of State but besides is Cruel Untractable and desirous infinitely to extend its Power if its Ambition be not restâ—â—in'd The Prophet Isaiah Ch. 3. threatens the Iews with the Government of Children and with that of Women as with two equal Curses So that we are not to wonder if 〈◊〉 is so odious in those very 〈◊〉 where Women have right of Succession nor why divers Nations have for ever excluded them from the Throne and thus being in an unsettled and confus'd Condition 3 Anarchy is the most miserable Condition that a Kingdom oâ— a Common-Wealth can fall into and it is the only plague that can make the loss of a Female Government regreted For it is impossible for Civil 〈◊〉 to subâ—ist without a Master and without Laws And this is the râ—ason that Anarchy hath been always of short duration and rather without a Master than in Liberty they offer the Crown to exil'd Vonones 4 A State however it changes the Form of its Government sooner or later will return to that which it had in its Original The first Goverâ—ment to a Body-Politick is what the Natural Air is to a Humane body But as soon as Artabanus threatned him and it appeared that there was little reliance on the Armenians and as little expectation of assistance from the Romans who could not defend him unless they would engage in a War against the Parthians he retires to Creticus Silanus the Governor of Syria who although he had invited him set a Guard upon him as soon as he came leaving him however the Title and the State of a King 5 It is not the Royal Title or 〈◊〉 that make a King but the Authority The Majesty is in the Functions not in the Ornaments and it is 〈◊〉 this reason that the Title of 〈◊〉 dâ—d not belong to the Senate oâ— Rome although it had all the exterior Marks of it as the Rods the Purple Robe the Ivory-Chair c. but to the People in whom the Supreme Power resided Witness the Form of Words which was pronounced with a loud voice at the opening of all the Assemblies Velitis Iubeatis Quirites which is the Appellation they gave the People in their Assemblies Cabrera saith that Philip II. having marry'd Mary Queen of England and received from his Father the Renunciation of the Kingdom of Naples on the score of this Marriage took it very ill that his Father kept the Administration and the Revenues of it and the more because he was hereby King of Naples and of England only in Title and Name There were also some Englishmen who gave him no other Title but that of the Queens Husband Chap. 5 and 7. Lib. 1. of his History The Earls of Egmond and Horn having been arrested by the Duke of Alva without the privity of the Dutchess of 〈◊〉 Governess the Low-Countreys this Princess who saw that the Duke besides his large power had secret Orders which leâ—t her 〈◊〉 more than the Name of Governess desir'd leave of Philip II. to retire out of these Provinces saying that it was neither for his Service nor her Honour whom he was pleas'd to call his Sister to continue there with a Title without Authority Strada Lib. 6. of Hist. 1. Decad. How he endeavour'd to escape from this Pageant-Royalty we will relate in its proper place 6 A Prince who is dispossess'd of his Dominions doth not willingly continue in the hands of him who hath goâ— possession of them how well soever he is treated by him For this is to adorn with his presence the Conqueror's or the Usurper's Triumph Ferdinand the Catholick assigned Lands and Revenues to Boabdiles whose Kingdom of Granada he had Conquered or Usurped but this Prince soon passed into Africk For saith Mariana those who have seen themselves Kings have not constancy or paâ—ience enough to lead a Private Life Ch. 18. Book 25. of his History of Spain V. But these troubles in the East were no unwelcome News to Tiberius since they gave him a fair Pretence to draw off Germanicus from the Legions that had been accustom'd to his 1 How great soever the Fidelity of a Subject appears to be to whom an Army or a Province hath offered the Sovereignty it is prudence in a Prince under some specious pretence to remove him from this Army or Province for feaâ— lest the Infidelity of others and opportunity may at last inspire him with a desire to accept what may be again offer'd him The Mutineers of Germanicus's Legions had offer'd Germanicus their service being resolved to follow his Fortune if he would seize the Empire Ann. â— and consequently Tiberius had reason to be jealous of the Fidelity of Germanicus and of the Affection which these Legions had for him and Agâ—ippinae who was continually giving them largesse The Satisfaction which the Neapoliâ—ans had in the Goveâ—nment of Gonsalo Hernandez whom they styled by way of Eminence the Great Captain was the principal Cause of the Resolution that Ferdinand the Catholick took to make him return into Spain with hopes of being rewarded with the Office of Grand Master of the Order of St. Iamâ—s which was the highest Honour in the Kingdom command m Philip II. dealt with his Nephew Alexander Farnese almost after the same manner He sent him into France to the assistance of the League whilst his presence was absolutely necessary in the Low-Countreys where he had begun to re-establish the Royal Authority having obliged the Arch-Duke Matthias to return into Germany the Duke of Alonson into 〈◊〉 the Earl of Liecester into England and the Prince of Orange into Holland For his absence gave the Rebels new strength and was the Cause that they recovered a great part of what they had loâ—t So that Don Carlos Coloma had good reason to say that Philip II. acted herein against all the Rules of Policy Lib. 2 and 3. of his Wars of Flanders and to expose him at once to Hazards and Treachery in Provinces where he was a Stranger But the more he was hated by his Uncle and loved by the Soldiers the more he endeavoured to put an end to this War by a Decisive Battel in order to which he consider'd well with himself the Methods of Fighting and what had succeeded well or ill with him after three years War in this Country He found that the Germans were always beaten in pitch'd Battels and on even Ground that their advantages lay in Woods and Marshes in short Summers and early Winters That his Soldiers were more troubled at their long marches and the loss of their Arms than for the Wounds they had receiv'd That the Gauls were weary of furnishing Horses That his long train of Carriages was much exposed to
his own Words Commines utterly blames the Iourney which Alphonso V. King of Portugal made into France to procure assistance against Isabella Queen of Castille and Ferdinand of Aragon her Husband who had usurp'd this Crown from his Niece For during his long stay in France which was above a Year his affairs in Castille were chang'd where the Lords of the Kingdom who were almost all of his Party before his absence made their terms with Ferdinand and Isabella being weary of expecting succours from France and his return But that which he adds shews to what Princes expose themselves who go into another's Dominions The King of Portugal 's End saith he was that he suspected that the King Lewis XI had a design to seize him and deliver him up to his Enemy the King of Castile For this reason he disguised himself a third time being resolved to go away to Rome and to retire into a Monastery For he was asham'd to return into Castille or Portugal without having done any thing in France whither he went against the Opinion of many of his Council In this Habit he was taken by one Robinet le Beuf And half a Page after This King endeavour'd to marry his Niece to the Dauphine now Charles VIII in which he could not succeed Insomuch that his coming into France was to his great Prejudice and Trouble and was the Cause that he died soon after his return into Portugal His Memoris Lib. 5. Cap. 7. Paul Piasecki speaking of the Death of Cardinal Iohn Albert Brother to Uladisâ—aus King of Poland who travelâ—'d into Italy saith That the wisest Lords of the Kingdom condemn'd this Passion for travell as a thing unbecoming and alway fatal to great Princes and especially to the Sons of Kings Proceres prudentiores talem peregrinationem Princibus majoris nominis praecipue Regum filiis indignam improbabant And in the Margent Peregrinatio filiis Regum indecora periculosa In Chronico ad annum 1634. Add hereto That for the most part Princes return dissatisfy'd with those whose Countreys they have visited because almost always part of the Honours which they pretend to are contested with them For which reason most have had recourse to the Expedient of being Incognito during their stay in Foreign Countreys or their passage through them By opening the Publick Granaries he brought down the Price of Corn did many Popular things went abroad without Guards 2 Persons placed in high stations ought never to appear in publick without the Exterior Marks of their Power for although Authority is not in the Ensigns yet they are the Ensigns which attract the Veneration of the People to the Magistrates And it was partly for this Reason that they call'd the Duties which they render'd to the Emperors at Rome purpuram adorare And Mamertinus saith That the Guards which environ good Princes are not for the Defence of their Bodies but only to give some lustre to Majesty Non custodiae corporis sunt sed quidam imperatoriae majestatis solemnis ornatus Paneg. Iuliaâ—â— It is therefore becoming Princes and Great Magistrates to support Majesty by Exteriour Splendor which makes Admiration and Respect enter by the Eyes Commines speaking of the Interview of our Lewis XI and Henry IV. King of Castile saith That the Castilians made a Iest of Lewis because he was in a mean Habit and wore a Pitiful Hat with a Leaden Image on the top of it saying That it was for Covetousness And some lines after he saith That the Burgundians contemned the little train of the Emperor Frederick III. and the sorry Cloaths of the Germans His Meâ—oirs l. 2. c. 8. An instance that Princes and consequently Magistrates also have need to go with an Equipage suitable to their Grandeur if they will be respected Pagliari saith That that which obliged Pope Gregory XIV to give the red Cap to Cardinal Monks was that during his Cardinalship he had often observed the little respect that was given and even the Indignities which were sometimes offer'd to these venerable Prelates in the throng of great Ceremonies because having black Caps they were not sufficiently distinguish'd Observation 213. And it was for the same Reason that the late King gave the Pectoral Cross to the Bishops of France who it is said are beholding to the rudeness of the Swiss for it in Sandals b The Romans wore Buskins which reach'd up to the Calf of the Leg but the Graecians wore Shoes made almost like Slippers which left the upper part of the Foot uncover'd and in a Graecian Habit in imitation of Scipio who is said to have done the same in Sicily in the heat of the Carthaginian War Tiberius made some gentle Reflections on his Habit but severely reprimanded him for entring Alexandria without the Prince's Permission which was contrary to the Order of Augustus For Augustus amongst other Secrets of State had prohibited any Senators or Roman Knights that were of the Illustrious Rank to go into Aegypt without a Pass from the Emperor 3 Germanicus's intentions were good but his Imprudence brought them under suspicion His going into Aegypt without leave from Tiberius taught the Great Men of Rome to contemn the Prohibition of Augustus The opening of the Publick Granaries the affecting to go abroad without the Rods might very well appear criminal to Tiberius there being no vertues more dangerous than those which may create a Desire in an Unsteady and Changeable People to receive for their Master him who hath them for fear lest any one by making himself Master of that Province which having the Keys both of the Sea and Land c Aegypt is environ'd on the South with steep Mountains which serve for Walls and Bulwarks to it On the West and the East with Mountains and Desarts and on the North with a Sea that hath no Road nor Harbours Which makes it Inaccessible on all sides and consequently easie to defend Augustus who knew all the Conveniencies of this Province which was a Granary to Rome and all Italy would debar all the Great Men from acquaintance with it for fear lest any of them should take a Resolution to make himself Master thereof And this Vespasian did when he rebell'd against Vitellius Sciens Aegyptum plurimam esse partem imperii saith Iosephus eaque si potitus soret Vitellium dejiciendum sperabat Cogitabat etiam propugnacula sibi fore illam regionem adversus incerta fortunae nam terra difficilis accessu marique importuosa est Belli Iudaici l. 5. might be easily defended by a small Force against Numerous Armies should starve Italy 4 The Knowledge of the Situation and the Commodities of his Provinces and of the Manners of their Inhabitants is very necessary for a Prince for without this he will often be deceiv'd in the Choice of his Governors and send into a Province a Person who will raise nothing but Troubles there whereas if he had been sent into another he might
and Excesses are committed in remote Provinces of which the Governors and Principal Ministers would be hard put to it to shew their Orders These Ofâ—â—cers deserve double Punishment First for the abuse of their Power and Secondly for the Danger to which they expose the Prince by authorising with his Name and pretended Will such Acts of Injustice as make him pass for a Tyrant which is an Injury to him that can't be repair'd but by an Example that is capable to undeceive the People they will either not be believed or not acquitted His Friends taking him by the right Hand as he was ready to expire swore they would lose their own Lives but they would revenge his Death 11 The Christian Religion commands us to pardon the Injuries that are done to our selves but it doth not forbid us to avenge those that are done to our Friends when Iustice and the Laws are on their side The Gospel obliges us to the First and Civil Society to the Latter LXXIII Then Germanicus turning himself towards his Wife he beseech'd her That if she had any regard to his Memory and to the Interest of their common Children she would lay aside her haughty temper and submit her Mind to the severity of her Fortune lest at her return to Rome she should by a Vain Emulation exasperate those who were too powerful for her 1 We ought never to have any Competition with the Prince's Favourites or Ministers It is better to retire from Court than to enter the Lists with them If the Prince saith Cabrera hath chosen any one of those whom he loves to be his Chief Minister we ought to honour him according to the Rank which he holds and according to the Influence which he hath on his Prince It is advantageous to make him a Friend and on the contrary it is dangerous to judge whether he deserves the Place and Authority which is given him Remember the Brazen Image which Amasis King of Aegypt caus'd to be worshipp'd that was made of a Bason wherein he was wont to wash his Feeâ— and those words of Tacitus We adored the Collegue of your Consulship and him who represented your Person in the Administration of the Empire For otherwise there is no security for high Birth nor for great Merit which have always been suspected and hated by Favourites And it is not enough to say I will live at Court without Ambition without any Pretensions without Employment and without having any thing to do with any one for none that hear this believe any thing of it His History Lib. 7. Cap. 7. He adds that the Duke of Alva put in for the Government of the Low-Countries for no other reason but to get off from the Level with Cardinal Espinosa and Prince Râ—y Gomez whom â—avour made equal to him in Esteem and Credit although they were inferior to him in abilities Notwithstanding Cardinal Briconcet the Chief Minister of King Charles VIII had very small abilities and understood nothing at all of Military Affairs however saith Commines who knew much more of it than he when I was ill-treated in the beginning of this King's Reign I durst not intermeddle that I might not make any of those my Enemies to whom he gave Authority Memoirs Lib. 8. Cap. 5. It is with Men as with pieces of Money on which Princes set what value they please end consequently we must receive them according to their currency and not according to their intrinsick value Thus much he spoke publickly and something more in secret 2 When we speak of Princes we must speak of them with the utmost Caution It is not enough to distrust the Ears of those who are present we ought also to distrust their Eyes who read in the Countenance and the Looks all that of which they make a Mystery to them soon after which he expir'd to the great regret of the Province and the adjacent Countreys Foreign Kings and Nations Enemies as well as Allies lamented him 3 The most glorious Apotheosis of a Prince is to be lamented by his Subjects and honour'd with the Praises of Foreign Nations the Former for his Clemency and the Latter for his Courtesie His Presence and his manner of Speaking were graceful and drew respect and although he retain'd an air of Majesty 4 A General of an Army should have an aspect mingled with Sweetness and Severity for Soldiers contract a sort of Fierceness which often carries them to Sedition if they are not restrain'd by an air of Authority which strikes an awe upon them The Roman Historians have observed That this Mixture in Hannibal was the Foundation of his Greatness and Reputation suitable to his high Birth and Character yet he never incurr'd Envy nor the Suspicion of Arrogance LXXIV His Funerals were not solemniz'd with Images and Pomp but with publick Praises and the Commemoration of his Virtues 1 The Name of Princes is always immortal by reason of the Greatness of their Office which is the Cause that all their Actions good or bad are written on the Records of Posterity But there is this Difference betwixt those who have abused their Power and those who have discharged the Duties of their Station that the Memory of the Former is Inâ—amous for ever whereas that of the Latter is always Glorious and Triumphant So they need not raise Pyramids and Mausolaeums if they have been Virtuous for the Memory of their Virtues in Eternal and their Monuments are as many in number as there are People who read their History and as there are Princes who follow their Example And there were some who compar'd him with Alexander 2 In all times Warlike Princes and Great Captains have been compared with Alexander as if there was not a more perfect Model to propose for Arms than this Conqueror He must saith a Learned Prelate be found in all our Panegyricks and it seems by a sort of Fatality glorious to his Name that no Prince can receive Praises but he must have a share in them M. de Meaux in the Funeral Oration of Lewis Prince of Coâ—de for his Beauty and his Age the Manner of his Death and the Nearness of the Places where they dy'd For they were both very Handsome and of Illustrious Birth Neither of them lived much above thirty Years and they both died in a Foreign Country by the Treachery of some of their own People m Strada reports That the Flemmings compared Don Iohn of Austria the Son of Charles V. with Germanicus for Beauty and Gracefulness for Years which were 33 for Exploits in War performed by each in divers places bordering on Holland for having been both suspected by their Princes and for having ended their days by an untimely Death History of Low-Countrys Deâ—ad 1. Lib. 10. But Germanicus was courteous to his Friends moderate in his Pleasures contented with one Wife 3 Chastity is a Virtue so much the more praise-worthy in Princes â—s
to the Universal Hatred by openly rejoycing at the Death of a Great Man whom all the People lament What did Piso and Pâ—ancina mean who did not conceal their Ioy for a Death which they were believed to be the Authors of and which their Enemies already began to revenge This shews that Hatred is the most indiscreet of all Passions and Plancina who was yet morâ— insolent left off the Mourning upon it she was in for her Sister and put on a Gay Habit n Ann of Boulen Second Wife to Henry VIII King of England did the same thing when she received the News of the Death of Queen Catherine whose place she had taken Burnet's History of the Reformation Part 1. Book 3 The Duke of Maienne had the Insolence to take the Green Scaâ—â—â— in token of Ioy the Day that he heard of the Death of Henry III. LXXVII The Centurions coming to him assured him That the Legions were at his Devotion and that therefore his best course was to return to the Province of Syria which was now without a Governor and whereof he was unjustly dispossess'd Whereupon consulting what was best to be done his Son Marcus Piso was of Opinion That he ought to hasten to Rome o We shall see in the following Book that Piso deeply resented that he had not follow'd this Wise Counsel Uâ—inâ—m ego potius filio jâ—â—â—eni quam ille paâ—râ— sâ—ni cessissâ—t That there was nothing done yet which might not be answer'd That slight Suspicions and uncertain Reports were not to be fear'd That his Differences with Germanicus 1 It is easie to justifie ones self to the Prince for being at Variance with a Great Man whom he hath always hated When the Noblemen at Court fail'd in their respect to the Duke of Alenzon which happen'd every day Henry III. more willingly heard their Excuses than the Complaints of his Brother to whom he had a Natural Aversion deserv'd perhaps a Reprimand but not Punishment especially since he had given his Enemies the Satisfaction they desir'd by quitting Syria But to return thither in opposition to Sentius would be to begin a Civil War 2 How good a Right soever a Man hath he ought to beware of maintaining it when Damage may ensue thence to the Prince and Trouble to the State wherein he could not rely much on the Fidelity of the Captains and the Soldiers who had the Memory of their Beloved General Germanicus fresh in their Minds 3 A Governor or a General of an Army ought not to expect much Fidelity from an Army which hath been wholly devoted to his Predecessor and which knows that he is accus'd of the Death of him whom they lament and an indeliable Affection for the Caesars LXXVIII His great Confident Domitius Celer was of a contrary Opinion and represented to Piso That he ought to make use of the Occasion That Piso and not Sentius was the Rightful Governor of Syria That to him only the Legions and the Fasces with the Authority of Praetor had been committed If any acts of Hostility should ensue who could with greater Iustice take Arms than he who had received his Commission of Lieutenant-General and his Orders immediately from the Emperor That time dissipates false Reports 1 There is not a more Sovereign Remedy against Calumnies than Time which sooner or later discovers the Truth When any one is Calumniated to the Prince by Persons in Authority it is safer for him to keep at a Distance than to come to justifie himself before passionate and preposâ—ess'd Iudges and that Innocence it self is oftentimes over born by Envy in its first heat 2 Innocence is not a sufficient Guard against the People when they have hated a Man a long time The Voice of the People hath oftâ—n oppressed Innocent Persons without any other ground but that of a Superstitious Opinion which is rooted in the Minds of many that the Voice of the People is the Voice of God For one time that the People have spoken Truth it will be found that they have a Hundred times maintain'd Injustice and Falshood but if he were at the head of an Army and augmented his Forces 3 It is a common saying That whosoever hath Strength iâ— commonly in the Right Chance might bring many things to pass which could not be foreseen 4 There are occasions where the Nature of Affairs allow not time for Deliberation it is necessary to take a sudden Resolution and to leave the rest to Fortune But why are we in such haste to get to Rome Is it that we may arrive there together with the Ashes of Germanicus and the Lamentations of Agrippina that you may be torn to pieces unheard and undefended by the first fury of the giddy Multitude 'T is true Livia is your Accomplice and you are in favour with Tiberius 5 Princes take no great care to skreen the Ministers of their Cruelties from Iustice and the rather because by abandoning them they give occasion to have it believed or at least doubted that these are the true Authors thereof Besides they do not desire to see them again whose presence can't but reproach their Injustice It was for these Reasons that Philip II. abandon'd his Secretary Anthony Perez and suffer'd him to be try'd for the Murther of Iohn de Escovedo but they 'l not dare to protect you openly and none will mourn for Germanicus with greater Ostentation than those who rejoyce most at his Death 6 Princes and Courtiers are more dextrous in dissembling their Ioy then even their Hatâ—ed When any one is suspected by them or gives them Iealousie their Countenance oâ—ten betrays their Thoughts because the Emotion of the Heart difâ—uses it self to the Eyes which according to Polybius are the Interpreters of our Passions but when they are deliver'd from their Enemies it is not difficult for them outwardly to act that Part which Policy dictates Eliâ—abeth Queen of England after she had caus'd the Queen of scots to be beheaded lamented her Death as it she had had no hand in it and order'd magnificent Obsequies for her at London and at Peterborough where she was buried beside Queen Katherine the first Wife of Henry VIII Posâ—cki's 〈◊〉 ann 1588. Madam de Nevers saith Queen Margaret being come with us to the Lodgings of the Queen of Navarre who in her life time had hated her above all people and betwixt whom no reconciliation could be made approach'd the Bed where the Body of the Deceas'd lay and after many humble and great Reverences taking her hand kiss'd it Her Memoirs Lib. 1. LXXIX Piso who was naturally inclin'd to violent Counsels was without any great Difficulty gain'd to this Opinion 1 To sound Men's Hearts and to know their Nature to the Bottom we need only observe what Counsâ—ls they are govern'd by Upon which he wrote Letters to Tiberius wherein having accused Germanicus of Luxury and Pride and of
uncertainty of Sea and Tempest a For all their Corn came out of Egypt and consequently by Sea and were it not for the Plenty of the Provinces 't is not our Farms and Possessions would maintain us and our Slaves These My Lords are the Cares employ your Prince without which the Commonwealth could not subsist For the rest every Man should apply the Remedy himself let Shame amend us Necessity the Poor and Saâ—iety the Rich 5 Pleasures leave us when they entertain no longer Many Voluptuouâ— Persons become Abstemious because they want new Pleaâ—ures But if any of the Magistrates finds he has Courage and Ability enough to put a stop to this Evil I shall be glad of his Help and shall own he eases me of a great part of my Labour But if they only complain of these Faults and think to gain themselves Credit and raise me Hatred and then leave me I assure you My Lords I will not make my self Enemies to no purpose 1 There is this Difference betwixt a Prince and his Ministers The Prince should avoid all he can what may draw upon him the Hatred of the People or of the Great Mâ—n because the keeping his Authority depends upon the Affection of his Subjects On the other side his Ministers being obliged by the Duty of their Places to sacrifice their particular Interests to the Publick Good and their Master's Service are never to suppress any good Advice for fear it should make them odious to the People or to the Great Men For according to Richelieu the Probity of a Minister of State should be Proof against all Interests and so constant that neither Calumnies nor Opposition should discourage him doing well nor turn him from those Ends he has propos'd to himself for the good of the State Chap. dernier de la premiere Partie du Testament Politique Cardinal d'Ossat speaking of a Knight of Malta â—â—om whose Importunity he could not quit himself without promising tho' coldly to recommend him to Henry IV. of France for a Favour he unseasonably ask'd I repent my self says he and will another time conquer this Pâ—sillanimity without exposing again the Impertinences of such Imporâ—uners nor my own cowardly shame to reâ—use them Letter 197. and though I may have many and for the most part unjustly 2 It is common for Princes to do well and their Subjects to approach them There are scarce any Princes have Iustice done them wâ—ile they live because Men naturally hate those whose Authority they fear for the Commonwealth I desire I may not make my self more when it is neither of Advantage to you nor me LVI After these Letters were read the Aediles were discharged that Care And the Luxury in their Tables which had been very profuse from the End of the Battle at Actium till the Accession of Servius Galba to the Empire that is for about 100 Years b The Battle at Actium was in the Year of the City 724. and Gâ—lbâ— came to the Empire in the Year 822 was by Degrees left of 3 In France Excess in Entertainments begins to moderate but it is to give place to another Extravagance in their Cloaths and Furniture which is more dangerous 'T is this has so multiplied Ladies that Persons of Quality and Birth are not to be discover'd from Citizens Wives and Daughters but by their Civility and Modesty In the last Age the first Presidents de Thou and de Harlay were content to â—at upon Pewter now the meanâ—st Officers of the Revenue are served in Plate The Chancellor de Bellievre gave his Daughters only 20000 Livres now one of the King's Farmers gives his 100000. Adeo praecipiti cursu a virtute descitum ad vitiâ— transcursum The Causes of this Change were these Formerly the most considerable Families for their Birth or Riches were ruined by their Magnificence For then they were permitted to court the People their Allies and Princes and be courted by them And the more splendid any man was in his Houses Furniture and Attendants it gained him the greater Reputation and more Clients c People that made Court to Great Men for their Protection But after they began to murder one another and their Greatness was a Crime 4 Great Reputation is as dangerous as ill Reputation If it revives the Dead it often makes the Living die Princes cannot bear Merit that is too much taken notice of It is therefore a great piece of Knowledge to know how to conceal it well not only from the Prince but from the People whose Applauses are fatal others grew wisers And new Men that were oft taken into the Senate from the free Towns the Colonies and Provinces brought with them the Frugality they had been used to and though several through Fortune or Industry had great Riches in their Old Age yet they never chang'd their manner of living But Vespasian was chiefly the Occasion of this Frugal way of living who conforming himself to the ancient Economy rais'd in every Man a desire of Imitation 5 Nothing establishes Virtue more than the good Life of a Prince which is a speaking Law and prevails more than all they make If it be true that whatsoever Fault a Prince commits he oâ—â—ends more by his ill Example than the Nature of it â—is not less certain that let him make what Laws he will if he practises what he prescribes his Example will go as far to make them executed as the Penalty he lays A Prince that never Swears shall sooner suppress Swearing and Blasphemies among his People than the Security of his Magistrates against those are subject to such Impieties Chap. 1. de la second partie du Testament Politique which prevailed more than all the Laws or Fear of Punishment Unless there be a Circulation in all things that Manners change as well as Times and Seasons all things were not better formerly 6 All our Veneration is for what is past and we despise the Present for the Present Troubles and Disquiets us with Objects that displease when what is past instructs us without shewing us any thing we can repine at or that can put us into ill Humour It is certain as the Word is fram'd we should judge the same of those we admire because they were some Ages before us as we do of our Contemporaries for Vices are as old as Men. than now and our Age has set Examples worthy Praise and Imitation But let such Disputes continue between us and our Ancestors LVII Tiberius having got a Reputation for his Moderation for suppressing Informers d That would have Inform'd against their Luxuâ—y writ to the Senate to make Drusus Tribune 7 When Princâ—s have done any thing that gives them Reputation they are wont to maâ—e use of it as a Right to obtain what they desire and they generally succeed in the first Heat of popular Applause Augustus found out this Title instead of that of King
their Agreements so by a common Consent their Appointments The Night here seems to guide the Day This Error proceeds from the Liberty they take because they do not meet all at once or upon Command both the second and third Day is wasted by the Delay of their convening They sit down arm'd if the Company approves on 't Silence is commanded by the Priests in whom there is lodg'd then the Coercive Power By and by the King or Prince according to every one's Age their Quality Reputation gain'd in the Wars or Talent in Rhetorick are heard more by the Authority of Perswading than the Power of Commanding if the Opinion displeases it s rejected by a Murmuring if it pleases they clash their Weapons It s the most honourable Manner of Assent to applaud it with their Arms. It 's also lawful to accuse and arraign before the Council The Difference of the Punishment is from the Nature of the Crimes Traytors and Revolters they hang on Trees the Sloathful Timerous and Sodomitical they drown in Mire and Marshes throwing Hurdles upon them The Diversity of the Punishment respects this that Villanies when punish'd ought to be expos'd Scandals conceal'd But for lesser Faults being convicted for the Manner of their Penalty they are fined such a number of Horses and Cattle part of the Mulct goes to the King or City part to him who is injur'd or distributed amongst his Relations Persons of the best Quality are also elected with those Councils who do Iustice to the Towns and Villages A hundred Associates are assistant to every one of them out of the Commonalty together with their Advice and Authority They act nothing of private or publick Business unarm'd but it s not the Custom for any one to go arm'd till the City has adjudg'd him qualified Then in the Council-Chamber some one of the greatest Dignity or his Father or his Relation equips him with a Bucklâ—r and Sword This amongst them is their Gown this is the first Honour of their Youth but before this they seem only part of the Family but now of the Commonwealth A noble Extraction or the great Deserts of the Fathers recommend these young Men to the Favour of their Prince They associate with others that are more robust and long since approv'd Neither do they blush to be seen amongst their Companions although he has his Post in the Retinue at his Discretion whom they follow There 's a great Emulation amongst them who shall be chief Favourite to their Prince and amongst the Princes who shall have the most and the bravest Followers This is their Grandeur these their Forces to be encompass'd with a great Guard of select Youth their Honour in Peace and their Defence in War It gives a Name and a Reputation to every one not only in his own Country but also amongst their Neighbouring Princes if the Associates excel in Number and Courage They 're also apply'd to in Embassies and courted by Presents and for the most part by their very Fame dispatch their Wars When they come into the Field of Battle its dishonourable to the Prince to be overcome in Bravery and for his Retinue too not to equalize the Courage of their Prince But above all things its infamous and during Life reproachful to flie and survive their General slain Their principal Oath is to defend and protect him and attribute all their valiant Actions to his Conduct and Glory The Princes fight for Victory their Adherents for their Princes If the City in which they were born grows stiff and unactive by a long Peace and Repose most of the young Noblemen go Voluntiers into those Nations which are then engag'd in War because also Quiet is ungrateful to that Nation and with the more Facility they grow Famous amongst dubious Enterprizes nor can they maintain their great Attendance unless by Violence and War They obtain from the Liberality of their Prince such a War-Horse and such a bloody conquering Sword As to Banquets although homely yet a plentiful Table they allow instead of a Salary The Supply of their Munificence proceeds from War and Rapine Nor can you so easily perswade them to Till the Ground and wait for a good Year as to challenge the Enemy and receive Wounds for it looks lazy and dispirited to acquire that by hard Labour which may be compass'd by Blood When they have no War they pass not their time so much in Hunting as Idleness being much addicted to Sleep and Gluttony The most Valiant and Warlike doing nothing at all committing the Care of their House Gods and Fields to their Women and Children and to the most inâ—irm of the Family They have a wonderful Contrariety in their Nature for those Persons who take such delight in Idleness have an aversion to Quiet It s the Custom in those Cities for every Man freely to bestow on their Princes either of their Herds or Fruits which is taken for a Favour and besides supplies their Necessities They take great Delight in the Presents of Neighbouring Nations which are not only sent from particular Persons but from the Publick as choice Horses large Armours Trappings and Chains And we have been inform'd they now receive Money It s very well known that Cities arâ— not inhabited by the Germans nor do they indeed suffer Houses to be join'd together They plant themselves separately and divided as the Spring Field or Wood pleases them best They found their Villages not according to our Manner with connex'd and contiguous Buildings Every one leaves a Space about his House either as a Remedy against any Accident of Fire or from their Unskilfulness in Building They use no Tyles or Mortar amongst them but make use of in all things a shapeless Stuff without either Form or Delight Some Places they curiously parget with an Earth so pure and shining that it imitates a Picture or the first Draught of Colours They are wont to open Subterranean Caves and those they cover with a great Quantity of Dung which serves as a Refuge in Winter and a Granary and when the Enemy advances he ravages the open Country But those things which are conceal'd or lie hid under Ground they are either ignorant of or for that Reason are deceiv'd because they are to be search'd for Their Cloathing is a loose Coat join'd together with a Button but for want of that with a Thorn Being uncover'd as to any thing else they lie basking whole Days upon the Hearth by the Fire The most wealthy are distinguish'd by a Garment not flowing like the Sarmathians and Parthians but close and representing every Ioint They wear also the Skins of wild Beasts those next the Sea-side with less Curiosity but those that are higher in the Country are more nice as having no other Attire by Commerce They make choice of the Beasts and having taken off their Hides spot them with the Skins of those Monsters which the outermost Ocean and the unknown Sea produces Nor have
Prisoners Carbo and Cassius and Scaurus Aurelius and Servilius Cepio and also Marcus Manlius have moreover destroy'd Five Consulary Armies from Rome and Varus with his three Legions sent by Caesar Neither has Caius Marius in Italy the Divine Iulius in Gaul Drusus Nero and Germanicus assaulted them in their own Habitations without Danger Not long after the great Threatnings of Caesar were turn'd into Ridicule From this time there was a setled Peace 'till by the Opportunity of our Discord and Civil Wars they had won by Assault the Winter-Camps of the Legions and also attempted Gaul And being again from thence repuls'd were afterward rather triumph'd over than conquer'd Now we must treat of the Suâ—vians of whom there is not only one Nation as of the Catti and Tenecteri for they take up the major part of Germany divided as yet by Countries and distinct Names although in general they may be call'd Suevians It s the Mark of the Nation to curl their Hair and tie it in a Knot So are the Suevians distinguish'd from the rest of the Germans so are the Free-born of the Suevians from the Vassals So in other Countries whether from the Alliance of the Suevians or which often happens in imitation and that seldom and whilst they are young too Amongst the Suevians even till they 're Grey they tie their brisly Hair behind and oftentimes upon the Crown of the Head only Their Princes wear it more exact Such innocent Care they take of their Beauty Nor do they do it out of a Design that they may make Love or be beloved They go into Battle with their Hair comb'd high and for a Terror and are so trimm'd up in view of their Enemies The Semnones report That they are the most Ancient and Noble of the Suevians The Truth of their Antiquity is confirm'd by their Religion At a set time all the People of one Blood assemble by their Embassies in a Wood Sacred by the Oracles of their Ancestors and by an ancient Veneration and celebrate the horrid Beginnings of their barbarous Rites by publickly killing a Man There is also another Reverence paid to that Grove no one enters into it unless bound like an inferior Person and professing openly the Power of their God If by chance he falls down it 's not lawful to be taken away or rise up but he is roll'd off the Ground And thither all their Superstition tends and from thence were deriv'd the Origine of their Nation that there was a God Ruler of all that all beside were subject and obeying The Success of the Semnones gives this Authority They inhabit a Hundred Villages and compose so great a Body that they believe themselves the Head of the Suevians On the other hand the small Number they have makes famous the Longobards because being encompass'd with many and very powerful Nations they are safe themselves not by a Compliance but by Battles and Hazards Moreover the Reudigui and Aviones and Angli and Varini and Eudoses and Suardones and Nuithones are fortify'd by Rivers and Woods Neither is there any thing remarkable in particular but that they in common Worship Herthum that is their Mother-Earth and believe she ininterposes in the Affairs of Mankind There is a Sacred Wood in an Island of the Ocean and a Chariot dedicated in it cover'd with a Garment allow'd to be touch'd but by one Priest He understands when the Goddess is come to her Retiring Room and follows her drawn by Cows with much Veneration Then are their Days of Rejoycing and Festival Places which she vouchsafes to honour with her Presence whatsoever she reputes worthy of her Arrival and Friendship They make no Wars put on no Armor all their Arms are lock'd up Peace and Tranquility is only then known then only belov'd 'till the same Priest returns the Goddess to her Temple satiated with the Conversation of Mortals presently after the Chariot and Vestments and if you 'll Credit it the Deity her self is wash'd in a secret Lake Bond-men attend whom the same Lake immediately swallows up from hence there 's a mystical Terror and a holy Ignorance that should be which they only see who are just perishing And this part of the Sâ—evi is extended into the very Heart of Germany the nearer that I may after the same Method as I did a little before follow the Rhine so I may now the Danube is the City of the Hermunduri faithful to the Romans and therefore to these of all the Germans is Traffick allow'd not only upon the Bank but in the Bowels of the Country and in the most flourishing Colony of the Province of Rhaetia They go where they please without a Guard and whereas to other Nations we shew only our Arms and Incampments to these we throw open our Houses and Villa's they not so much as coveting them Amongst the Hermunduri the River Albis rises formerly very famous and much known now it s scarcely heard of Hard by the Hermunduri the Narissi and further on the Marcomani and Quadi live The highest Reputation and Power the Marcomani have acquir'd by their Valour and also their Habitation having in times pass'd driven out the Boii Neither do the Narisci or Quadi degenerate and this is as it were the Entrance of Germany so far as it s cover'd by the Danube The Marcomani and Quadi even within Memory had Kings of their own Nation The Noble Race of the Marobodui and Turdi and even now they submit to be govern'd by Foreigners but the Force and Power of their Kings is deriv'd from the Roman Authority They are seldom assisted with our Arms tho' oâ—ten with our Money Neither are the Mâ—rsigni 〈◊〉 Osi Burii which lie at the Back of the Mâ—â—â—omani and Quadi of less Power of whom the â—arsigni and Burii in Speech and Habit resemble the Suevii The Gallican Language convinces that 〈◊〉 Gothini the Pannonian that the Osi are not 〈◊〉 Germans because they submit to Taxâ—â—â— Part of their Tribute the Sarmates other part the Quadi impose on them as upon Foreigners The Gothini to their Disgrace also dig up Iron And all these have seiz'd little of the Champaigne but Forests and the Tops and Heights of Mountains for a continued Ledge of Hills separates and divides Suevia beyond which many Nations dwell out of which the Names of the Lygii is the most 〈◊〉 â—o many Cities It may suffice to instance the Arii Helveconi Manimi Elusiii Naharvali as the most Potent Amongst the Naharvali a Grove of the Ancient Religion is shewn a Priest presides in Womanish Attire but they report That the Gods were Castor and Pollux by a Roman Construction the Name of that Deity is Alcis There are no Images no Monuments of a Foreign Superstition notwithstanding as Brothers as young Men they are worshipp'd But the Arii over and above their Forces in which they surpass those People that are little before reckon'd up are Cruel and with Art and Time set off their innate
Augustus Ib. Visits the Antiquities of Thebes 251 Is Honoured with a small Triumph 257 Falls Sick 264 His Recovery and Relapse Ibid. His last Letter 265 His last Discourse 266 His last Advice to his Wife 268 His Death 269 His Praise Ib. His Parallel with Alexander 269 His Death reproached to Tiberius and the Empress 279 Universally lamented 280 299 His Name Sung by the Salian Priests 281 His Statues and Altars Ibid. His Regiment 282 His Sister brought to Bed of two Boys to the great Displeasure of the People and why 282 His Wife comes to Rome with his Urn. 290 His Funeral Ibid. Compared with the Funeral of his Father 293 His Death differently reported 310 Gracchus Sempronius Adulterer with Iulia a Wiâ—e of Tiberius his Death 105 H. Haterius offends Tiberius by an imprudent Question 41 Obtains his Favour by the Protection of the Empreâ—â— 42 43 His Invective against Luxury 201 A Flatterer 361 Reprov'd by Tiberius 363 Helvius Rufus a common Soldier had the Civic Crown given him by Tiberius 313 Haemus a Mountain 340 Heniochians a People of Asia 263 Hercules The Egyptians say the true Hercules was of their Country 251 Hircania of Macedonia overturn'd by an Earthquake 231 Hortalus Grandson of Hortensius the Orator addresses himself to the Senate to be relieved in his Poverty 208 209 The Inclination of the Senate causes Tiberius to reâ—use him 210 The Senate thereupon Murmurs 212 Tiberius to Conteâ—t them gives a certain Sum of Money to the Children of Hortalus Ibid. I. Iâ—dus Iulius deâ—eats â—lorus 343 Iunia Sister of Brutus her Testament Death and Funeral 383 384 Inguiomer Arâ—iâ—ius his Nephew draws her into the Revolt against the Romans 119 The Advice of the Uncle preferred before that of the Nephew 131 Both of them beaten by Cecina in one Battle 132 And by Germanicus in another 180 Inguiomer abandons Arminius whom he would not obey 225 And joyns with Maroboduus his Nephewâ— greatest Enemy ib. Iews Are commanded to renounce their Superstitious Ceremonies or to go out of Italy 283 284 Iulia Daughter of Augustus her Misery and Death 104 Iulia Daughter of Germanicus and Agrippina her Birth 240 Iunius the Regiment called by his Name takes the Name of Germanicus in honour of that Prince 282 K. Kings first governed Râ—mâ— L. Labio esteemed for his freedom of Speech 382 Lentulus a Man of Authority the Soldiers will kill him why 62 Lepidus a Triumvir 7 Degenerates through idleness 28 Is deceived by Augustus 31 Lepidus Marius desends his Sister 314 Accused as a Coward and beggarly 331 The Senate of a contrary Opinion sends him into Asia 331 332 Lepidus Marcus judged worthy of the Empire by Augustus 40 Excuses himself from being Proconsul 330 Pleads for Priscus 350 Libo Drusus accused of plotting against the State 194 No body found that will undertake his Defence 198 Implores the Mercy of Tiberius but in vain ib. Kills himself 200 Several Opinions concerning him ib. Livia Wife of Augustus causes Agrippa to be banished 10 Suspected to have poisoned her Husband 14 The Iulian Family 23 Flattered by the Senate and lessened by her Son 43 An Enemy to Agrippina 74 Gives too much Authority to Urgulania her Favourite 204 Complains of L. Piso. ib. Vexes Agrippina by the Wife of Cn. Piso. 223 Privately protects Plancina 304 Iâ— dangerously ill 369 Affronts Tiberius 369 Law Iulian against Adulterers 235 Law of High-Treason revived by Tiberius â—39 It s Progress 141 A Supplement in all Accusations 339 Laws Oppian broke by the Women 333 Their Rigour moderated 334 Law Papia Poppâ—â— against Celibacy 319 Moderated 326 Laws Sumptuary neglected 352 355 Laws Agrariae blamed by those who made them 30 Laws their Original 320 Their Number infinite when the Commonwealth is corrupt 324 Lollius M. deâ—eated in Germany 3â— Accused as the Author of Cai. Caesar's Sedition and Lewdness 349 Lucilius a Centurion slain by reason of his Violences 57 Lueius Son of Agrippâ— declared Prince of the Youth and designed Consul 9 His Death ib. Luxury 2 Senators demand Reformation of it 201 Another opposes it and his Advice preferred 202 The Ediles desire the Senate to prevent it 352 The Senate refer it to the Prince ibid. His excellent Answer 353 By degrees leâ—t off in the Reign of Galba 358 The ancient Frugality returned in the time of Vâ—spasiâ—â— 359 M. Macedonia discharged of the Proconsular Government 148 Romans ill Success against it 242 Alexander valiant but exceeded by Germanicus in Clemency Temperance c. 271 Formidable to the Atheniâ—â—â— 255 Magi and Astrologers banished out oâ— Italy 201 Magnesia a City of Asia overturn'd by an Earthquake 221 Receives Succour from Tiberius ib. Mâ—lovendus General of the Marsâ— surrenders himself to the Romans and declares the place where one of the Eagles of the Legions of Varus was kept 191 Malaginensis a Priest of Iupiter dâ—sited the Government of Asia 361 Tiberius his Answer 3â—â— Example for Bishops Reflect 2 ib. Marcellus Nephew of Augustus râ—is'd being young to the Dignity of Pontificate and Edile â— Marcellus Granâ—us Praetor of Bithinia accused of High-Treason 142 And of Mismanagement of the publick Treasure 145 Marcomanni People of Germany plundered by Catualdâ— 254 Maroboduus King of the Suâ—vi the Semnons and Lombards â—evolt from him 225 He demands Succour from Tiberius against Arminius 229 His Retreat into Italy where setting too great Value on his Life made him contemptible 256 Marsi People of Germany conquered by the Romans under the command of Germanicus 101 Beaten by Cecina 113 Pillaged again by Germanicus 19â— Marsus Vib. disputes with another Senator the Government of Syria 271 Summons Piso to give an account of his Actions to the Senate 277 Martia a Secret which she reveals to the Empress costs her Husband his Life 16 Martina a famous Poisoneâ— Favourite of Planâ—ina sent to Rome 272 Her sudden Death 296 Martius P. Astrologer put to Death 201 Martium Capital City of the â—atti burnt by Germanicus 113 Mazippas Head of the Moors joins with Tacfarinas to War against the Romans 237 Meâ—â—â—on his Statue gives an articulate sound when struck with the Rays of the Sun 252 Menmâ—us Mareschal de Camp by a couragious Resolution reduces the Soldiers to their Obedience 82 Merulas Cornelius 362 Messalinus Coâ—ta his Advice against the Memory of Libo 200 Messalinus Valer. defends the Women 333 His Discourse seconded by Drusus 335 Myrinâ— a City of Asia overturned by an Earthquake 231 Musa Aemilâ—a her Possessions confiscated given by Tiberius to Emillus Lâ—pidus Musulans a powerful and warlike Nation in Aâ—rica war against the Romans under the command of Tacâ—arinas 236 N. Nero dispensed with for the Vigintivirate 326 Pontifical Dignity bestowed upon him 327 His marrying Iulia. encreased the Ioy of the Roman people ib. Naupâ—rtum a Municipal City plundered 53 Nile its Mouth consecrated to Hercules 251 Lakes cut in the Ground to receive its Waters 252 〈◊〉 the City where Augustus died 16 Numa established Divine Worship 321