case is condemn'd So it was enacted by Philip the Second and once when his Grandson Philip the Fourth your Highness's Father was present in Council upon a Debate of a Case relating to the Exchequer neither the Judges wanted Integrity to give it against him nor his Majesty Temper to hear it without Resentment Happy is that State in which the Prince's Cause is the worst 28 Quae gloria tua est praecipua saepe vincitur Fiscus cujus mala causa nunquam est nisi sub bono principe Plin. in Pan. EMBLEM XXII THough the Peoples Consent confers the Power of Justice upon Princes they receive it immediately from God as being his Vicars in Temporal Affairs They are the Royal Eagles the Ministers of Iove 1 For he is the Minister of God to thee for good but if thou do that which is evil â—e afraid for he beareth not the Sword in vain Rom. 13. 4. who Administer his Thunder and supply his place in punishing Vice and administring Justice in which they have need of three Qualities of the Eagle sharpness of Sight to inspect Crimes swiftness of Wing for Execution and strength of Talons that they main't fail therein The Injury done by a certain Nobleman to a poor Peasant though in the remotest Corner of Galicia could not escape the quick sight of King Alphonso the Seventh call'd Emperor who disguising himself went immediately to punish him with such speed that he apprehended him before he knew any thing of his coming O lively and ardent Soul of the Law to be himself Judge and Executioner to satisfy an Injury done to a poor Peasâ—nt and to punish the unjust Oppression of the Grandee The same did King Ferdinand the Catholick who being at Medina went privately to Salamanca and seized Roderigo Maltonado who exercis'd great-Oppressions in the Castle of Monleon 2 Mâ—r. Hist. of Spain Who would ever transgress the Laws if he always fear'd such a surprise One such as this would frighten and reform a whole Kingdom But it is not always expedient for Majesty it self to imitate such Examples When the State of the Kingdom is well settled when the Courts of Judicature are open and the fear of the Law is fresh and lively 't is sufficeint for a Prince to see Justice administer'd by his Ministers But when all is in Confusion when Obedience staggers when the King's Authority is slighted as 't was in those times then some such suddain and severe Punishment will be seasonable that the People may know the Power of their Prince and understand that as in a Humane Body so in a Kingdom the Soul of Majesty is all in all and all in every part Yet 't will be very necessary to moderate this severity when the Distemper is inveterate and the Kingdom confirm'd in Vice for if Virtue should be too severe upon Vice and endeavour to reform all at once 't would be esteem'd rather Cruelty than Justice Time must recruit that which time has weakned to precipitate a Cure is dangerous and may make the Prince experience the Rage of the incens'd Multitude Connivance and Dexterity is often more effectual than force In this King Ferdinand the Catholick was excellent and by this King Peter was deceiv'd who relying wholly upon Severity got the Name of Cruel Though Justice be one single Virtue yet has it various Effects according to the difference of time Sometimes the People wholly reject it and become more Insolent sometimes they acknowledge the damage of their excess and co-operate with the Prince to remedy it and suggest the most severe means against their own Liberty by which the Prince acquires the Name of Just without danger Let not a Prince remit the Punishment of such Offences against the Government in which few are concern'd but pardon those in which many are involv'd Agrippa being put to Death in the Isle of Planasia by the Order of Tiberius a certain Slave who was very like him stealing away his Ashes pretended that he was Agrippa the Romans believ'd it the Report spread and caus'd a Tumult with evident danger of a Civil War Tiberius caus'd the Slave to be apprehended and put to Death privately and though many Gentlemen and Senators of his own Family were said to have assisted him with Money and Advice 3 Et quanquam multi ex ejus domâ— equites ac senatores sustentasse opibus juvisse consillis dicerentur Tac. 2. Ann. yet would he suffer none to speak in his behalf Thus Prudence triumph'd over Cruelty and by Silence and Connivence he appeas'd the Disorder Let a Prince pardon small Offences and punish great ones sometimes let him be content with Repentance which Tacitus commended in Agricola 4 Parvis peccatis 〈◊〉 magnis severitatem commendare nec poena semper sed saepiùs pâ—nitentia contentus esse Tac. in Vit. Agâ—ic He is not the best Governor who punishes with most Severity but he who pardons with such Discretion and Circumspection as not to give any occasion to the Delinquents to transgress again No body commends a Chirurgeon for cutting off many Legs and Arms no body hates a Prince for punishing provided he does it with Reluctancy and Grief but him who delights in it and eagerly carps at all opportunities of doing it To punish for Example and amendment is Mercy but to do it through Passion or Avarice is Tyranny Let not a Prince suffer any one to think himself so great and free from the Laws as to dare to oppose the Ministers of Justice and those who represent its Power and Authority for so the Pillar of Justice can't stand secure 5 Hanc P. C. curam sustinet Princeps hâc omissâ sunditus Remp. trahet Tac. 3. Ann. when such boldness once takes place contempt will by degrees undermine it and bring it to the Ground The chief Foundation of the Spanish Monarchy and that which has rais'd it to such an height and keeps it so is the inviolable Observation of Justice and Rigour by which its Kings have always taken care to make it respected and esteem'd of all No Violation of it goes unpunish'd though great be the Dignity and Authority of the Delinquent A certain Judge at Corduba was by the Command of King Ferdinand the Catholick enquiring into some Misdemeanor whom when the Marquiss of Puego had arrested the King so resented it that all the Signal Services of that Family of Corduba could not hinder him from punishing him very severely afterwards he put himself wholly into his Majesty's Hands by the Advice of the Great Captain who seeing the heinousness of the Crime which would not admit of Pardon wrote to him to cast himself at the King's Feet by which he might perhaps expiate his Crime but if not he would certainly be ruined 6 Mar Hist of Spain Nor ought a Prince only to punish Crimes committed against his own Person or during his Reign but those also which were acted in the last though
discordias habeant Tac. 11. Annal. and sometimes sets up another King by whose Protection he may enjoy them As did those who Conspired against King Henry IV. for they would never be obliged by his Favours though never so great and numerous When a Prince resolves to quench the Fire of Sedition 't will be conducive that those Resolutions should be thought to proceed from his own Vertue not from the Persuasions of others for the People are generally more Incens'd when they find the Prince does nothing but by the Instigation of his Ministers But when a General Pardon is once granted the Prince ought punctually to observe it wholly forgetting all former Offences and Injuries for otherwise he would give occasion for fresh Commotions As Ferdinand King of Naples did when he offer'd to punish some Noblemen whom he had already pardon'd and who had put themselves under the Protection of King Ferdinand the Catholick But if they are afterwards found Delinquent they should be punish'd with the utmost Rigour of the Law to curb them and prevent others from abusing the Prince's Authority In these and all other Remedies there is nothing more useful than Expedition 33 Nihil in discordiis civilibus festinatione tutiâ—s â—â—i facto magìs quam conâ—ulto opus est Tac. 1. Hist. For the People grow Arrogant and Saucy when their Insolence meets wiâ—h no Check nor Opposition Time confirms them in their Revolt and makes those who were Dubious declare for them and so endangers the most Loyal Therefore Artabanus endeavoured with utmost Speed and Diligence to compose the Commotions of his Kingdom 34 Pergit properus praâ—veniens inimicoâ—um actus amicorum â—â—â—â—iteâ—tiam Tac. 6. Annal. As Seditions are suddenly raised they ought suddenly to be remedied There is more need of Action than of Consultation before the Venom takes Root and spreads When the People are once us'd to Murther Rapine and all other Ills that Sedition brings with it 't is very difficult to recall and pacifie them This King Henry well knew when upon the Death of his Brother King Peter he immediately seized upon the chief Cities and Garrisons of the Kingdom and by this Diligence soon establish'd its Tranquility Seditions therefore and Civil Wars being Distempers which consume the Life of the State 35 Paul ad Gal. 5. 15. and enervate the Prince by the Losses which he receives and the Gratuities which he is oblig'd to give 't is the best way to compose them upon any Terms This mov'd King Ferdinand the Catholick to agree with Alphonso King of Portugal in his Pretensions to the Crown of Castile For in such Disorders the Weakest and most Oppress'd are strongest 36 Quippe iâ— turbis discordiis pessimo cuique plurima vis Tac. 4. Hist. Princes are at the Discretion of those who have their Arms in their Hands and the Soldiers have more Authority than their Commanders 37 Civilibus bellis plus militibus quam ducibus licere Tac. 2. Hist. EMBLEM LXXIV ANIMALS naturally endeavour nothing but the Preservation of their Individuals and if at any time they injure one another 't is generally from that Reason and a certain Natural Fierceness which is not subject to the Command of Reason On the contrary Man animated with that Celestial Flame which gives him the Command of all Things easily persuades himself that he is not born only to live but also to enjoy all those Things even beyond the Bounds which Reason has prescribed him and his Imagination being cheated by the false Appearance of Good seeks this Enjoyment in several Objects and therein places his Felicity and Satisfaction Some think it consists in Riches others in Dainties and Luxury others in Dominion and every one in what the Errors of his Appetite or Fancy suggest for the Enjoyment of which they apply those Means which their rambling and unquiet Minds prompt 'em to though never so unjust 1 Vnâ— ac ca vetus causa bellandi profunda libido imperii dâ—â—â—tiarum Sal. in Cons. Catil Whence proceed Murthers Rapine and Tyranny which make Man the most unjust of all Animals And since one cannot be secure from another several kind of Arms were invented to repell Villany and preserve Innocence and Liberty and so War was introduced into the World 2 Iam. 4. 1. This was the Original of this Monster unless it came from Hell after the Fall of the Rebellious Angels War is so hateful to God that he would not permit David as Just as he was to build the Temple because he had shed much Blood 3 1 Chron. 22. 8. All good Princes dread it as knowing the various Events and Success thereof 4 2 Sam. 11. 25. War disturbs the Order and Harmony of States changes Religion violates Justice silences the Laws destroys Friendship and Relation makes Arts forgot Agriculture cease ruines Trade depopulates Cities and alters Governments King Alphonso calls Wars the Alienation from Peace the Disturber of Quiet and the Destruction of Order A Civil War is like a Burning Fever which soon scorches up the State A Foreign War cuts its Veins and dreins it of its Riches Strength and Vigour War is a Vice contrary to Reason Nature and the End of Man for God created him after his own Image and gave him the Command of all Things here below not to destroy them by War but to preserve 'em by Peace He did not create him for War but Peace not for Rage but Quiet not to Ruine but to Preserve For which Reason he sent him into the World Naked without Arms to offend others or a thick Hide to defend himself so indigent of the Assistance and Government of others that even in his most flourishing Estate he can't subsist without foreign Aid This Necessity oblig'd him to Society and Civil Correspondence from which by the Joint-Labour of all he might be supply'd with necessary Conveniencies for Life and that this Politick Felicity might unite all in the firmest Bonds of mutual Friendship and that one Country haughty with its own Riches might not disdain Communication with the rest he has shar'd his Blessings among all Wheat he has given to Sicily Wine to Crete Purple to Tyre Silk to Calabria Aromaticks to Arabia Gold and Silver to Spain and the West-Indies Diamonds Pearls and Spices to the East-Indies The Desire and Want of the Riches and Rarities creating Commerce by which the whole World became as one common House and that they might understand one another in this Correspondence and mutually express their Affections of Love and Benevolence he endued them with a Voice Articulate smooth and pleasant to explain their Conceptions Laughter to shew their Satisfaction Tears to shew their Sorrow Hands to exert their Faith and Liberality Knees their Submission and Obedience Which are all Tokens of a Civil Benign and Pacifick Animal But those Animals which Nature designed for War she created with Arms Offensive and Defensive for that
Charles of Navarre call'd the Noble gain'd the Love of all by his Liberality King Henry the Second did thereby wipe out the Murder of his Brother King Peter and established his Right to the Crown What cannot a liberal Prince do What can't a golden Scepter oblige to Even Tyranny 3 Prov. 19. 6. is conniv'd at and born with when the Prince knows how to give especially when it gains the Applause of the people by supplying the publick Necessities and rewarding persons of Merit This vertue in my opinion maintain'd Tiberius in the Empire for this he always practis'd 4 Quam virtutem diu retinuit cum caeteras 〈◊〉 Tac. 1. ann But there is nothing more pernicious to a Prince than Liberality and Goodness for they usually go together if not used with Moderation Liberality says King Alphonso the Wise becomes all men of power but principally a King when he uses it to purpose and as he should Garcias Sancho King of Navarr lost his Subjects affections by the same Liberality with which he hop'd to have gain'd them for to maintain it he opprest them with Taxes and Impositions Prodigality is little distant from Rapine or Tyranny for when the Treasury is drain'd by Ambition it must of necessity be recruited by ill and indirect means 5 Ac velut perfringere aerarium 〈◊〉 si 〈◊〉 exhauserimus per scelera supplendum â—rit Tac. 2. ann He who gives more than he is able says Alphonso the Wise is not liberal but prodigal and when his own stock fails he will be obliged to make use of others so that if on one side he â—â—kes Friends by what he gives he on th' other side makes Eâ—â—mies by what he takes away Diego d' Arias Treasurer to King Henry the Fourth least he should fall into this inconâ—enience represented to him the Extravagance of his Liberality and that 't was convenient that his Retinue should be reduc'd to a lesser number and that the Salaries allow'd to such as did not actually serve or were any ways incapacitated might be taken off to whom the King made this Answer I too were I Arias should more respect my Money thâ—n my Liberality you say well as to your self but as for me I 'll act as becomes a King without fear of poverty or exposing my self to the necessity of raising new Taxes 'T is the duty of a King to give and to measure his Authority by the publick Good not his own particular which is the true fruit of Riches To some we give because they are good to others that they may 〈◊〉 be bad Words truly worthy a King if he had been guided by these considerations but his gifts were always excessive and without order without the least regard to the Merit of the Party as his brother-in-Brother-in-law King Ferdinand observed in one of his Laws saying That he gave Rewards for Shew not for Merit Whence we may observe the circumspection a Prince ought to observe in his Liberality for fear of giving occasion to his Subjects to acknowledge his Authority only to receive from him not to obey him An extravagant Subject ruins only himself But a Prince himself and State too The Treasury would be soon at an ebb if the Prince should be extravagantly liberal without considering that they are the Magazines for publick Necessities The Mountains don't squander away the Snow which the Vapours of the Fields and Valleys heap upon its top but on the contrary preserve it against Summer and then in gentle Streams returns it upon the same grounds it was attracted from They don't descend all at once for so they would not answer their design and would be slighted as useless for Liberality is the greatest Enemy to Liberality nor do they immediately mix with the Rivers leaving the Plains and Vallies dry as Princes usually do who give to the Rich what ought to be distributed among the Poor and drain the thirsty sands to supply the brimfull Lakes which have no need of it 'T is a great fault to gain the favour of the Rich at the expence of the poor and by vain extravagance to oppress the body of the State whose ruin is always promoted by the pride and vanity of a few The people cannot brook to see that power vainly squander'd away which ought to be employ'd to the preservation of them and the Prince's dignity The rewards of a Prodigal are not esteem'd because they are common and proceed from the vice of Extravagance not the vertue of Liberality and by giving all to a few he offends many that which is given to some particular ones being wanted in general by all He who gives without care or choice enriches indeed but rewards not to give to those who deserve 't is necessary to be sparing to others So that a Prince ought to use great Prudence and Judgment in the Distribution of Rewards 6 Psal. 98. 4. For when they are well distributed though they fall on but few they affect many The Scriptures command all Offerings to be made with Salt which is the same as Prudence 7 Levit. 2. 14. Eccl. 35. 11. equally distant from Prodigality and Avarice But because a Prince ought to be generous to all let him imitate Aurora which as it passes always leaves something tho' but Dew and Flowers Nay often satisfies only with its Beauty and Pleasantness Let him give to all but with such Moderation that without putting it out of his power to give more he may content them Some by Presents some by Words and some by Affability 8 Eccl. 35. 11. for oftentimes the Eyes give more than the Hands Liberality is the only Vertue which should be sometimes in the opinion of others more than in the person of the Prince Experience teaching us that 't is sufficient that he express some Demonstrations with such Address that he may be generally esteem'd liberal so that he must avoid Refusals for 't is a great trouble to receive them from a Prince What he cannot give to day he may give to morrow and if he cannot 't is better to let time discover it than to tell it himself He who refuses either does not distinguish Merit or shews his want of Power or Will and neither of these Declarations become a Prince whose Power and Grandure the Petitioner acknowledges Let a Prince be generous in the Reward of Vertue but let it be with Offices and Imployments and other Revenues already allotted to Liberality not with the Crown-Rents and Treasury reserv'd for greater uses King Ferdinand the Catholick was very liberal but not to the Prejudice of the Crown He was at his first coming to the Crown slow in the Distribution of Offices the better to gain mens minds and to reward those who had followed his Party He knew with great Prudence to mingle Liberality with Frugality Of which he has not only left us an Example but also a Law in these words Kings ought not to be so generous and
sets he leaves not many but only one Vicegerent the Moon with a Lustre much greater than that of the other Stars who seem but as so many inferiour Ministers to assist her Yet neither this nor those shine with their own but borrow'd Light which the Earth acknowledges receiv'd from the Sun Nor does this favour misbecome Majesty when a Prince devolves part of the burden of Affairs upon his Favourite so as to preserve the sovereign power and authority to himself for this is not favour but imployment not so much an obligation as a communication of trouble nor is this so much to be envied if Princes would be so prudent as to give it another name as President of the Council or Chancellour as the Magistrates call'd Praefecti at Rome incurr'd no Envy though they were second Caesars The felicity of Subjects consists not in the Prince's being like a loadstone attractive of Iron and not of Gold but in his knowledge in chusing such a Minister as will attribute whatever is great and commendable to him and take all the Reflections and Odium of the people upon himself one whose mind is wholly bent upon the publick good who manages affairs without Ambition hears without Disdain and debates without Passion whose Resolves and Determinations have no respect to self-interest In a word whose whole aim is the service and advantage of his Country not himself or the preservation of his Master's favour By this rule one may know whether this Familiarity proceed from pure Zeal or Tyranny Princes ought to take great care in the choice of such a Minister endeavouring not to be byass'd by Affection or fansifull Inclination but by rare and excellent Qualifications and Merits for sometimes such Friendship is not the result of deliberation but accident it is not favour but diligence Courts usually erect and adore some Idol which they deify and treat with Royal Splendor and Magnificence they worship it upon their Knees burn Tapers and offer Incense to it imploring its assistance with Prayers and Vows 11 And so the multitude allured by the grace of the work took him now for a God which a little before was but honoured as a man Wisd 14. 20. As industry can change the course of Rivers and turn them another way so it often happens that those who have business at Court not regarding the Prince the true channel of affâ—irs apply themselves to the Favourite whose arts do by this so secure the Prince's favour that he can never disengage himself from it No Prince was more cautious none more free than Tiberius yet was he subject to his Favourite Sejanus 12 Tiberium variis artibus devinxit adeo ut obscurum adversus alios sibi uni incautuin intectumque efficereâ— In which case 't is difficult to say whether such favour be human choice or some superiour power for the greater good or ill of the Commonwealth The Holy Spirit says 't is a particular judgment of God 13 Prov. 29. â—6 Tacitus attributes the favour and fall of Sejanus to the anger of the Gods for the ruin of the Empire 14 Nâ—â— tam solâ—rtia quippe iisdem artibus victus est 〈…〉 pari exâ—tio viguâ—t â—â—â—iditque Tac. 4. ann A misfortune scarce avoidable when this favour falls upon a person of great quality as it usually does in Courts where the chief of the Nobility are Ministers For he who is once possess'd of it will by the preheminence of his Birth and Grandure of his Family endeavour what he can to preserve it nor will he easily suffer himself to be supplanted by any one As was seen in Iohn Alphonso Robles in the time of King Iohn the Second †Mâ—r. 〈…〉 lib. 20. l. 25. The heart of a Prince is never safe in the power of a Subject whose Nobility and Authority make him too much respected by others Though this inconveniency is lessen'd when this favour falls upon some great man who is truly zealous and intent upon his Prince's Service and the honour and welfare of his Country for then the people's Envy and Odium will not be so great and the orders which are dispatch'd through the hands of such a one will be the more readily observ'd yet 't is always highly necessary if a Prince could balance his favour between his own Authority and the Merits of his Favourite to commit only that part of the administration to him which he cannot manage himself for should he commit it wholly to him he would experience the same misfortunes with King Ahasuerus when he entrusted Hamon with the Government of his people 15 Esth. 3. 11. Let him not give by another's hand what he can dispose of with his own nor borrow others Eyes when he can see with his own As to what is done in Courts of Justice and Councâ—ls let him afterwards consult the Presidents and Secretaries from whose relations he may receive a just account of the affairs therein transacted and his Resolutions will be more concise and ready when he confers with those by whom the affâ—irs â—ave been managed This method the Popes and Emperâ—â—â—se as did also the Kings of Spain â—ill Philip the Second who being an excellent Pen-man introduc'd the custom of taking debates and consultations in writing which afterwards prevailing gave rise to private favour for the Kings being embrass'd with such a vast number of writings were oblig'd to communicate them to some one and this must of necessity be a Favourite On such a one let a Prince bestow more peculiar marks of favour and benevolence For he who merits his favour and shares his trouble ought to have Pre-eminence above others The shadow of St. Peter worked Miracles 16 Acts 5. 15. What wonder then if a Prince's Favourite who is but his shadow acts with more Authority than others Nevertheless some favours should be reserv'd for others nor should those other be so great as to exceed the condition of a Subject and make him equal to the Prince so as to have Court made to him as Co-partner in the Empire and to draw the whole body of affairs after him which derogates much from the Authority and Esteem of the Prince A Favourite should act as the shadow not the Substance In this the Kings of Castile who in times past had Favourites runâ— great Risques for as the power of the Kings being then not so large how little soever they granted it endanger'd the whole Kingdom as it befell King Sancho the Strong for his favour to Lopez de Hara King Alphonso the Eleventh for his to Count Alvaro Osorio King Iohn the Second and King Henry the Fourth for theirs to Alvaro de Luna and Iohn Pacheco The whole point of Favouritism consists in the Prince's knowing how much he ought to allow his Favourite and he how much he ought to receive from his Prince Whatever exceeds this rule creates as we shall mention anon Jealousie Envy and Danger 17 Sed uterque
of changing mending and rejecting whatever his Ministers propose to him 'T is sometimes convenient to hide from 'em certain Mysteries and to deceive them as the same Philip did who differently reported to his Council the Negotiations of his Ambassadours when he had a mind to draw 'em to his own Resolutions or thought it convenient to conceal certain Circumstances from them A Council of State should be like a Colossus that the Prince standing upon its Shoulders may see farther than it The Thebans did not desire Princes so foresighted as one may guess by the manner of Painting them with their Eâ—rs open and their Eyes shut signifying that they ought blindly to execute all the Resolutions of the Senate but this was not the Emblem of an absolute Prince but only of a Prince of a Common-wealth whose Power is so circumscrib'd that 't is sufficient for him to hear for the Power of seeing what is to be done it reserved for the Senate This is nothing but a dark shadow of Majesty and an empty appearance of Authority His Power is nothing but a reflection of that of the Senate and so he has no need of Eyes who can't go where he pleases But though 't is convenient for a Prince to preserve this Liberty in Counsels yet he ought not to be so vain as for fear of being thought to want their Advice to reject whatever they proâ—â—â—e for so he would incur very great Inconveniâ—ncies As Pettus did according to Tacitus 28 Ne 〈◊〉 sententiâ— indigâ—â—s videretur iâ— diversa ac deterior◠〈◊〉 Tac. 11. ann If 't were possible Kings should have Kings for their Counsellours that 〈…〉 Counsels might not deviate from 〈◊〉 Aâ—thority and Honour of 〈◊〉 a Prince sometimes 〈…〉 beneath himself 〈…〉 Instigation of an abject 〈…〉 But since this is impossible they 〈◊〉 chuse 〈◊〉 â—â—unsellours as though they are not Princes by Birth are so in greaâ—ness of Mind and Generosity In Spain there are several Councils instituted with a great deal of Prudence for the Government of Kingdoms and Provinces and for all the most important Affairs of the Kingdom yet ought not all Care to be rejected by confidently relying upon this happy Constitution for no Government is so strongly fenced but that its Foundations in time wear away or are unsensâ—bly undermin'd by Malice or Abuse 'T is not sufficient for each distinct part to be well govern'd if they don't sometimes all unite to treat as well of themselves in particular as of the whole Body in general For this Reason we have in Convents or religious Orders Provincial and general Chapters and in the Government of the Church Councils For the same Reason every ten years there is held at Madrid a General Council consisting of two Counsellours of each particular Council and of two Deputies of each Province to consult for the Preservation not only of each part but of the whole Kingdom For if these Kingdoms were not so renewed they would grow old and at last die This Assembly will unite the parts of the Monarchy and make 'em agree among themselves to the mutual assistance of each other For this Reason the Councils of Toledo were assembled where not only Matters of Religion but also those of State were treated of All these Qualities of Eyes ought also to be found in Confessors to Princes who are their Counsellours Judges and spiritual Physicians these Offices require Men of Zeal and intire Affection for the Service of God and their Prince Persons who have Sence to judge well prudence to advise Liberty to reprehend and Courage to undeceive by setting before his Eyes though at the hazard of his Favour the Disgusts of his Subjects and the Danger of his Kingdom without smearing over the craz'd and falling Wall with untempered Mortar 29 Ezek. 13. 10. Some Princes use Confessors only for Conscience sake others make use of them as Councellors of State I shall not pretend to examine into the Reason of these two Methods I only say 't is thought convenient in Spain to admit the King's Confessor into his Council as well to give his assistance in matters of Conscience as also that being as it were a sharer in the management of Affairs he may correct the Prince if in any thing he is deficient in his Devoir For some know the Faults that they are guilty of as Men but not those which they commit as Princes though those are greater which belong to their Office than those which respect only their person Noâ— only the Confessors ought to assist in Council but also Bishops or other Ecclesiasticks who by their Authority and Learning may be very serviceable and so the two Arms the Temporalty and Spiritualty will more firmly unite for the Defence and Preservation of the Body of the Government The Gothick Kings used to advise about all weighty Affairs with Prelates who were to that purpose assembled in the Councils of Toledo What we have said about Confessors should be understood also of Preachers who are the Trumpets of Truth 30 Cry aloud spare not lift up thy voice like a Trumpet Isâ— 58. 1. the Interpreters between God and Men 31 For every High Priest taken from among Men is ordained for Men in things appertaining to God Heb. 5. 1. in whose mouth God has put his word 32 Behold I have put my words in thy mouth Ierem. 1. 9. the Prince ought to carry himself with great Circumspection towards them they being the Channels by which wholesome or poysonous Doctrines are delivered to the people the Mobb wholly depends upon 'em they being the most proper Instruments either to raise or appease them as has been seen in the Revolts of Catalâ—nia and Portugal Their Zeal for declaiming against Vice often gives 'em occasion to reflect upon those in Authority which the people eagerly swallow thro' their natural Aversion to the Ministers whence proceeds Contempt of Authority and the Peoples disgust which is the occasion of Seditions and Tumults especially when the Princes faults are reflected on 't is necessary therefore that these Reprimands should be general without pointing at persons when the Scandal is not publick or Holy Admonitions or other Circumstances have been ineffectual God so modestly in the Apocalypse reprehended the Bishops that he seems almost to â—latter them 33 I know thy Works and Charity and Service and Faith and thy Patience and thy Works and the last to be more than the first Notwithstanding I have a few things against thee Revel 2. 19. Christ never reflected upon any person from the Pulpit his Reprehensions were general and if at any time he descended to particulars 't was not as Preacher but as King That should by no means be heard from the Pulpit which is dissolute and punishable in the Streets in which Zeal is often mistaken either because 't is extravagant or blinded with the Applause of the Giddy Mobb which eagerly crowds to hear the Prince or Magistracy
so that the comparison of Alphonso Kiâ—â— of Naples was very applicable to him That such ambitâ—ous Princes were like Gamesters who cheated by a vain hope of winning lose even what they had To defend â—his State is a Prince's Duty but to invade another's is â—erely Arbitrary Ambition hurries Men to new and dangerous Attempts 4 Quibus nova ancipitia praecolere avida plerumque fallax 〈◊〉 est Tac. 14. ann and the more it has the more it coâ—ets It encreases with Empire 5 Vetus jampridem insita Mortalibus 〈◊〉 cupido cum imperii Magnitudine adolevit erupitque Tac. 2 〈◊〉 Opportunities and the easiness of the means charm Princes Eyes and Hearts and hinder them from understanding that they ought not to covet all that they can obtain a generous mind should be regulated by Reason and Prudence he is not safest who â—ossesses most but he who possesses most lawfully Too great an extent of Power creates Emulation and Envy and â—ncreases Danger For they arm and unite against the â—trongest as the Kings of Spain did against Alphonso III. whose Greatness and Prosperity they suspected For which Reason 't is more desirable to have Power well grounded and â—stablish'd than to exercise it for there is as much Danger â—n maintaining as in procuring it Were there no foreign Enemies affluence of Plenty would sufficiently enervate it â—s the Grandeur of old Rome found 6 Et quae ab exiguis profecta initiis â—o â—reverit ut jâ—m Magniâ—â—ine laboraret sua Liv. lib. 1. which Augustus â—oreseeing proposed to Remedy it by prescribing Bounds to â— 7 Addideratque consilium coercendi inâ—â— terminos imperii Tac. 1 ann which the Emperour Adrian afterwards effected Let a Prince bridle his Felicity and he will Reign well 8 Iâ—pone felicitati tuâ— fraena faciâ—â— reges Curtiâ— T is no difficult matter for Injustice and Tyranny if arm'd with Power to raise and extend Kingdoms the Difficulty â— in the preservation thereof it being a harder matter to Govern well than to Conquer 9 Faâ—ilius est quâ—dam vincere quam tenere Curt. For in Arms usually Fortune takes place but Governâ—ent depends on Prudence 10 Fortunam 〈…〉 invenies quam retineas Publ. Success enters the gate â—ithout being called by Merit or Industry but 't is Pruâ—ence only that keeps her there Alphonso the Wise gave this Reason why 't was less difficult to get than to maâ—â—tain when got Because the preservation depends upoâ— Judgment but the Acquisition upon Chance Hoâ— Fortune with both hands or she 'll slip from you 11 Fortunam tuam pressis manibus tene lubrica Curtius A Hedge-hog from whence I took this Emblem is fouâ— with ease but to hold it requires Prudence that is yoâ— must apply your hand so as gradually to smooth down 〈◊〉 thorny Bristles which when erected resemble a Squadrâ— of Pikes Claud. Arm'd with her self she does securely go Her self the Quiver Arrow and the Bow Scarce were the Arms of Spain retir'd from the Netherlandâ— in the time of Don John of Austria when those of the Râ—bels enter'd 'T was an easie matter for the King of Frâ—â— against the Laws of God and Man to seize upon the Dutchâ— of Lorrain but to maintain it now he finds it expensive aâ— dangerous so he is oblig'd always to keep an arm'd haâ— upon it and the Causes which occur in the Acquisition doâ— always in the Preservation But if 't is once setled time will help to fix it whence happens that sometimes one person may easily maintain Government which was not rais'd but by the great Toâ— and Perils of many Wherefore since 't is a Prince's chief Duty to preserve 〈◊〉 States I will here subjoyn the means which it may be doâ— by whether they descend by Succession or are acquir'dâ— Conquest or Election I first premise the general Causâ— which usually concur in attaining and maintaining the and those are God that is when he assists us with Religiâ— and Justice Opportunity when a concurrence of Causes pen the way to Grandeur and Prudence either in makiâ—â— these Opportunities or in using them when offer'd The are other Instruments common to the Art of Governmeâ—â— as Valour the Prince's Assiduity and Prudence the Peopâ—â— Esteem Respect and Love for him the Reputation of â— Crown the force of Arms Unity in Religion a due Administration of Justice the Authority of the Laws the Distribution of Rewards the Severity of Punishments the Integrity of the Magistracy the good Election of Ministers the Preservation of Privileges and Customs the Education of Youth the Modesty of the Nobility the Purity of the Coin the Encrease of Trade and Arts the Peoples Obedience Concord Plenty and publick Riches By these means all States are maintain'd and though the Government of each requires great Care and Attention yet do those which descend lineally from Father to Son require â—east for Sovereign Power and Obedience being become habitual and as it were natural to the Subjects they forget that it was of their own Institution not an original Proâ—riety No one dares deny him Respect and Veneration whom he has own'd for his Lord from his Birth all are â—w'd by fear of Punishment from the Successour for Crimes which they shall commit in the present Reign The Subâ—ects easily bear and wink at his Failures The very Tide of Affairs which long Custom and Experience has conâ—in'd to a Channel secures him though he be incapacitated for Government provided he be of an easie docile Nature â—nd one that will Act for the best in all things and can â—ake Choice of good Ministers or should happen on them â—y Chance But those States which descend by an indirect Line or â—y Marriage a Prince ought to manage with particular Care and Circumspection especially at the beginning of is Reign in this those Princes run great Risques who thro' â—o much Zeal or too fond a Desire of Glory reverse the â—ctions and Institutions of their Predecessours introducing â—ovelties of their own without that due Moderation and â—rudence which is necessary even in changing 'em into betâ—er for Plato's Opinion that all change is dangerous except â—om bad must not be understood of Governments which 〈◊〉 great Risques unless remedied by degrees according to 〈◊〉 Order of Nature which does not leap from one exâ—eam to the other but interposes the Temperature of the â—ring and Autumn between the Extremities of the Winters cold and Summers heat A sudden and violent changâ— is troublesome and doubtful that which is slow and grâ—dual is always more easie 12 Anceps operosa nimis est mutatio quae subitò cum quâ—â— violentiâ suscipitur facilior autem quae sensim paulatim de liâ—â— fit Arist. 6. Pol. 'T is dangerous in sailing to shift the Sails upon a contrary mind because they muâ— on a sudden be changed from one side of the Ship to thâ— other Wherefore 't is requisite
and courageous in Words but cowardly and base in Action They rise upon the least occasion and are soon compos'd Do not lead but follow bear themselves the same to all are sooner forc'd than perswaded In Success arrogant and impious in Adversity timorous and superstitious as prone to Cruelty as Mercy Equally blind in their Favours as their Persecutions they abuse Clemency by Licenciousness and rebel against strict Discipline if they once shall attack the Rich neither Reason nor Shame will reclaim them They raise and are fond of Stories and by their own Credulity enlarge them they follow the Advice of the many not the wise few they attribute ill Success to the Malice of the Magistracy and common Calamities to the Prince's fâ—ult Nothing makes them more supple and obedient than Plenty of Provisions for upon that their Care and Thoughts are fixt Interest and Dishonour soon put them in Commotion Loaden they fall lighten'd they kick back they love hot and rash Spirits and an ambitious and turbulent way of Government they are never content with the present State of Affairs but are always greedy of Change A servile Imitator of the Vertues and Vices of those in Authority They Envy the Rich and Wealthy and plot against them are mighty fond of Plays and Shews nor is there any other way than that to gain their Favour Superstitious in Religion paying more respect to the Priests than their Principles These are the chief Qualities and Affections of the Mob But a Prince may be satisfied that there is no Community or Councel though never so great and grave and of Select Persons in which there is not something of the vulgar and which does not in many things resemble the Popularity The Court makes another part of the strings of this Harp which if a Prince can't touch with great Prudence and Dexterity the whole Harmony of Government is spoil'd wherefore that he many know to tune them well 't is necessary he should know their Nature The Court is presumptuous and inconstant changing its Colour Camelion like each moment according as the Wind of Prosperity or Adversity blows though it all speaks one Language yet all don 't alike understand it it Worships and Adores â—he rising Prince but slights him when declining towards his West it censures and carps at his Actions and yet imitates them it hawks after his Favour with the Nets of Flattery ever bent upon Ambition and Self-interest it lives by Lyes and hates Truth Easily swallowâ— Vice but Vertue not without Difficulty loves Change and Novelty fears every thing and distrusts all Haughty and arrogant in Authority servile and cringing in Obedience Envys even it self as well as others wonderful cunning and dissembling in concealing its Designs it veils its Hatred with Smile and Ceremony Praises and commends in publick and defames privately Is its own Enemy fantastical in its Appearance and unperforming in its Promises This Instrument of Government being known and the Qualities and Sound of each string the Prince ought to touch 'em with that Dexterity that they may all sound Harmoniously without jarring in which he ought to keep time and measure and not favour one String more than another in those which are to make the Consort and wholly forget others for in this Instrument of the Government all have their proper Functions tho' they are unequal and easily jarr which Discord is very dangerous when he shall grant too great Authority to the Magistracy or too much Favour the Commons and slight the Nobility or Administer to some and not to others or confound Offices Military with Civil or does not well know to sustain his Majesty by Authority his Kingdom by Love the Court by Gravity the Nobility by Honour the People by Plenty Justice by Equality the Laws by Fear Arms by Rewards Power by Frugality War by Riches and Peace by Reputation every one of these Instruments are different both in their Nature and the Disposition of the Strings which are the Subjects and so should be manag'd and play'd upon by different ways and a different hand one Kingdom is like a Harp which not only requires the softness of the Fingers ends but also the hardness of the Nails too Another is more like an Organ which requires both Hands to express the Harmony of the Pipes The third is so delicate like a Guitarre that it won't bear the Fingers but must be touch'd with a fine Quill to make it exert its Harmony A Prince ought therefore to be well vers'd in the Knowledge of these Instruments and their Strings to keep 'em always in Tune and to take Care not to strain too hard upon the Notes of Severity or Avarice as St. Chrysostom observ'd in God himself 2 Neque nervum intendit neque remittit ultra modum nè harmiâ—â—iae consensum laedat Chrysost. for even the best String when too much strain'd if it does not break at least spoils the Sweetness of the Consort EMBLEM LXII THE ingenuous and industrious Bee cautiously conceals the Art by which it makes its Combs They are all busie and none can find out their Oeconomy and method of Government And if any one more curious than ordinary shall endeavour to inspect it by means of a Glass Hive they soon plaister it over with Wax that they may have no Spyes nor Witnesses of their Domestick Transactions O prudent Commonwealth Mistress of the World Thou hadst long since extended thy Empire over all Animals had Nature furnish'd thee with Strength equal to thy Prudence Let all others come to thee to learn the importance of Silence and Secrecy in the management of Affairs and the Danger of discovering the Artifice and Maxims of Government Negotiations and Treaties Counsels and Resolutions the Ails and inward Infirmities of States if Drusus the Tribune had duly consider'd this Prudence of Bees when a Builder promised him to make the Windows of his house so that no Body should look in he had not given him this Answer Rather says he so contrive my House if you can that all may see what I do 1 Tu vero inquit siquid in te artis est it a compone doâ—num meam ut quicquid again ab omnibus perspici possit Vell. Pat lib. 2. this was a piece of Pride of an open ingenuous Spirit or the confidence of a private Person not of a publick Minister or a Prince in whose Court there should be some Retirements where they may unseen treat and deliberate of Affairs Counsel is like a Mystery to be communicated but to few 2 Judith 2. 2. Ancient Rome erected Altars to the God whom they called Consus who presided over Counsels but they were Subterraneous ones to intimate that Counsels ought to be private by the benefit of which Secrecy it grew to that Greatness and maintain'd it self so long For Silence is the best and strongest Bond of Government 3 Taciturnitas optimum atque tutissimum rerum administrandarum Vinculum
them though never so small thinking that they will be perpetual Queen Mary gain'd the Hearts of her Subjects and preserv'd their Loyalty in the most difficult times by remitting the Excise which her Husband King Sancho IVth had laid upon Provisions 'T is difficult to perswade People to part with their Money to maintain a foreign War nor can they easily apprehend how much it conduces to their Interest to keep War from their own Doors and maintain it in foreign States and how much safer is the Defence of a Shield than that of a Helmet that being farther distant from the Head The Purblind Mobb can seldom see so far They weigh rather the present Burthen than the future Benefit not thinking all the Riches of the Kingdom will be afterwards too little to make good the Damage they have suffer'd by their obstinate Negligence 15 Plerumque accidit ut quae provinciae pecuniae parcendo â—mota pericula contemnunt incumbentibus demum malis desperatâ— sâ—pe remedio graviora sentiant detrimâ—nta Paul Jov. It requires therefore all the Prudence and Dexterity of a Prince to make them know their Interest In raising Taxes Care ought always to be taken not to oppress the Nobility for Exemption from Taxes being the chief Distinction between them and the Commons they can't brook to see themselves degraded and their Privileges violated which were acquir'd by the Valour and Vertue of their Ancestors This was the Reason why the Nobility of Castile took up Arms against Henry III. who tax'd 'em at fiâ—e Marvedees of Gold apiece towards the Charge of the War Neither should Taxes be laid upon such things as are absolutely necessary for Life but rather upon Toys Curiosities Pride and Vanity for so besides correcting Luxury they would fall in the greatest measure upon the Rich and would be Encouragement to Husbandmen and Tradesmen which part of the Government ought most to be cherished and supported so the Romans laid great Taxes upon the Spices Pearls and Jewels which were imported from Arabia as Alexander Severus did upon those Offices which tended more to Debauchery than Use and Necessity 't is the readiest way to Reformation to inhance the Price of Vanity There are no Taxes paid more easily than those which are laid upon Commodities imported for the greatest part of them is paid by Foreigners wherefore in England the Royal Revenue is very prudently raised from these kind of Taxes the Kingdom it self being Exempt The greatest Inconveniency in raising Taxes and Excise is in the Collectors and Receivers who are often more burthensome than the Taxes themselves for there is nothing that the Subjects take more grievously than the violence and importunity of these sort of Men in collecting their Money 'T is an Observation that only Sicily endur'd them with Patience God himself complains of them by the Prophet Isaiah that they oppress'd his People 16 Isa. 3 12. Vid. In Egypt some Prophet was always President of the Customs for they thought it not safe to trust 'em to any but God's immediate Servant but now they are committed to Pedlars and Broakers who wreck a Ship in Port which had escaped the Fury of the Wind and Sea 17 Portus nostros navis veniens non paveseat ut certum nautis possit esse naufragium si manus non incurrereâ—t exigentium quos frequenter plus affligunt damna quam solent naufragia Cassiod lib. 4. Ep. 19. like Robbers plundering Travellers of their Goods and Money What wonder therefore that Trade decays and that Riches and Merchandice are not imported if they are expos'd to such as these who plunder 'em by Authority what Wonder I say That the People complain of Taxes if for one Shilling that comes to the King ten goes to the Collectors and Receivers for this Reason when in the Parliament of Guadalâ—jara the Kingdom of Castile offer'd to raise 150000 Ducats it was upon Condition that they themselves should keep Books of the Receipts and Disbursements of it that they might know what was imployed to the publick Interest and how it was expended without trusting it to the Management of those who had the Government of the Kingdom during the Kings Minority For the same Reason the People of France propos'd to King Henry II. that if he would discharge his Collectors they would themselves pay in their Assessments where-ever he should Order which the King had agreed to had not some of his Ministers disswaded him The Kingdoms of Castile have often offer'd the same thing nay and also to pay off the Crown Debts but 't was judg'd that it would be a Diminution to the Royal Authority to be instructed and tutor'd by the Kingdom and besides that such a Power could not be without Danger But I believe the true Reason was that the Court was unwilling to lose so many beneficial Offices and such ready means of getting Money A Prince's Credit consists not in the Administration but in the Possession of Riches The Roman State was not less careful of their Authority than any other yet by Reason of the Trouble and Charge of Collecting it order'd each Province to Collect and pay in their own Taxes taking Care to keep the Officers in their Duty that they might not oppress the People through Avarice and Extortion in this Tiberius took particular Care 18 Ne Provinciae nobis oneribus turbarentur utque vetera sinâ— a varitia â—ut crudelitate Magistratuum tolerarent Tac. lib. 4. ann Modesty in the Collecting of one Tax obliges the People more readily to grant others EMBLEM LXVIII THE Ingenious Greeks included in certain pretty Fables as the Aegyptians in Hieroglyphicks not only all Natural Philosophy but also Moral and Politick either to hide them from the Vulgar or else that they might be the better imprinted in their Minds by these pleasant and delightful Fictions So to represent the Power of Navigation and the Riches thereby acquir'd they feign'd that the Ship Argo which was the first that durst venture upon the main Ocean obtained the famous Fleece which instead of Wool yielded Gold for which glorious Exploit it was consecrated to Pallas the Goddess of War and placed amongst the Constellations as a Reward of such dangerous Voyages shewing the World that by the Help of Oars and Sails they might make Way through Mountains of Waves and by the Assistance of the Wind carry Arms and Merchandise all the World over This Morality and the Preferment of that Ship to the Skies occasion'd me to draw two in this present Emblem as the Poles of the Globe Terrestrial to shew that Navigation is the Support of the World by Commerce and Arms These Poles are Movable but in their Motion consists the Stability of Empires There 's scarce any Monarchy which has not receiv'd its Rise and Preservation from thence If the Grandeur of Spain were not supported by both those Poles the Mediterranean and Ocean it would soon fall For 't is evident that Provinces
18. 2â— 'T is a piece of Cruelty to stand with Arms a-cross at the sight of other Mens Calamities Should a Father stand still while his Children quarrel he would be deservedly blamed for whatever mischief they should do one to another he ought sometimes by Rigour sometimes by good Words to part them putting himself betwixt them or if need be espousing one's Cause the better to reduce the other to Agreement Thus if Princes refuse to hearken to the Fatherly Admonition of His Holiness if they pay not the Respect due to his Authority and there be no hopes of ever recovering them it seems best to declare in favour of the most just Side always having regard to the Publick Quiet and the Advancement of Religion and the Church to assist that till the other be brought to its Duty For he that approves the Cause of the one and the other will be thought to co-operate with both * A whole Page is here omitted in the French In Italy more than in any other Part of the World this Care of the Popes is necessary 4 Zurit Hist. Arragon l. 13. c. 13. For if once they so openly betray their Inclination to the French that they may promise themselves their Aid and Favour they will soon bring their Arms thither This Consideâ—â—tion prevailed on some Popes to shew themselves more addicted to Spain the better to keep France within Bounds and if at any time any one induced by an appearance of Good or through Partiality or Self-Interest and a Forgetfulness of this Caution has used Secular Arms and called in the Aid of Foreigners he 〈◊〉 given occasion to great Commotions in Italy as Historians observe in the Lives of 5 Mar. Hist. Hisp. Vrban IV. who sent for Charles Count of Anjou and Provence to 〈◊〉 Relief against Mainfroy King of both Sicilies Of Nicholas III. who being jealous of the Power of King Charles had recourse to Peter King of Arragon Of Nicholas IV. who enter'd into a League with Alphonsus â—f Arragon against King Iames Of Boniface VIII who â—ppealed to Iames King of Arragon and called in the Assistance of Charles of Valois Count of Anjou against â—rederick King of Sicily Of Eugenius IV. who sided with the Faction of Anjou against Alphonsus King of Nâ—ples Of Clement V. who sought the Aid of Philip of 〈◊〉 against the Viscounts of Milan Of Leo X. and câ—â—ment VII who made a League with Francis King of France against Charles V. to throw the Spaniards out of Italy This Inconveniency proceeds from the Weight of the Apostolick See it being so great that the Scale wherein 't is put must necessarily fall very much It is probable that some Appearance of Good moved those â—â—pes to do thus but certainly in some of them the 〈◊〉 was far from answering their Intention But as it is the Duty of the Popes to endeavour to â—â—intain Princes in Peace and Tranquility so ought these out of Interest were there no Divine Obligation for it as there really is to have continually their Eyes like the Heliotrope upon that Sun of the Pope's Triple-Crown which always shines and never sets and to be â—â—edient to and protect it Hence Alphonsus V. King of Arragon upon his Death-bed charged his Son Ferdinand King of Naples to esteem nothing beyond the Authority of the Apostolick See and the Favour of the Popes and to take care not to disgust them whatever Reason he had on his side 6 Zurit Ann. de Arrag Impious or Imprudent Princes think it a piece of Bravery to carry themselves haughtily towards the Popes but such an Humility is so far from being a Weakness that 't is a Religious Act 't is no Dishonour but a Glory The most submissive Deferences paid them by the greatest Princes are but a pious Magnanimity that teaches Subjects what Respect is to be paid to all that is Sacred they beget not any Infamy but rather an Universal Applause No one condemned the Emperor Constantiâ—â— for taking a low Seat in a Council of Bishops 7 Euseb. in Vit. Const. nor King Egica for prostrating himself upon the Ground in another held at Toledo 8 〈…〉 Reg. Goth. No one ever succeeds in opposing the Popes those are Quarrels that nevâ—â— have a good end And who can separate the Interâ—â—â— of the Temporal Prince from that of the Head of the Church Injury and Authority are so joined that the greater that is the more it derogates from this The Pontifical Dignity when armed with both the Temporal and Spiritual Sword withstands the greatest Power It meets with an unshaken Obedience in Foreign Kingdoms and if it once goes to make War upon them the People's Piety grows cold and from fighting with Arms they come to that of Books Allegiance tottâ—â— and Religion being confounded changes of Governmâ—â—â— ensue and the overthrow of Kingdoms whose only Bottom is the Reverence and Respect of the Priesthood 9 Honor 〈…〉 Tac. Hist. l. 5. which made some Nations unite it to the Reâ—â— Dignity Princes ought therefore to carry themselâ—â— with so much Prudence as to decline as much as 〈◊〉 sible giving any Occasion of Distaste to the Popeâ—â— which they will do if they pay a due Respect to 〈◊〉 Apostolick See maintaining its Privileges Rights 〈◊〉 â—munities inviolable and asserting their own with â—urage and Resolution when they interfere not with â—â—â—m without admitting any Innovations prejudicial to â—â—eir own States and which tend not to the Spiritual â—ood of their Subjects When Charles V. went into â—ely to be Crown'd the Pope's Legates would oblige â—â—â—m to take an Oath to preserve the Rights of the Church â—o which he answer'd That as he would not alter them 〈◊〉 neither would he on the other side do any thing against 〈◊〉 Constitutions of the Empire Which he said upon the â—â—count of the Fiefs which the Church preâ—ded on Parma and Placentia * A Page and an half is here omitted in the Italian King â—dinand the Catholick was so exact in this â—at one may in a manner say he fell â—to Excess judging it not fit to transgress â—â—e Limits of Rights and Privileges the â—st in the World because when the Foot is once â—â—ed it presently defends the Place it stands on as a â—â—â—ssession and insensibly goes farther when by briskly â—â—posing its first steps much greater Losses might be â—â—oided Iohn King of Arragon refused to ratifie the â—â—ant of the Archbishoprick of Saragossa made by Pope â—â—tus IV. to Cardinal Ausias Dezpuch because he did not â—ominate him as was then the Custom but causing the â—â—rdinal's Goods and Revenues to be seized and misâ—ing his Relations forced him to quit the Pontificate â—â—ich he afterwards conferred upon his Nephew Alâ—â—â—sus 10 Zur Hist. Arrag Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 24. c. 16. Such another Dispute a little after arose â—â—on the Subject of the Church of Tarrassona which a â—rtain Temporal Judge having been made Bishop
their Faces the colour of Shame which none but Flatterers Liars and in general all profligate Persons ought to be stained with and for them so to forget themselves as to be governed and cozen'd by others Whatever is asked they voluntarily offer and give without any respect to Merit vanquished meerly by Petitions They readily subscribe to others Counsels and Opinions though they don't approve them and had rather seem Conquer'd than Victors which is the foundation of the most considerable Miscarriages in a Commonwealth shamefacedness by no means becomes Princes who should always appear with a serene and steady Aspect 11 Quorundam parum idonea est verecundia rebus civilibus quae firmam frontem desiderant Seneca Princes therefore should make it their whole business to correct this Passion and moderate their natural Bashfulness with Valour and Constancy with a Resolution not only of Mind but outward Demeanour to resist Flatteries Lyes Frauds and Malice that they may correct and amend them and preserve a Royal Integrity in their Words as well as Actions Which the Two Kings Iohn the Second and Henry the Fourth having neglected to do what wonder if their Authority and Crowns were brought into such dangers Farther in curing this Passion no small Discretion is necessary for whereas other Vices like Thorns are to be utterly extirpated this is rather to be pruned and the superfluity cut off that part of Shame left which guards Virtues and regulates Mens Manners and Actions for without this restraint the Prince's Mind will be quite unruly and except he now and then reflects upon Infamy and Indecency he will follow the force of his Passions and precipitate himself especially when there 's Power to countenance them If by good Arts modesty is scarce to be preserved what will be the consequence if we wholly abandon that 12 Vix artibus honestis retinetur pudor Tac. 14. Ann. 'T was then Tiberius gave himself to all manner of Vice and Tyranny when he had cast off Shame and Fear and followed only his own Humour 13 Postremo in scelera sâ—â—ul ac dedecoâ—a prorupit postquam remoto pudore â—etu suo tantum â—ngento utebatâ—r Tac. 6. Ann. Hence Plato said That Jupiter if at any time apprehensive of the Ruin of Mankind dispatch'd Mercury for the Earth to distribute Iustice and Modesty among Mâ—n by which they might prevent their Destruction Commiseration and Pity is a Passion not less dangerous in Princes than the other for when it has once prevailed in the Mind neither Reason nor Justice perform their Offices For out of an extravagant fear of disobliging any by Reprehension or Correction they neglect to apply Remedies to their Subjects Crimes and suffer many to go unpunished They are deaf to the Peoples Clamours nor do Publick Calamities affect them while at the same time they are sensibly touch'd with pity for three or four Men who were the Promoters of them They feel themselves disordered at other Mens Crimes and accordingly for fear of any trouble upon their account chuse to connive at or pardon rather than punish them This is a weakness of Judgment and defect of Prudence to be remedied with time but that with the same Moderation as we mentioned of Bashfulness that part only of Commiseration is to be retrenched which so enfeebles the Mind that it can't act with Vigour and Constancy Reserving that compassionate Affection peculiar to Princes 14 Principatuâ— enim proprium est miseâ—eri St. Chrys. where right Reason without hazarding the publick Security perswades Both these Passions as well that of Bashfulness as Commiseration are corrigible and to be subdued by some contrary Actions which may remove that too great tenderness and imbecillity of Mind and delivering it from those servile Fears render it capable of more masculine Actions If a Prince now and then endeavours though in matters of the least consequence to keep his Mind firm and resolute and considers his Power and Quality he will easily afterwards be able to do the same in Affairs of greater moment All 's done if he can but once acquit himself generously in it and make himself fearâ—d and respected There remain two other Passions considerably prejudicial to Youth Fear and Obstinacy Fear when a Prince is so timorous and in all things diffident of himself that he dares neither act nor speak Never approves any Action of his own â—ears to appear in publick and Love 's rather solitude and retirement This proceeds generally from an effeminate and retired Education as also for want of Experience the only Remedy for this Distemper that is the Prince should use himself to give Audience to his Subjects as well as Foreigners often appear in Publick that he may learn to know Men and in general all other things as in themselves they are not as his Imagination or Master has painted them Let there be always free access to his Apartments for those worthy Persons that are his Father's Chamberlains and all other Courtiers that are eminent for Valour Ingenuity and Experience Which Custom was observed in Spain till the time of Philip the Second who cautious of his Son Charles's underhand-dealings abolished that Custom of free Access and Communication and so declining one Inconvenience fell into another equally dangerous to Princes for so is it to be too much abstracted from Conversation for this usually prompts them to rely too much upon some particular Favourite Lastly Obstinacy arises partly from Fear partly from natural Slothfulness when a Prince won't Act at all but resolutely rejects all Instructions that are given him That Coldness of Mind is to be cured by the Fire of Glory and Incentives to it as faults in Horses are usually corrected by the Spur. The Prince therefore is to be led gradually into the way and the Progress he makes to be commended though at first those Commendations be above his merit and only for forms sake EMBLEM VIII IN the Unicorn Nature hath shewn a piece of admirable Skill and Providence in placing Anger 's Weapon exactly between the Eyes 'T is absolutely necessary to have both Eyes intent upon that Passion which so imperiously tyrannizes over our Actions and the Motions of the Mind The same Flame that lights it blinds it and 't is differenced only by its short continuance from Fury and Madness A Man in a Passion is not the same as before for he is thereby as it were put beside himself 1 Non desiderat fortitudo advocatam iram Cicero Valour has no need of it for what were more silly than for this to require Aid from Anger a thing stable from one inconstant faithful from one false sound from one diseased 2 Quid enim â—â—â—ltuis est quam hanc ab iâ— acundia petere praesidium rem stabilem ab inâ—ertâ fidelem ab infidâ sanam ab aegra Senec. 'T is not this fickle pettish Passion obtains Victories triumphs over Enemies nor is that really
Courage that is without Reason provoked In a word no Vice is more unbecoming a Prince than that for to be angry supposes contempt or an injury received nor is any thing so disagreable to his Place and Office in as much as nothing so obscures the Judgment which should in a Governor be serene and clear A Prince that is exasperated and passionate upon any slight occasion gives his Heart into the Hands of the Person who provokes him and is subject to his pleasure If not a wrinkle in a King's Coat can be disordered without offence what will it be if he suffer any one to disturb his Mind Anger is a kind of Moth which Purple breeds and nourishes Pomp engenders Pride Pride Passion and Impatience is as it were a Propriety of Power The Sense of Princes is something too delicate a Looking Glass which the least breath sullies a Heaven that with the least Vapour is clouded and breaks out into Thunder A Vice that generally seizes great and generous Spirits as the Sea however vast and powerful is with the least blast of Wind raised into horrid Disorders and Tempests with this only difference that they are of much longer continuance in Princes Minds than in the Sea especially if their Honour be concerned which they imagine 't is impossible to retrieve without Revenge What a trifling piece of incivility was that Sancho King of Navarre put upon Alphonsus the Third after the Battel of Arcos in returning without taking leave of him Which however this so highly resented that he could never forget it or rest till he had got him out of his Kingdom The Anger of Princes is like Gun-powder which no sooner takes Fire but has its effect the Holy Spirit calls it the Messenger of Death 3 The Wâ—ath of Kings is as Messengers of Death Prov. 16. 14. and barely on this account 't were sufficiently reasonable to curb and restrain it 'T is very indecent for one in Authority to submit to this Passion Let Princes remember that nothing is put in their Hands for a Scepter with which they can hurt And if sometimes a naked Sword is carried before Kings 't is in token of Justice not Revenge and then 't is carried in another's hand to intimate that between Anger and Execution there ought to intercede a Command The publick Safety depends on Princes which will easily be in danger if they hearken to so rash a Counsellor as Anger Who can escape its hands For 't is like a Thunder-bolt when it comes from Supreme Power And because says King Alphonso Anger is stronger in a King and more dangerous than in others in that he can more readily satisfy it he ought to be more prepar'd to curb and correct it †L. 10. tit p 2. If Princes in a Passion could look upon themselves they would find a Countenance unbecoming such Majesty whose Tranquility and agreeable Harmony both of Words and Actions ought to please rather than terrify to acquire Love rather than Fear A Prince therefore should quench the Heat and Violence of Anger if he can't do so at least to defer the Fury and Execution of it for some time For as the same King Alphonso has said A King ought to keep in his Anger till it is over this will be of great advantage to him for so he will be able to judge truly and act justly in all things * L. tit 5 p. 2. The Emperor Theodosius experienced this in himself and for this reason enacted a Law That Capital Punishments should not be executed till thirty Days after Sentence passed Which Tiberius had before him decreed though for only ten Days and without giving the Senate power to revoke the Sentence once pronounced 4 Idque vitae spatium damnatis prorogaretur sed non senatui libertas ad poenitendum erat Tac. 3. Ann. Which indeed had been commendable if his design had been to make room for Pardon or give time for a second hearing of the Cause But Tiberius was a Man of too much Cruelty and Rigor to give that Indulgence 5 Nâ—que Tiberius interjectu temporis mitigabatur Tac. 3. Ann. It was the Counsel of Athenodorus to Augustus Caesar to determine nothing in a Passion till he had repeated the Twenty four Letters of the Greek Alphabet Since then Anger is a short Madness directly opposite to mature Deliberation there is no better Antidote against it than prudent Reflection that the Prince be not too hasty in Execution before he has had Council to examine a matter throughly King Ahasuerus when his Queen Vashti refused to come at his Command though he had reason to think himself contemned and highly resented the Affront yet would not be revenged till he had first called a Council and taken the Advice of his Noblemen 6 Esth. 1. 2. To talk of an Injury received inflames Anger more hence that of Pythagoras Stir not Fire with a Sword for Motion increases the Flame nor is there any more effectual Remedy for Anger than Silence and Solitude By its self it insensibly consumes and wears off whereas the most softning Discourse is often like the Water Smiths use to make their Fire burn fiercer Farther Anger has its seat in the Ears or at least keeps watch there these therefore a Prince is to secure that they be not too ready to hear ill Reports that may enrage him 7 Let every man be swift to hear slow to â—â—ak flow to wrath Iames 1. 19. This I imagine was the reason the Statue of Iupiter Cretensis had no Ears because they do more mischief to Governors than good However I think them necessary for Princes provided they be cautious and ruled by Prudence and let not themselves be moved at the first hearing of every trifling Story Anger is to be commended when kindâ—ed by Reason and moderated by Discretion without such as that there can be no Justice 8 Nunc Irasâ—i â—onvenâ— justitiae 〈◊〉 Sâ—ob Serm. 20. Too much Indulgence gives license to offend and makes Obedience bold To endure all things with content is igâ—orance or shews a servile Temper of one who has a â—ean Opinion of himself To continue in Anger when 't is to punish Offences or make Examples of such as affront Regal Authority is no Vice but a Virtue and by no means derogates from Mildness and Clemency Was any one more meek than David 9 Lord remember David and all his Afflictions Lat. Vers. 〈◊〉 suetudinis ejus Psal. 131. 1. a Man after God'â— own Heart 10 I have found David the Soâ— Iesse a Man after mine own heart Acts 13. 22. So mild in Vengeance in Anger so moderate that when he had Saul his greatest Enemy in his power was satisfied with cutting off the Skirt of his Robe and even that afterward repented of 11 And it 〈◊〉 to pass afterwards that David's heart smote him because he had 〈◊〉 off Saul's Skirt 1 Sam. 24. 5. Nevertheless with
severity did he revenge the Injury King Hamm did to his Ambassadors David had sent them to comfort the King for the Death of his Father but he groundlesly suspecting they came rather to spy out the State of his Kingdom sent them away with the one half of their Beards shaved off and their Garments obscenely cut off in the middle David a Man otherwise very peaceable could not brook this Affront but made War against him and all the Cities of his Kingdom which he took he utterly demolished and the People that were therein to use the Scriptureâ— words he brought forth and put them under Saws and 〈◊〉 Harrows of Iron and under Axes of Iron and 〈◊〉 them pass through the Brick-kiln 12 2 Sam. 12. 31. This may seeâ— to be Cruelty and an Excess of Anger to any oneâ— that knows not that the Wounds injuries make 〈◊〉 fometimes to be so cured as not so much as 〈◊〉 should be left Artaxerxes threatned Fire and Swoâ—â— to some Cities if they obey'd not an Edict he had puâ—â—lished resolving if they refused to make so severe 〈◊〉 Example of their Contempt and Disobedience as shoulâ— extend to Brutes as well as Men 13 Esth. â— 24. The most 〈◊〉 God taught us this piece of Policy when with the 〈◊〉 most Rigour yet without prejudice to his Infinite Mâ—â—cy he punished the Syrians Army for blasphemouâ—â— calling him the God of the Hills 14 Because the Syrians have said the Lord is the God of the Hills but he is not God of the Vallies therefore will I deliver this great multitude into thine hand and ye shall know that I am the Lord 1 Kings 20. 28. The Supreme Authority and Power of Princes makes a part of a Commonwealth so that they can't put up Affronts and Injuries at all times That Anger too is praise-worthy in Princes and profitable to a State which kindled by Incentives of Glory elevates the Mind to difficult and noble Enterprizes for without it nothing extraordinary nothing great can be undertaken much less perfected and accomplished That that is it which nourishes the Heart of generous Spirits and raises it above its self to despise Difficulties The Academicks called it the Whetstone Plutarch the Companion of Virtue But particularly in the beginning of his Reign the Prince ought to lay aside Anger and forget past Injuries as Sancho Sirnamed the Brave did when the Succession of the Crown of Castile fell to him With Government a Prince changes as 't were his Nature why should he not also his Affections and Passions 'T were an Abuse of Government to take Revenge of one who already acknowledges himself your Subject Let the Person offended think he has Satisfaction in having got Authority over him who before injured him Fortune could not give him a nobler kind of Revenge So Lewis XII King of France thought and therefore when some perswaded him to revenge the Injuries he had received while Duke of Orleans he made answer That it did not become the King of France to revenge the Quarrels of the Duke of Orleans Particular Injuries done to his Person not Dignity a Prince ought not to vindicate with his utmost Power for though they seem inseparable yet 't is convenient to make some Distinction between them least Majesty become odious and too formidable To this tended that of Tiberius when he said That if Piso had committed no other Crime but the rejoycing at Germanicus's Death and his grief for it he would revenge those Injuries done him as a private Person not as a Prince and in a publick Capacity 15 Nam si legatus officii terminos obsequium erga Imperatorem exuit ejusdemque morte c. luctu meo laetatus est odero seponamque â— domo meâ privatas inimicitias non Principis ulciscar Tac. 3. Ann. On the other side those done to his Dignity or Publick Station he ought not to vindicate as a private Person so as in a transport of Passion to think his Honour and Reputation lost except he have immediate Satisfaction especially when it were fitter to be deferred for Anger should not be a Motion of the Mind but of the Publick Good and Advantage King Ferdinand the Catholick undoubtedly had this before him when the King of Granada refused to pay him Tribute as his Ancestors had done and withal insolently sent him word that they were long since dead that in his Mints they laboured not to Coin Silver or Gold but Forge Swords and Launces †Marian. Hist. Hisp. lib. 24. cap. 16. Ferdinand concealed his Resentment of this Liberty and Arrogance for a time and made a Truce with him deferring Revenge till his Affairs were more quiet and settled in which he consulted more the Publick Good than his own Particular Affections 16 A Fool 's wrath is presently known but a prudent Man covereth shame Lat. Vers. Injuriam dissimulat Prov. 12. 16. Nor is it less prudent to dissemble Anger when one has reason to presume that a time will come when it will be for our disadvantage to have shown it For that reason King Ferdinand the Catholick though highly affronted by the Grandees of his Kingdom yet when he abdicated that of Castile and retreated into Arragon very discreetly concealed that Indignation of Mind took no notice of the Injuries he had received but shewed himself friendly and affectionate to all as if he then foresaw he should be sometime restored to his Kingdom as indeed it afterwards happened A generous Mind hides its Resentments of Injuries and strives not by the impetuousness of Anger but rather by noble Actions to smother them the best certainly and a truly heroical kind of Revenge When King Ferdinand the Holy besieged Sevil a certain Nobleman reproached Garcias Perez de Vargas for wearing a waved Shield which was not allowed his Family he then pretended to take no notice of the Affront till the Siege of Triana where he fought with so much Valour that he brought his Shield back stuck with Darts then returning to his Rival who was then in a secure Post and shewing him the Shield You have reason says he to think much that I wear this Shield that expose it to so many Dangers without doubt no one deserves it beyond your self who would take so much care to preserve it Those ordinarily bear Affronts most patiently who are the least subject to give them nor is it a less Virtue to Conquer this Passion than an Enemy To kindle a Prince's Anger is no less dangerous than to set Fire to a Mine or Petard and though it be done in our own behalf 't is prudence to moderate it especially if against Persons in Power for such Anger 's generally fall on the Author's own Head This was the reason the Moors of Toledo took so much pains to pacify King Alphonso the Sixth's Wrath against the Archbishop of that place and the Queen who had taken without his Order their Mosque from them
its Council nor does such fear stand to weigh the Importance of things or suffer Gratitude to get the better of it That Commonwealth chose to let one though the most deserving of its Citizens lie in Prison and Infamy rather than all the rest should live in continual Jealousies The Carthaginians took the Government of Spain from Sappho under pretence indeed of administring the Commonwealth at home but the true Reason was that they could no longer suffer his Power and Authority Thus they banished his Successor Hanno who was so eminent for his Navigations only because he had more Ingenuity and Industry than they thought safe for a free People He was the first Man they ever saw stroke a Lion and make it tame and began to apprehend he would at last subdue them who had vanquished the Savage Beasts Thus Commonwealths are used to recompence Services and great Actions No one of the Citizens takes himself in particular to be honoured or obliged by any good Office is done to the Community as to Offences and Suspicion every one thinks himself concerned If any one 's to be rewarded very few give him their Votes on the contrary to find a Man guilty all are zealous He that is more excellent than others is thereby in danger for his Zeal for the Publick Good accuses their negligence his Prudence their Ignorance Hence 't is so dangerous to be serviceable and obsequious to Princes hence Virtue and Industry become like Vices odious Sallust who had a Capacity fit for the most important business to avoid Envy feigned himself to be idle and drowsy 2 Cui vigor animi ingentibus negotiis par suberat eo magis ut invidiam amoliretur somnum inertiam ostentabat Tac. 5. Ann. But the worst of all is that sometimes a Prince is displeased at being awakened by a vigilant Minister whom he would rather have as careless as himself To remedy this as there is an Hypocrisy which counterfeits Virtues and dissembles Vices there is need of another to conceal Valour and Excellency of Mind and to stop the mouth of Fame 'T was undoubtedly nothing but the fear of Envy made Agricola so careful to hide his that they who saw in him so much Humility and Modesty unless they had otherwise heard of his Fame could never guess at his Renown by his Person 3 Viso aspectoque Agricola quaererent famam pauci interpretarentur Tac. in Vit. Agr. Time made Germanicus sensible of this inconveniency but he chose to bear rather than amend it when after the Conquest of so many Nations he erected indeed a Trophy but for fear of Fame put not his Name to it 4 Debellaâ—is inter Rhenum Albimque nationibus exercitum Tâ—â—erit Caesaris ea Monumenta Marti Iovi Augusto sacravisse de se nihil addidit metu invidiae an ratus conscientiam facti esse satis Tac. 1. Ann. St. Iohn concealed his in the relation of the signal Favour our Saviour shew'd him at his last Supper 5 Now there was leaning on Jesus's bosom one of his Diâ—ciples whom Jesus loved Iohn 13. 23. which if 't was not humane Policy was at least prudent Modesty Even meer Dreams about ones own Promotion breeds Envy amongst Brothers Ioseph almost hazarded his Life when with more Ingenuity than Discretion he told his the Dream he had of the Sheafs of Corn that made obeisance to his that stood upright among the rest for the very Shadow of Eminence nay the bare possibility of excelling makes Envy solicitous Glory is dangerous as well because of our own Virtues as other Mens Vices 6 Agricola simul suis virtutibus simul vitiis aliorum in ipsam gloriam praeceps agebatur Tac. in Vit. Agr. Vice is not so feared in Men because it makes them Slaves as Virtue that makes them Masters for Dominion is by nature her self given to it and this Republicks won't suffer to be lodged in the Person of one but would have equally divided among all Virtue is a kind of voluntary tyranny over Minds has no less influence on them than Violence it self or Compulsion and indeed to excite Republicks to Imitation 't is the same thing absolutely whether the People be induced by Reason or by Force constrained to obey one only for the first Tyranny the juster 't is the more dangerous and irresistible This very thing gave rise to the Ostracism or Ten Years Banishment to which Aristides among others was condemned whose only Crime was his having the Reputation of a good and just Man The Peoples Favour is a very dangerous Friend to Virtue for their Applause and Approbation is punished as a fault as you may see in the Person of Galerian 7 Nihil ausus sed nomen insigne decora ipsi juventa rumore vulgi celebrabantur Tac. 4. Hist. So Germanicus learned by experience that the Roman Peoples love was fickle and unfortunate 8 Breves infaustos populi Romani amores Tac. 2. Ann. Neither Princes nor Commonwealths much desire Ministers of extraordinary Excellency but such as have a competent Skill to manage Affairs and this reason Tacitus gives why Poppaeus Sabinus was continued Four and twenty Years in the Government of the most considerable Provinces 9 Nâ—llam ob eximiam artem sed quod par negotiis neque supra erat Tac. 6. Ann. 'T is therefore a piece of great Prudence to know how to conceal ones Fame and consequently to beware of all Ostentation of Wit Valour or Excellency and cover all sublime Thoughts as they say with Ashes though I confess 't is difficult for a noble Mind to confine to the narrow compass of its own Breast a Flame that breaks out on all sides and daily requires new Fuel to increase it and make it shine with the greater Lustre But this we may be perswaded to by the Examples of these Illustrious Heroes who heretofore from the Dictatorship returned to the Plough and of those that after a Triumphant Entry into the City of Rome by Breaches because the Gates were not large enough that after the Conquest of whole Nations have retreated to poor despicable Cottages whither afterwards the Common-wealth has come to find them out Nor had that ever brought them so soon into play again had it not seen they were not ambitious of Honour for that like a Shadow flies him that pursues it follows him that flies it His Fame and Reputation is greatest who strives to conceal it Rubellius Plautus was thought to deserve the Empire because he lived retired 10 Omnium ore Rubellius Plautus celebratur cui nobilitas per matrem ex Iuliâ familiâ ipse placita majorum câ—lebat habitu severo caâ—â—â secretâ domo quantoque metu occultior tanto plus famae adeptus Tac. 14. Ann. but 't is not so in Monarchies where one ascends higher by having begun to ascend A Prince has Men of Courage and Bravery in great esteem Republicks
comes upon this great Theatre of the World to act the part of a Prince and that he having his discharge another shall succeed to those Robes which he shall leave and that of both of them only this will remain that they once were Lastly Let him know that these Robes wherewith he is cloathed are not his own but the States which that only lends him that he may be a while its Head and may consult for the Preservation Increase and Prosperity thereof as we have said before When therefore a Prince has once begun to run the Race of this Life furnished with the lighted Torch of his State let it not be his only business to prolong his Race for the Goal is already fixt beyond which he can't go and who knows but that he may be now very near it the Flame being exposed to every blast of Wind. One single Gale wrenched it from the Hands of King Henry the First er'e he was fourteen Years old Also a fall from a Horse prevented Prince Iohn Son of their most Catholick Majesties from taking hold on 't Let a Prince consider also the fitness of his hand the occasion and right that he mayn't rashly grasp at more of these Torches than either Succession or lawful Election shall grant him Had Frederick Count Palatine considered this he had never lost his Electoral Dignity his Places and Titles so unfortunately for being ambitious of the Kingdom of Bohemia And truly Charles King of Naples had ended his Race more successfully had he been contented with the Torch of his own Kingdom and not attempted to grasp at that of Hungary where he was therefore poisoned Let not a Prince too readily trust his Torch to another nor suffer any one to touch it with so great Authority For Empire admits of no Companion The Infant Sancho attempted to snatch this Torch from his Father King Alphonso the Wise by the same Power and Authority which he receiv'd from him Nor were there wanting Pretences for the Infant of Portugal to attempt the same against his Father Dionysius These Torches of Kingdoms lighted by ill Methods are commonly soon extinguish'd for no Power acquired by wickedness is lasting King Garcias forc'd his Father Alphonso to quit his Kingdom but could not enjoy the Crown so gotten above three Years Fruela the Third possess'd but fourteen Months the Kingdom which he had attain'd rather by Force than Election Violent Counsels h'an't always their desired Success Ramon hop'd certainly to inherit the Throne of Navarre if he could make away with his Brother Sancho but the People abhorr'd him who had conceiv'd such a horrid Villainy and so offer'd it to Sancho King of Arragon his Uncle Let not a Prince unadvisedly trust his Torch out of his own Hands in his Life-time least if he should afterwards repent it should befal him as it did King Alphonso the Fourth who having once resign'd his Kingdom to his Brother Ramiro could never afterwards retrieve it though he desir'd it Ambition while in Possession regards not Justice having always Arguments and Pretences at hand to defend it self And who will not be mov'd by the difference between commanding and obeying Though these Torches do pass from Father to Son yet let Kings remember that they receive them from God and that when he pleases they are to Surrender them to him that they may know to whose Gift they ought to ascribe them and how strict an Account they are to give of them This King Ferdinand the Great did who with his last Breath pronounc'd these Words Thine O Lord is Power Empire is thine Thou art Supream King of Kings all things are under thy Providence The Kingdom which from thy Hand I receiv'd unto thee I resign The same Words did King Ferdinand the Holy use at the point of Death 'T is a glorious though laborious Race which Heaven has design'd for your Royal Highness which must be run not with one but with several Torches of shining Diadems which like the Sun but without ever leaving us in the dark will diffuse their extended Light from East to West Furious Winds rising from each part of the Horizon will perhaps threaten them but since God has lighted them to preceed the Standard of the Cross and to give light upon the Holy Altars of the Church it may well be hop'd that these may shine like that 2 I will also give thee for a light to the Gentiles that thou maist be my Salvation to the end of the Earth Isaiah 49. 6. especially if your Highness's Faith and Holy Zeal would by holding them upright make their Flame burn more clear and bright its natural tendency being towards Heaven and he who holds them obliquely will make the Flame its self feed upon and wast them but he who turns 'em directly downwards opposite to Heaven will immediately extinguish them for the Matter which would else nourish them will then extinguish them Let your Highness therefore take care with these Lights to finish your Course with Glory and Surrender them bright and flaming to your Successor not meerly such as you receiv'd them but illustrated and augmented with new Rays For God weighs both Kingdoms and Kings when they begin to Reign that he may afterwards require a just Account from them thus he did with King Balthazar 3 Thou art weigh'd in the balance and found wanting Dan. 5. 27. And if Otho thoguht himself oblig'd to deliver up the Empire to Posterity such as he had receiv'd it from his Ancestors 4 Vrbi nostrae institutum à Regibus usque ad Principes continuum immortalem sicut à Majoribus accepimus sic posteris tradamus Tac. 1. Hist. your Highness must acknowledge no less an Obligation deriv'd to you from your glorious Predecessors So the Emperor Charles the Fifth resign'd his while he was yet living to his Son Philip the Second And though the wickedness of some can't attend the end of their Career for fear of adverse Winds already rais'd as was the Case of Alphonso King of Naples who seeing he could not resist Charles the Eighth of France surrendred the Crown to his Son Ferdinand Duke of Calabria yet certain 't is that his design was to make a timely Restitution of his Crown to God and prepare himself for another not Temporal but Eternal one which once obtain'd may be securely enjoy'd without fear of ever being lost EMBLEM XX. AMONG the Ceremonies of the Athenians at their Marriages a certain little Boy with a Basket of Bread in his Hand and a Crown of Thorns upon his Head went before the Bridegroom by which I believe they intimated that Matrimony was not instituted for Pleasure only but also for Cares and Labours By the same if Emblems will admit Human Figures might also be meant a Prince For what thorny Cares does not he feel who endeavours to maintain his State in Justice Peace and Plenty What Difficulties does he experience What Dangers is he
liable to who commands other 1 Quam arduum quam subjectum fortunae regendi cuncta onus Tac. 1. Ann. His Fatigues should be the Peoples Rest his Dangers their Security his Vigilance their Sleep But we have here represented the same thing by a Crown fine indeed and charming to â—ight but within full of Thorns and Briars with this Motto of Seneca the Tragedian False good What Cares dost hide Under the appearance of a gay outside Who viewing those Pearls and Diamonds and those Flowers which adorn a Crown would not fancy that the inside was much more fair and beautiful yet is there nothing but sharp Thorns which continually prick and scratch the Head and Breast There is not a Pearl in a Crown but which is Sweat nor a Ruby but which is Blood nor a Diamond without some asperity or roughness 't is a Circumference without a Center of rest a perpetual Motion of Cares * Sâ—rabo for this reason Kings anciently wore a Crown made like a Ship to represent its Inconstancy Trouble and Dangers †Valer. Max. This he well knew who when a Crown was offered him laid it down with these Words Let him take thee up who does not know thee Instead of Crowns they at first us'd Fillets not as a Badge of Majesty but only to bind and preserve the Head 2 Let them set a fair Miâ—re upon his Head Zach. 3. 5. So heavy are the Cares of a Crown'd Head that it had need to be fore-arm'd for to Reign is nothing but three continual Sighs and Toils in preserving acquiring and losing Therefore did the Emperor Mark Anthony say That Empire was the greatest of Troubles Princes are born to labours let them therefore inure themselves thereto The Kings of Persia had a Chamberlain who wak'd them betimes in the Morning with these Words Arise O King to look after the Affairs of your Kingdom Some Princes now-a-days would not endure such disturbance for they perswade themselves that Ease Voluptuousness and Vices are the Rewards of Princes but that the Shame and Disgrace thereof belong to others Whereas some Princes shamefully neglect their Duty it is because as we shall mention elsewhere they take the Kingdom for their Inheritance and Propriety which they may use as they please and think that their Authority and Sovereign Power is subject to no Laws but altogether free to act as it list in which Flattery encourages them insinuating that without that freedom and liberty of living a Kingdom would be the worst of Slavery more intolerable than the meanest Condition of Subjects Whence resigning themselves to Luxury and Pleasure their Strength and Spirits flag and themselves become wholly unfit for Government Hence I believe it is that among so many Princes there are so very few good Governors not that they want Natural Parts for in those they usually exceed others as being born of better Blood but because that through Ease and Luxury they don't make use of them nor do their Courtiers suffer it for they make their Fortunes with more ease under a negligent than careful Prince The Remedy against these Inconveniencies consists chiefly in two Things The first is That a Prince should from his Youth as soon as he has the use of Reason be accustomed to the Management of Affairs even before the Death of his Predecessor thus God did with Ioshua And if in Matters of Concern and Trust it be not convenient for Reasons which I shall shew in the last Emblem but one yet in other things it is that his Mind may be diverted from Debauchery This made the Roman Senate introduce their Youth to their Consultations By the benefit of this many Popes Nephews though they have been admitted very young to the Administration of Affairs have in a few years made experienc'd Statesmen The other is That those that are near the Prince should dexterously endeavour to root out of his Mind certain vain Opinions of his Greatness and let him know that 't is the common Consent of all that gives Power and Authority to the Scepter for Nature made no Kings That his Purple is an Emblem of Blood which he should be ready upon occasion to shed for the People 4 Consulaâ—es fasces praetâ—â—tum curulemque sellam nihil aliud quam pompam funeris putent claris insignibus velut inâ—â—sis velatos ad moâ—t 〈◊〉 destinari Liv. 2. Hist. that it was not given to breed and nourish the Moâ—hâ— of Vices That he is born a Prince by chance that Virtue only is the proper good of Man that his Dominion is Government not absolute Power and that his Vassals are Subjects not Slaves This Document the Emperor Claudius gave to Meherdatus King of Persia 5 Vt non dominationem servos sed rectorem cives cogitaret Tac. 12. Ann. Let them advise the Prince so to do by those whom he Governs as he would be done to were he a Subject so Gaiba instructed Piso when he adopted him his Son 6 Cogitare quid â—ut 〈◊〉 sub alio Principe aut volueris Tac. 1. Hist. No Prince was ever elected only to be so but that being so he might be serviceable to the rest King Antigonus considering this advis'd his Son not to abuse his Power not to be proud or use his Subjects ill Knowest thou not my Son said he that our Kingdom is but a noble Slavery 7 An Ignoras 〈◊〉 mi nostrum Regnum essâ—â— nâ—bilem servitutem Upon this the Woman grounded her Answer to the Emperor Rodolphus who telling her he was not at leasure to hear her Then says she you are no more Emperor Subjects are not born for the King but the King for the Subjects 'T would be too hard a Bargain for them to sell all their Liberty to the King if in return they could not promise themselves Justice and Protection from him to which end they voluntarily submitted themselves to his Command The Romans in their Triumphs were crownâ—d with their own Shields 8 With fâ—vour wilt thou compass him as with a Shield Psalm 5. 〈◊〉 made into the circular Form of a Crown whence were introduc'd the Diadems of the Saints who were Victorious against the Common Enemy A Prince deserves not a Crown unless also he use it as a Shield to ward the Stroaks of adverse Fortune from his Subjects To Reign is rather an Office than a Dignity an Authority of a Father over his Children 9 Vt enim gubernatio patrisfamilias est Regia quaedam potestas domi ita Regia potestas est civitatis gentis unius aut plurium quasi domestica quaedam gubernatio Arist. Polit. 3. cap. 11. and if the Subjects find not that Fatherly Care and Affection in the Prince they owe him no Respect or filial Obedience King Ferdinand the Holy look'd upon his Government as an Office which consisted in protecting his Subjects in administring Justice in chastising Vice and procuring the Enlargement
the State were then under the Power of an Enemy For Presidents of Disobedience and Contempt of Authority being conniv'd at or rewarded are dangerous even to Successors Dignity is ever the same being always espoused to him who possesses her Wherefore he defends his own Cause who takes care of his Predecessor's Honour though 't was not wounded in his time A Prince ought not to leave behind him the Memory of one who has been so impudent as to affront Authority unpunish'd for iâ— once Subjects are perswaded that they may raise their Fortunes or satisfy their Passions by the Death or Abuse of the Prince none will be able to live secure The Punishment of Impudence to the Predecessor is the security of the Successor and a warning to all from daring to attempt the like For which reason Vitellius put all those to Death who petition'd him for Rewards for the Murther of Galba 7 Non honore Galbae sed tradito principiâ—â—â— more munimentum ad praesens in posterum ultionem Tac. Hist. lib. 1. Every one is treated as he treats others Iulius Caesar commanding the Statues of Pompey to be erected confirm'd his own If Princes should not unite against Contempt and Treason Authority and Loyalty would be in danger In Cases where the same circumstances concur a Prince ought not to connive at some and punish others for nothing renders them more odious than partiality 8 Cavendum est ne iisdem de caussis alii plectantur alii ne appellantur quidem 〈◊〉 de Off. Whence the Egyptians signified the Equality which should be observ'd in Justice by the Feathers of an Ostrich which are equal on both sides 'T is great Prudence in a Prince to find such sorts of Punishments as will expiate the Offence with the least damage to the Delinquent Certain Noblemen fomented Disturbances in Galicia and though they deserv'd Death King Ferdinand the Fourth callâ—d them to him and gave them employs in the Army where some of them were punish'd by the Enemy others by the Hardships and Toils of War and so that Province was reduc'd to its former Tranquility As in time of Peace Justice and Mercy are very advantageous so in War are Rewards and Punishments because there the Dangers are so great as would not be attempted without great hopes and nothing but fear could restrain the Licentiousness of the Soldiers In so much as without these two things says King Alphonso The Faults which are committedâ—in War are much more dangerous for if Men have so much to do to defend themselves from the Mischief of their Enemies how much more have they from that which accrues from their own Faults For which reason the Romans inflicted divers sorts of Infamy and Punishment upon the Soldiers who fail'd in their Duty or in any dangerous Attempt or Military Affair whence they were less afraid of the Enemy than the Punishment and chose-rather to die bravely in Action than to lose their Honour or Lives afterwards with perpetual Ignominy and Disgrace In those times none durst Desert because he could not shelter himself in any part of the Empire Now-a-days Deserters are not only not punished when they return to their own Country but sculking from Battel they March from Milan to Naples where as if they had serv'd under some other Prince they are again listed into his Majesty's Service to the great detriment thereof In which the Vice-Roys should follow the Example of the Roman Senate who after the Battel of Cannae though they were in extream want of Soldiers could not be induc'd to redeem six thousand Prisoners which Hannibal offered them thinking them not worth Redemption who suffer'd themselves ignominiously to be taken Prisoners when they might have died gloriously The Errors of Generals committed through ignorance ought rather to be conniv'd at than punish'd least the fear of being punished or reprimanded should make them too timorous Besides the greatest Prudence may be confounded in Accidents of War whence they deserve Compassion rather than Punishment Varro lost the Battel of Cannae and at his return the whole Senate went out to receive him thanking him for that in such a total Defeat he had not wholly despair'd of Affairs When connivence is not convenient but the Execution of Justice is required let it be done with readiness and resolution He who does it privately and by stealth is more like an Assassine than a Prince He who checks the Authority which the Crown gives him either doubts his Power or Merit from the Prince's distrust of himself proceeds the Peoples disrespect Whose Opinion of him is answerable to what he has of himself King Alphonso the Wise lost the esteem of his People by doing Justice in private This can be convenient only in troublesome times when greater Dangers may be fear'd if the People don't see the Authors of Seditions punish'd e'er they know they are taken Thus Tiberius acted for fear of this Inconveniency 9 Nec Tiberius poenam ejus palam ausus in secreta palatii parte interfici jussit corpusque clam auferri Tac. 2. Ann. In other Cases let a Prince execute that Office boldly and vigorously which he holds in the Name of God and the People for 't was Justice that at first gave him his Scepter and 't is that which must preserve it 'T is the Will of God the Harmony of Government and the Protection of Majesty If the Laws be once suffer'd to be broken unpunish'd there will be neither Fear nor Modesty and without them no Peace nor Quiet 10 Si prohibita impunè transcenderis neque metus ultrà neque pudor est Tac. 3. Ann. Yet let Princes consider that they are like Masters of Families nay that they really are such in respect to their Subjects and therefore let them temper Justice with Clemency They ought to drink the Sins of the People as God intimated to St. Peter by that Vessel of unclean Animals out of which he commanded him to eat 11 Wherein were all manner of fourfooted Beasts of the Earth and wild Beasts and creeping Things and Fowls of the Air and there came a Voice unto him Rise Peter kill and eat Actâ— 10. 12 13. A Prince should have the Stomach of an Ostrich so hot with Mercy as to digest Iron and should be also an Eagle with the Thunder of Justice which by striking one terrifies all For if all were to be punish'd who transgress'd there would be none left for the Prince to Command for there is scarce any Man so just as not to have one time or other deserved Death 12 Vix enim quisquam adeò mali expers ut non aliquam mortem meyeatur Tac. 2. Ann. The Rigour of Justice is not less dangerous to the Crown Life and Empires than Injustice Of this King Iohn the Second is an Example who for his great Severity became odious to his People And King Peter the Cruel lost thereby his Kingdom and Life too
the giddy Rabble Contempt of such is Courage and Steddiness in a Prince whose Sovereign Law is the Peoples Safety Tiberius heretoâ—ore gloried in having shewn himself fearless of Affronts and Scandal for the Publick Benefit 1 Offensionem pro utilitate publica non pavidum Tac. 4. Ann. A great and lively Soul is nothing affraid of the uncertain Ruâ—ours of the Multitude and Common Fame He who â—â—spises this imaginary will thereby obtain real and â—â—lid Glory This Fabius Maximus well knew when â—e preferr'd the Publick Safety before the Clamours and Complaints of the People accusing his Delays 〈◊〉 did also the Great Captain in the Captivity of Duke Valentin who though he had surrendered and intrustâ—d himself to his safe Conduct yet for some fresh 〈◊〉 he was inform'd he had laid against his Catholick Majesty kept him Prisoner thinking the Dangers his liberty might cause more to be respected than the Aspersions were thrown upon him for the Breach of 〈◊〉 Parole from which at that time it seem'd by no means proper for him publickly to clear himself King Sâ—â—cho the Brave was a Prince renown'd and warlike 〈◊〉 Deaf to the Calumnies of his Subjects he declin'd the Battel of Xeres †Mar. Hist. Hisp. 'T is better for a Prince to be â—â—red by his Enemies as Prudent than as Rash and Precipitous My Design by this Discourse is not to make the Prince a very Slave to the Commonwealth so that for â—â—y Reason or upon the least appearance of its Inteâ—â—st he should break his Word or run Counter to all Treaties and Agreements For such a Violation can neither be of any advantage to him nor his State but will be rather the Ruin of both what is dishonest being never long secure A remarkable Instance of which we have in the Kingdom of Arragon which has been so often embroiled toss'd with so many Storms of Calamities and eminent Miseries because Peter the Fourth as well in times of Peace as War had more regard to Interest than Credit and Renown Interest and Honour should walk hand in hand and the same pace nor câ—â— I be reconciled to this Opinion That nothing is glorioâ—s but what is safe and that whatever is done to maintain Dominion is honourable 2 Nihil gloriosum nisi tutum omnia retinendae dominationis 〈◊〉 Sallust For what is base can never be a good means to preserve it nor if it were will it be therefore the more honourable or excusable My Design is only to raise the Prince's Mind above the Vulgar Opinion and arm him with Constancy to withstand the vain Murmurs of the Multitude that he may know how to temporize to dissemble Injuries to lay aside Kingly Gravity to despise empty Fame having his Eyes fix'd upon that which is true and well-grounded In a word to take Counsel from the time and necessity if the Conservation of his State require it and not suffer himself to be deluded with vain Shadows of Honour esteeming that more than the Publick Good A Fault blam'd in King Henry the Fourth who refus'd to take their Advice who perswaded him to apprehend Iohn Pachico Marquiss of Villena the Author of the Troubles and Commotions among the Grandees of the Kingdom Saying he had made him a promise of a safe Passage to Madrid which he ought not to violate A frivolous Excuse to prefer an idle Proof of Faith and Clemency to his own Life and the Publick Safety especially towards one who would abuse this his Favour to Plot against his Royal Person which was the source of great Calamities to the King and his whole Kingdom Tiberius was not at all moved that some blamed him for making so long a stay at the 〈◊〉 of Caprea and neither went to aid the Gauls of whom a great part were already lost nor to appease the legions in Germany 3 Tanto impensius in sccuritatem compositus neque loco neque 〈…〉 sed ut sâ—litum per illos dâ—es egit Tac. 3. Ann. Prudent Constancy hears but does not much regard the Sentiments of the ignorant Multitude knowing if things succeed well Murmur will afterwards turn to greater Glory and sensibly vaâ—ish of it self The Army distrusted Saul's Election and in Derision said How shall this Man save us 4 1 Sam. 10. 27. Saul however took no notice of those Words but made as if he did not hear them nor indeed should Princes hear every thing and the Soldiers condemning afterwards their Crime recanted nay and made diligent search for the Author of that Abuse to put him to Death 5 1 Sam. 11. 12. It had not been prudent in Saul to expose 〈◊〉 Election by discovering his knowledge of the Peoâ—â—es Dissatisfaction What Levity were it in a Traâ—eller to be stopp'd by the importunate Noise of every Grasshopper To be guided in ones Resolutions by the â—â—â—ting Mob were folly 6 Non ex rumore statuendum Tac. 3. Ann to fear them and reâ—oke what has been once resolved base and infamous Scarce any Council would be secure did it depend â—pon the Multitude who are incapable of penetrating â—ll the Motives upon which the Prince Acts nor is it 〈◊〉 to make them publick for that were to give them the Authority of the Scepter All the Peoples Power 〈◊〉 included in the Person of the Prince It is his part to Act theirs to Obey with a firm Perswasion of the Equity and Reasonableness of his Commands If every 〈◊〉 bad liberty to ask Reasons of what is injoyned there â—â—uld be an end of Obedience and Empire 7 Si ubi jubeantur quaerere singulis 〈◊〉 pereunte obsequio eâ—â—am 〈◊〉 interciâ—it Tac. 1. Hist. 'T is as necessary for a Subject to be ignorant of these things 〈◊〉 to know others The Sovereign Iurisdiction of things God has given to Princes to Subjects is left the Glory of Obedience The only thing required of a Prince is to acquit himself of his Duty in his Resolutions and Decrees if the Success prove not answerable to his desire he ought not to be discouraged for it is sufficient that he has done nothing imprudently the very best Counsel is weak and liable to abundance of Accidents The greater a Monarchy is the more exposed it is to the unhappy Casualties which Chance brings with it or Humane Understanding is unable to foresee and prevent Gross Bodies usually labour under great Distempers Did not the Prince prosecute Affairs notwithstanding all Obloquy and Detraction with Courage and Constancy he would lead but an unhappy Life If he at any time chance to err Courage is necessary least he be dash'd and become for the future slow and irresolute That Prince who upon no grounds suspects all he does will be disapproved of contracts too much the Limits of his Power and subjects himself to a thousand Terrors of Imagination which generally arise from some private superstitious Perswasion or Excess of Melancholy These Inconveniences David seems to have
XXXVI THE expert and prudent Seaman is not always carried at the Pleasure of the Wind but rather by 〈◊〉 Benefit of it so disposes the Sails of his Ship that 〈◊〉 arrives at the desired Port and with the same Wind 〈◊〉 at which he pleases of two opposite Shores withâ—â— endangering his Voyage But when the Heaven 's calm by the help of Sails and 〈◊〉 he out strips even the Wind it self With no less 〈◊〉 and Diligence the Prince ought to Steer the Vessel of 〈◊〉 State in the tempestuous Sea of his Reign so attenâ—â—vely observing all Storms that he may with Prudence and Valour make use of the same in their time and place He is a Pilot to whose Conduct the Life and Safety of all is committed nor is any Ship more hazardous than a Crown exposed to so many Winds of Ambition so many Rocks of Enemies and Storms of People King Sancho the Brave needed all his Industry to arm himself against Fortune and secure the Right of his Crown Almost the whole Science of Politicks consists in knowing how to discern Times and make use of them A Storm sometimes bringing a Ship sooner into Harbour than a Calm He who can break the force of ill Fortune renders it favourable and one that knowing a Danger yields to it and gives it time at length surmounts it When the Sailor finds there is no contending with the Billows he strikes Sail and abandons himself to them and because his Resistance would rather add force to the Wind uses some narrow Creek to rest his Ship in and shelter it from the Waves Something must be granted Dangers if one would escape them Iames the First King of Arragon was sensible of the Aversion his Noblâ—s and People had to him and that it was by no means convenient to increase their Fury by an untimely Opposition but rather to give it time to sink of it self as Rivers do whose Waters in a Tempest swell and overflow their Banks voluntarily suffer'd himself to be play'd upon and as it were imprisoned till he restored all things to their former Calmness and Tranquility and reinstated himself in the Throne The same discreet Moderation Queen Mary used when by siding with the Grandees and satisfying their Ambition she preserved the Crown of Castile during the Minority of her Son Ferdinand the Fourth †Mar. Hist. Hisp. Did the Sailor think it a dishonour to yield to a Storm and were resolved with Sails and Oars to withstand it his Ruin would be inevitable Constancy consists not in unseasonable struggling bâ—â— in hoping and so enduring Danger without letting Fortune get the upper hand of one In such Cases the Glory is to escape safe What seems Baseness of Mind in them is afterwards Magnanimity crown'd with Success When King Alphonso the Wise saw himself deprived of his Kingdom putting his whole Confidence in the King of Morocco's Assistance made no difficulty to beg of Alphonso de Guzman Governor of St. Lucar de Barameda who upon some Disgust had retired to that Prince's Court that forgetting all former Injuries and remembring their ancient Amity and his Nobility he would stand his Friend and endeavour to be an Instrument of that King 's supplying him with Men and Money Which Letters are to this Day kept in that most Illustrious and Ancient House Nevertheless Kings ought not to yield to their Subjects violence unless in Cases of Extremity for he very little consults his Authority who debases himself by too much Condescention The dishonourable Terms King Ferdinand the Holy constrain'd by his Non-age made the House of Zara no way appeased them Nor could Isabella reclaim Alphonso Carillo Bishop of Toledo though she honour'd him with a Visit at Alcala I confess in desperate Cases prudence is wont to try all ways that Chance can render possible It is great Courage and Strength of Reason on Occasions of that Nature to restrain the Spirits and weigh the present Necessity and greatness of the Danger against such means as may contribute more to the State 's Preservation No one was ever more Jealous of his Grandeuâ— than Tiberius yet he dissembled the Boldnâ—sâ— of Lentulus Germanicus who having the Command of the German Legions was so audacious as to write to him with Threats not to send him a Successor covenanting as 't were to let his Prince enjoy the Empire provided he were continued in his Province 1 Reputante Tiberio publicum sibi â—dium extremam aetatem magisque fama quam vi stare res suaâ— Tac. 6. Ann. and he who could not put up the Emulation of his Sons took this slight patiently Not but he knew the ill Consequence of letting such Disobedience go unpunished but if he opposed it he consider'd he should incurr the publick Odium that he was now in Years and in a State where his Affairs depended more upon Reputation than Strength Subjects would be little beholding to the Valour of the Prince who governs them if he should presently in ill Fortune submit to Necessity and on the other side as little to his Prudence if when that Fortune can't be overcome he will however withstand it Courage should be moderated by Prudence and Address and what cannot be effected by Strength should be the Work of Art and Industry 'T is no less glorious to avoid than to surmount a Danger To fly it always is Sloth to expect Ignorance or Surprize to despair Cowardice Men of Courage make Head against Fortune her self The Princeâ—s Duty and End is not lightly to contest with his State upon the Billows but to conduct it to the Haven of Preservation and Safety That is esteemed valiant Wisdom which draws Benefit out of Adversity as also that which by struggling compasses its Ends sooner Kings the Masters of Times and Things are always followed never led by them There 's no Building but whose Ruins with what Addition Industry is wont to make may Erect a more stately Fabrick Nor any State so intirely abandon'd by Fortune that Valour cannot preserve and even advance provided it consult Prudence upon Events and know how to make right use of them or at least to turn them to its Advantage Ferdinand the Catholick and Lewis the Twelfth of France had divided between them the Kingdom of Naples and the great Captain knowing the Circle of a Crown to have but one Center and that Empire admits of no Companion endeavoured immediately to get his Master's Share into his Hands that in Cafe of after Disputes which he foresaw would arise between those two Kings he might be the more at leasure and use them afterwards to disposses the King of France of his Part as in Effect it happned Accidents it is true have some force but we increase or diminish them according to our Carriage under them Our Ignorance gives Divinity and Power to Fortune in that we lightly resign our selves to her Vicissitudes Did we change our Customs and Measures as oft as she does the Times she
understood Tiberius's meaning and that he was recall'd from Germany only to stop the progress of his Glory readily obey'd without seeming to understand 14 Haud â—â—â—â—ctatus est ultra Germanicus quanquam fingi ea seque per invidiam â—â—rto jam decori abstrahi intelligeret Tac. 2. ann Since Princes commands can't be declin'd 't is prudence to obey them chearfully pretending ignorance of the motives to avoid danger Thus Archelaus though he knew he was call'd to Rome by Tiberius's Mother through Craft and Treachery yet he dissembled it and fearing violence if he should be thought to understand it made what hast he could thither 15 Si intelligere videretur vim metuens in urbem properat Tac. 2. ann And this Dissimulation is yet more necessary in the Errors and Vices of Princes for they esteem them as enemies who are acquainted therewith In the Banquet at which Germanicus was poison'd some ran for 't but the more prudent fat still looking upon Nero that they might not be thought to mistrust the Murther but rather to believe that it was natural 16 Trâ—pidaâ—â—â— Ã circumsedentibus diffugiunt imprudentes at quibus altior intellectus resistunt defixi Neronem intuentes Tac. 13. ann EMBLEM XLV THE Lion the body of this devise was among the Aegyptians the Emblem of Vigilance and us'd to be set in the Frontispieces and Porches of their Temples Hence Alexander the Great was engraven upon his Coin with a Lion's skin upon his head to intimate that he was not less carefull and vigilant than valiant for if at any time affairs requir'd that he should not spend much time in sleep he was us'd to lie with his arm out of bed holding a Silver ball in his hand that if he should fall asleep that falling into a brass Bason set underneath for that purpose might waken him He had never conquer'd the world had he been sleepy and lazy he ought not to snore away his time who has the Government of People committed to him †Non decet ignavum totâ producere somnum Nâ—cte virum sub consilio sub nomine cujus Tâ—t populi degunt cui rerum cura fidesque Credita summarum est Thus the Lion knowing himself to be King of Beasts sleeps but little or if he does 't is with his Eyes open he does not confide so much in his Empire nor relie so much on his Majesty as not to think it necessary to seem to be awake even while he sleeps The Senses do indeed require rest sometimes but even then 't is necessary Princes should be thought to be awake A sleeping King differs not from another man This Passion he ought to conceal from Friends as well as Enemies he may sleep provided others think him waking Let him not depend so much upon his Authority and Power as to shut his Eyes to Care and Circumspection 'T is a cunning Dissimulation in the Lion to sleep with his Eyes open not with a design to deceive but only to hide his sleepiness And if any one designing against him be deceiv'd finding him awake whom he thought he had seen sleeping 't is his own fault not the Lion's Nor is this pretence below the greatness of his Mind no more than that other piece of cunning of smoothing over the Tract of his feet with his Tail to deceive the Huntsmen There is no Fortress secure unless guarded by Vigilance The greater the Prince is the greater care he ought to be crown'd with not with the Sincerity of innocent Doves but the prudence of subtle Serpents For as when the Lion enters the Field the other Beasts lay aside their natural Enmity and give over fighting and with joint force combine against him so among men all arm and unite against the strongest Nothing is more pernicious to the Kingdom of England than the greatness of the Dutch for they take from them the Dominion of the Seas nothing more prejudicial to France than the Grandure of those same Rebels who once breaking down the Dikes oppos'd by Spain would like an Inundation soon o'erwhelm the Kingdom of France as King Henry the Fourth wisely observ'd and yet what weigh'd more with both these two Crowns than their danger their hatred I mean and fear of the Spanish Monarchy rais'd that people to that Grandure and Power which upon alteration of affairs they may fear against themselves We are more sollicitous and carefull to avert present dangers than future ones though these are often greater Fear obstructs the Senses nor permits the Mind to survey things at a distance A groundless Fear is often of more force than the greatest reason of State The power of Spain in Italy is a preservative against the distempers of the Genoese liberty the same also preserves the Dukedom of Tuscany augments the Spiritual Empire of the Church maintains the Authority of the House of Austria and secures the Venetians from the Tyranny of the Turks yet I know not whether the Ministers of these Princes will acknowledge this or act conformable to this their Interest Such Jealousies as are not guided by reason work their own ruin They who thought they should be safe in disarming the Emperour Ferdinand the Second sound afterwards that they had need of those arms which they had caus'd him to disband Many Provinces which for Reasons of State sought the ruin of the Roman Empire lost their own liberty with its ruin Let not a Prince put much confidence in exterior respect and ceremony for 't is all feign'd and far from what it appears to be Complaisance is Flattery Adoration Fear Respect Force and Friendship Necessity The good opinion which a Prince conceives of others they make use of to circumvent and betray him All watch his motions to make a prey of him all strive to overcome him by Stratagem whom they can't by force few or none act sincerely with him for he who is fear'd seldom hears truth and therefore he ought not to sleep in confidence of his own power Let him oppose Stratagem with Stratagem and Power with Power A generous mind closely and cautiously prevents or couragiously resists dangers But though in the present Emblem we allow of the arts of Dissimulation nay and think them necessary with the aforesaid restrictions yet does it more become the Ministers than the Princes themselves for in them there is a certain occult Divinity which is offended at that care Dissimulation is usually the Daughter of Fear and Ambition neither of which ought to be discover'd in a Prince The conveniences of Dissimulation he ought to supply by silence and reservedness A Prince is more belov'd for being prudent and wary provided he act with a Royal Sincerity All hate Artifice and on the contrary a natural and open freedom is agreeable to all as Tacitus remarks in Petronius 1 Dicta factaque ejus quanto solutiora quandam sui negligentiaâ— praeferentia tantò gratius in speciem simplicitatis accipiebantur
as to know how to manage the helm of favour and to sail in so very dangerous a Gulf What prudence what art can save him What Chymist can fix this Mercury of Princes Affections especially when favour founded upon eminent merit can't resist Envy and the Machinations of so many as conspire its ruin Neither the Kings Darius nor Achis could defend their favour to Daniel and David against the hatred of the Princes and Guards 23 Dan. 6 4. but were forc'd for their satisfaction to banish one and throw the other into a Den of Lions though they were well assured of their Integrity and Innocence 24 1 Sâ—m 20. 6. Though no prudence nor attention be sufficent to prevent those accidents which depend not upon the Favourite yet may he do much in things which depend upon him and at least will be unblameable if he fall into disgrace Which consideration oblig'd me here to mark out to him the usual causes of his ruin arising from his own imprudence and the malice of others that being forewarn'd he may avoid them If we would attentively consider the Maxims and Actions of former Favourites and especially of Sejanus we shall find that most of them fell because they could not continue those good methods by which they at first obtain'd the Prince's savour All to merit it and gain the applause of the people enter into favour zealous humble courteous and officious giving counsel for the Glory of the Prince and Preservation of his Grandure the method by which Sejanus ingratiated himself 25 Quia Sejanus incipiente adhuc potentia bonis consiliis noâ—escere volebat Tac. 4. ann but being once masters of this favour they loose the Helm which before guided them and believe they have no more occasion for it in their Voyage but can sail securely with the gale of the Prince's favour At first they are diligent to appear wholly disengag'd from their own affairs and only intent upon the Prince's interest preferring his service even to their own Lives and Fortunes whence the Prince persuaded that he has got in this person a faithful associate in his labours loves him and extolls him every-where as Tiberius did Sejanus to the Senate and People 26 Ut sociâ—m laborum non modo in sermonibus sed apud patres populum celebraret Tac 4. ann They endeavour farther by some generous and heroick action to prove their fidelity to the Prince and win his heart Thus Sejanus ingratiated himself with Tiberius by sustaining with his own hands and head the weight of a Precipice which would else have fallen upon Tiberius causing him thereby to put more confidence in his Friendship and Constancy 27 Praebuitque ipsi materiam cur amicitiae â—â—stanti aeque 〈◊〉 magis fideret Ibid. Which good opinion of a Favourites fidelity if a Prince once imbibes he easily fancies himself secure of it for the future and willingly takes his advice though never so pernicious putting more confidence in him than in himself as Tiberius did after that action 28 Major ex eâ— quanquam exitiosa suaderet ut non sui anxius câ—m fide audiebatur Ibid. And hence proceed very great mischiefs For he is blinded by this pre-conceiv'd opinion nay and himself promotes his Favourite's Credit and Reputation by permitting extraordinary Honours to be paid him as Tiberius did hanging Sejâ—nus's picture in the Theatres aâ—d publick Places 29 Colique per theatrâ— fora effigies ejus interque principia legionum sineret Ibid. This whisper passes immediately from one to another whence is rais'd a new Idol like that of Aaron out of the Ear-rings 30 Exod. 32. 4. for either there would be no favour or at least 't would be but of short continuance without the applause of the people This Honour creates Arrogance and Avarice to support it the usual Vices of the great ones 31 Avaritiam arrogantiam praecipua validiorum vitia Tac. 1. hist. The Favourite forgets himself and those good qualities which made him at first esteem'd by degrees fade Prosperity insensibly disclosing those Vices which Policy had a while conceal'd So it happen'd to Antonius Primus in whom Prosperity discover'd Pride Avarice and other ill qualities which were before unknown 32 Felicitas in tali ingenio avaritiam superbiam caeterâ—que occulta mala patefâ—cit Tac. 3. hist Grandure disturbs the reason and makes the Favourite aspire to things above him thus Sejanus offer'd marriage to Livia 33 At Sejanus nimiâ fortunà socors muliebri insuper cupidine incensus promissum matrimonium flagitante Livia componit ad Caesarios codicillos Tac. 14 ann He manages affairs not as a Minister but a companion which was Mucian's great fault 34 Mucianus cum expedita manu socium magis imperii quam ministrum agens Tac. 4. ann and would have the Prince but a bare name reserving all the authority to himself 35 Vim principis amplecti â—omen remittere Tac. 4 hist. Nor dares any say to him what Bathsheba said to David And now beâ—old Adonijah reigneth and now my Lord the King thou knowest it not 36 1 Kings 1. 18. And 't is the Favourite's whole aim to exceed the Prince in those qualâ—ties which are proper to Royalty that he may be esteem'd beyond him which way Absalom made use of to disgrace King David affecting affability and a readiness to hear the Subjects Complaints by which he stole the hearts of the people 37 2 Sam. 15. 6. A Favourite does not think himself such unless his Servants Relations and Friends participate of his Authority and so for his security he conâ—errs the chief Offices of State upon them and so cuts the Nerves of Envy With this design Sejanus preferr'd his own Creatures 38 Neque Sâ—natorio ambitu abstinâ—bat clientes suos konoribus aut provincâ—is ornando Tac. 4. ann And because this power derogates from the Authority of the Princes of the Blood who always oppose favour not being able to broâ—k that it should be more esteem'd than Birth and that the Prince should suffer himself to be govern'd by a Subject on whom they must depend a danger which Sejanus experienc'd in the Family of Tiberius 39 Câ—terum plâ—na Câ—sarum domus juvenis filius nepotes adulti mâ—ram capitis adâ—erebant Tac. 4. ann The Favourite breeds discontent between them and the Prince Thus Sejanus inform'd Tiberius that Agrippina conspir'd against him and Agrippina that Tiberius design'd to poison her 40 Immâ—ssis qui per speciem amicitiâ— monerent paratum ei venenum vitandas sâ—ceri epulâ—s Tac. 4. ann If the Favourite succeeds in any thing of this nature it emboldens him to proceed farther After the death of Drusus Sejanus had a design to cut off the whole Family of Germanicâ—s So that the Favourite being blinded with passion and excess of power scorns private Artifices and acts openly against the Prince's Relations
upon Innocence they are as Grains of Salt that preserve Favour and Admonitions not to err or to amend Let him ascribe successful Actions to the Prince but tâ—ke miscarriages upon himself Let him always think his ruin sure and certain waiting for it with Constancy and a free and disinteress'd mind without being over sollicitous to establish his Favour for he falls soonest from a Precipice who fears it most The reflection of the danger disturbs the Brain and we grow giddy with looking from an height Whatever Favourites have been thus giddy have certainly fell when those who have not been so sollicitous have pass'd secure 64 Prov. 10. 9. Among the Ministers of State let him behave himself rather as a Companion than a Master rather as a Defender than Accuser 65 Eccles. 32. 1. Let him encourage the Good and endeavour to reform the Bad. Let him not interpose his Authority in their Preferments or Removals and leave to them their own business Let him not alter the Course of Counsels in Consultations nor deny any access to the Prince If the Prince would have him confer with him let him declare his Sentiments frankly without any other Design than to consult for the best The Court is the most dangerous Rock of Favour and yet all use it to establish and confirm it there is not a stone in it but would strive to fall if in falling it might crush the Statue of the Favourite which is as brittle as that of Nebuchadnezar by reason of the diversity of Metals that compos'd it Not one Courtier is a true Friend to the Favourite if he chooses some he incurs the Hatred and Envy of the rest If he introduces them he is in danger of being supplanted if he does not he makes them his Enemies 'T is thereâ—ore the safest way to walk with indifference to all and not to intermeddle in the Affairs of any one but endeavour to satisfie all and if possible rather to promote than hinder them in their Pretensions and Interest If any one shall have insinuated himself into the Prince's Favour 't will be the best way to keep him there for he who wrestles with another to throw him down usually falls with him and opposition confirms Favour More Favorites have been ruined by striving to displace others than by advancing them Let him slight Accusations or Commendations to the Prince and leave them to Fortune Favour is very subject to the People for if they disapprove the Favourite the Prince can never support him against the common Cry or if he Attempts it the People usually turn his Judges and Executioners we having seen a great many fall by their hands If the People love him to excess he is in danger from thence for that creates Jealousie and Envy in others nay in the Prince himself whence the Peoples Loves are generally short and unlucky 66 Breves infaustos populi Romani amores Tac. 2. ann And so that the Favourite may walk safe between these two Extreams he must avoid all occasions of publick Applause and Acclamations Let him only endeavour to procure to himself a good Esteem by Piety Liberality Complaisance and Affability making it his Care to see Justice duely administred that there may be plenty of all things that the publick Peace be not disturb'd in his time that Privileges be not violated nor Novelties introduced into the Government but above all that there be no Disputes in matters of Religion nor difference among the Clergy For he will soon feel the Peoples Rage if he once incur the name of impious Foreigners who want this natural Love for the Prince depend more upon the Favourite than him whence they pay him most Respect that they may by his means accomplish their Designs to the great dishonour of the Prince and prejudice of his States Nay they often prove the ruin of the Favourite unless he abundantly satisfie them in their Desires and Requests wherefore he ought to beware of their Respect and refuse the incense and worth of Foreigners letting them who would pay him those Honours know that he is only the Curtain before the Image and that 't is the Prince that works the Miracles Ambassadors usually affect the Friendship of the Favourite as the most effectual means to accomplish their Affairs and judging that the disorders which result from Favour will be of Service to them they endeavour to foment it being often introduc'd thereto by the Favourite himself and as they take occasion to commend them in Audiences and seem at first sight free from Interest and Emulation it has often very good Effect yet for all this they are dangerous Friends for the Favourite can't preserve their Friendship without great Detriment to the Prince and State And if in consideration of his Duty he does not abundantly satisfie them they are utter Enemies and leave no stone unturn'd to ruin him 'T is therefore safest not to be more engag'd to them than the Princes Service will permit Endeavouring only to gain the Reputation abroad of a sincere and affable Person and one who would rather preserve the good Correspondences and Alliances of his Prince than break ' em A timely Application of these Preservatives may perhaps prevent a Favourites fall but when he has once incurr'd the Odium and Envy of the people these are look'd upon as Tricks and Artifices and more endanger him As it happened to Seneca who took no method to prevent his Death but endeavouring to moderate his Favour when he found himself persecuted 67 Instituta prioris potentiae commutat proâ—ibet coetus salutantium vâ—tat comitantes rarus per Urbem quasi valetudine infeâ—sa aut sapientiae studiis doâ—◠〈◊〉 Tâ—c 14. ann If notwithstanding the Observation of all these Cautions the Favourite shall fall into Disgrace his fall will be Glorious he having liv'd without the little Fears and the shameful Care of preserving his Favour by methods below a generous Spirit a torment much worse than the disgrace it self If there be any thing valuable in a Princes Favour 't is only the Glory of having merited his Esteem the Continuation of which is full of Cares and Dangers And he is happiest who soonest and with most Reputation quits it I have describ'd Royal Sir the Practices of Favourites but not how a Prince ought to comport himself towards them not supposing that he ought to have any for though he must be allow'd to have more inclination to one than another yet not so as to devolve all his Authority upon one person from whom the people must expect Orders Rewards and Punishments for such Favour is properly an Alienation from the Crown and dangerous to the Government even when Favour succeeds in the Election of the Subject for neither will the people so readily obey nor so awfully respect the Favourite as the Prince nor is he so much concern'd for the welfare of the State nor is he so immediately under the care of
him Persons of Integrity and Wisdom who may upon all Emergencies advise and assist him But if any Prince imagines his own Eyes so good as to believe he can see all things without the assistance of others he is more vain than prudent and will stumble each step of his Administration 15 Si de sua uniâ—â— sententia omnia geret superbum hunc judicabo magis quam prudenteâ— Livius Ioshua though he communicated with 〈◊〉 received Instructions from him and particularly for the taking the City Nai he advised with his old Captains about it 16 Jos. 8. 10. King Assuerus's Ministers never departed from his side and he maturely advised with them about all Affairs a Custom which Kings always observed 17 Hest. 1. 13. Only by Pride cometh Contention but with the well advised is Wisdom 18 Prov. 13. 〈◊〉 Nature has qualified no Man sufficiently to manage a Government though never 〈◊〉 little by himself it being impossible for one to know so much as many 19 Nemo solus sapit Plaut And though one quick-sighted can see further than many others for they are not like numberâ— which are multiplyed by themselves and make one great Summ it must be understood of things at a distance not of those in a near Circumference for then many Eyes discover more than one 20 Prov. 11. 12. provided the number be not so great as to create Confusion one person has but one Argument for he can't have many at the same time and being fond with that will go no further In Counsels the Prince hears all and following the best renounces his own Opinion and perceives the Inconveniencies of those which proceed from Passion or Interest For this Reason Don John II. of Arragon writing to his Sons their Catholick Majesties upon his Death bed he advised them to do nothing without the Counsel of vertuous and discreet Ministers 'T is necessary that these Eyes of Ministers should preceed each step of the Administration and mark out the way 21 Prov. 4. 25. The Emperour Antoninus Sirnam'd the Philosopher the wisest Prince of 〈◊〉 time had for his Counsellours Scaevâ—la Mutlanus Ulpianus and Marcellus all persons of exquisite Merit and when their Counsel seem'd better than his own he with ease â—quitted it and sided with them 't is fitter says he for me to follow the advice of so many worthy Friends than for them to follow mine A wise Man hearkeneth unto Counsel 22 Prov. 12. 15. An ignorant Prince who will be advised will succeed better in his Affairs than an understanding one who depends too much upon his own Opinions Let not a Prince's Pride suggestâ— to him that he divides the Honour of the Success in taking the advise of his Ministers for 't is as commendable to submit himself to be advised by others as to succeed in any thing of his own management * Homer â— Be advised O King and govern'd in your turn This taking advice is a particular mark of a Prince's Authority 't is the Inferiours Duty to give advice and the Superiours to receive it There is nothing more becoming Royalty nothing more necessary than Consultation and Execution 'T is an Action said King Alphonsus XI in the Parliament of Madrid worthy the Royal Grandeur to have always according to his commendable Custom worthy Counsellours about him and to take advice of them in all things for if every private Man's Duty be to have good Counsellours how much more is it incumbent upon a Prince Every Fool can give advice but he must be a Man of Prudence who resolves well 23 Prov. 13. 16. And there is no Diminution of the Honour of a Prince who knows how to take advice and make a good Choice whatever shall be well Enacted by the assistance of your Counsels said the Emperour Theodosius in one of his Laws will redound to the Honour of the Empire and my own Glory 24 Bene enim quod cum vestro consilio fuerit â—â—â—dinatum id ad beatitudinem nostri imperii ad nostram Gloriam redâ—â—â—dare L. Humanum c. de Leg. The Victories of Scipio Africanus proceeded from the Counsels of Laelius whence they said in Rome Laelius wrote the Play and Scipio Acted it Yet did not this obscure the Lustre of his Glory nor was the Honour of Scipio's Exploits attributed to Laelius 't is necessary that the Prince should know how to Act the Play himself and that the Minister should not be both Poet and Actor too For though a Prince's Ministers are his Eyes yet he should not be so stark blind as not to see at all without them for this would be to govern by Guess and he would incur the contempt and disrespect of his Subjects Lucius Torquatus being chosen Consul the third time desired to be excused for the weakness of his Eyes saying 'T was a shame that the Government and the Estates of the Citizens should be committed to one who must be forced to see with other Men Eyes 25 indignum esse Rempub fâ—â—tunas civium ei committi qui alienis oculis uti crederetur Tit. Liâ— lib. 26. King Ferdinand the Catholick us'd to say That Ambassadours were a Prince's Eyes but that he would be very unfortunate who should see with no other That great Politician did not wholly rely upon his Ministers see with them indeed he did but as we do with Spectacles by applying 'em to his own Eyes When the Ministers find that the Administration of Affairs is wholly in their Power they wilâ— wrest it to their own private Ends and their Ambition increasing they divide into Factions every one arrogates 〈◊〉 himself that share of power and authority that the Prince thro' his Laziness and Insufficiency has granted him All things are in disorder and confusion if the Ministers aim to be any thing more than Perspectives by which the Prince discovers the Horizon of Affairs and takes those Resolutions and Counsels which he likes best Nature has given him Eyes and if God governs his Heart 26 Prov. 21. 1. he directs also his Sight and makes it more clear and quick than his Ministers King Philip II. retir'd sometimes into himself to meditate upon the Affairs of his Government and after having fervently recommended himself to God he resolv'd upon the first method that offer'd it self though against the Opinion of all his Ministers and this generally succeeded Counsellours can't always be at the Princes Elbow for the state of Affairs and the urgency of Opportunity requires sometimes that their Resolutions be quick and ready 27 Non omnia consilia cunctiâ— praesentibus tractari aut occasionum velocitas patitur Tac. 1. Hist. Orders are not respected and obey'd when it appears that he gives them not but receives them himself 'T is a presumptuous Rashness to conclude all without ever taking Advice and a stupid Slavery to Act nothing without it He who Commands should have the Liberty
Tongue and the Pen are the most dangerous Instruments of the heart by these 't is usually expos'd either through Levity or Vanity to be thought the Repositories of very important Secrets by discovering them either by discourse or writing to those from whom they should conceal 'em So that he is not fit for the Charge of a Secretary who can't modestly hear others rather than talk himself without changing the Air of his Face at any thing for oft-times the Secrets of the heart are discovered thereby EMBLEM LVII THE wheels of a Clock perform their Office with such silence that their Motions can neither be heard nor perceived and though the whole Contrivance depends upon them yet do they not attribute to themselves the Honour of it but lend to the hand its Motion which alone distinguishes and points out the hours and is esteem'd by all the only Rule and Measure of time This mutual Correspondence and Agreement should be between the Prince and his Counsellours for 't is highly convenient to have them for as King Alphonsus the Wise said Though Emperours and Kings are great persons yet can neither of them by themselves do more than a single Man ‖ L. 12. tiâ— 1. p. 2. and the Government of a Nation requires many but them so modest as not to attribute their successful Resolutions to their own Counsel but to the Princes let 'em share the Trouble but not the Power let 'em be Ministers not Companions let 'em know that the Prince can govern without them but not they without him Where a Prince can shew his Authority and Greatness without the assistance of others let him do it In Aegypt where the heat of the Sun is more powerful than in other parts it breeds Animals without any assistance if a Prince does nothing without Advice he 's more like a Client than a Prince The force of Government is lost unless the Summ of Affairs be reduced to one 1 Neve Tiberius vim Principatus resolveret â—uncâ—a ad senatum vocando eam conditionem esse â—mperanâ—â— ut non aliter ratio constâ—t quam si uni reddatur Tac. 1 ann Monarchy is distinguished from other methods of Government in that one only Commands and the rest obey and if the Prince shall permit several to rule 't will not be a Monarchy but an Aristocracy there is no Command where all are Masters The Holy Spirit takes this for a punishment of the Sins of the people 2 For the transgression of a Land many are the Princes thereof Prov. 28. 2. and on the contrary a Blessing when only one Commands 3 And I will set up one Shephâ—rd over them Ezâ—â— 34. â—3 when the Ministers shall find a Prince so careless as to let others Reign they usurp to themselves what Authority they can Pride and Emulation grows among them every one tears a slip from the Royal Robe so that at last it remains a mere Ragg The people confounded between so many Masters no longer acknowledge their true and lawful one and so begin to despise and contemn the Government For they believe nothing can be well done but what they think the Prince does of himself whence they prepare a Remedy by force Histories furnish us with deplorable Examples of this in the Deposition and Death of Garcias King of Galaecia who would not be so much as the Index to point out the Motion of the Government but left all to the management of a particular Favourite of his who was afterwards kill'd with him We find Sancho King of Portugal depos'd because his Queen and a few other Scoundrel Servants had the whole management of Affairs the same thing beâ—el King Henry IV. for being so easie as to Sign all Dispatches which his Ministers brought him without ever reading or knowing the Contents of ' em The Prince exposes himself to all manner of Inconveniencies who without perusal or consideration agrees to whatever others desire him for upon him as upon soft Wax every one makes what impression he pleases so it was with the Emperour Claudius 4 Nihil arduum videbatâ—r in aniâ—o Principis 〈◊〉 non judiciuâ— non odium erat nisi indita jâ—ssa Tac. 12. ann God plac'd the Government upon the Princes own Shoulders not upon his Ministers 5 Isâ—â— 9. 6 as Samuel intimated to Saul at the Entertainment when he anointed him King when he on purpose ordered the Cook to set by for him a shoulder of Meat 6 And the Cook toâ—k up the Shoulder c. 1 Sam. 9. 24. Yet would I not have a Prince like a Camel merely to bear Burthens but his Shoulders should be full of Eyes like the Animals in Ezekiel's Vision 7 Ezek. 1. 18. lm LXX that they may see and know what they bear Elisha call'd Elias the Chariot and Horsemen of Israel because he sustain'd and manag'd the Government †2 Kings 2 12. He does not deserve the name of Prince who cannot of himself give Orders and contradict 'em as is visible in Vitellius who not being capable of commanding nor punishing was no longer Emperour but only the cause of War 8 Ipsâ— nâ—qâ—e jubâ—ndâ— neque viâ—anâ—i potâ—ns non jam Imperator sed tantum 〈…〉 Tâ—c 1. Hâ—st wherefore a Pâ—ince should not only perform the part of the hand in the Clock of the Government but that also of the Peâ—dulum which regulates the Motions of the Wheels In short upon that depends the whole Art of Government Not that I would have a Prince perform the Office of a Judge Counsellour or President for his Dignity is far above it 9 Non Aedilis aut Praetoris aut Consulis Partes sustineo majus aliquod excelsius à Principe postulatur Tac. 3. Hist. if he apply'd himself so to all Business he would want time for Affairs of greater moment He ought says King Alphonso to have Understanding Loyal and Trusty Persons to assist him and serve him faithfully in all things as well to advise him as to administer Justice to his People for he can't of himself duely weigh and examine all things so that he has need of some in whom he can confide He should use them as the Instruments of Government and let them operate yet so as he may inspect what they do with a superiour Direction more or less immediate or assistant as the importance of Affairs requires Those things which properly belong to the Ministers let the Ministers perform Those which are peculiar to the Princes Office let him only manage For which Reason Tiberius check'd the Senate for leaving the whole Burthen of Affairs to him 10 Et proximi Senatus die Tiberius castigatis per literas oblique Patribus quod cunctâ— curarum ad Principem rejicerent Tac. 3. ann the weighty thoughts of Princes ought not to be disturb'd by â—rivolous Consultations when without any offence to their Majesty they may be decided by the Ministers Wherefore Sanguinius advised the
them but Succession makes these negligent and careless Whence 't is an Observation that those who acquire Kingdoms usually keep 'em and those who receive them lose them 27 Qui occuparunt imperia eoâ—um plerique eadem retinuâ—runt qui vero tradita ab aliis accepere hi statim ferâ— omnes amiserunt Arist. 5. Pol. 9. The Holy Spirit says that Kingdoms pass from one Nation to another because of Injustice Injuries and Deceit 28 Eccles. 1. 8. I conclude the present Discourse with two Cautions first that the Preservation of States does not always depend on their being far from the Causes of their Ruin but sometimes on their being near them 29 Conservantur etiam Respub non solum quiâ— procuâ— sunt ab iis â—uae interitum affâ—runt sed etiam quia prope sunt nam Timor intentiore curâ— Râ—iâ—ab consulâ—re câ—gis Arist. 5. pol. cap. 8. for Fear creates Care and Diligence the other is that 〈◊〉 in the Person of the Prince or in the Body of the State the least ill should be taken most Care of for they increase insensibly without being perceived till they are past Remedy 30 Ibid. A small Worm destroys the tallest Cedar the little Remora stops the Course of a Ship under sail frivolous Losses caus'd the Ruin of the Roman Empire A slight disorder of Body is often more dangerous than a real Sickness for that is not minded this diligently taken Care of We immediately apply Medicines to a Fever but never heed a Cold from which the greatest Distempers proceed EMBLEM LXI AN Harp Forms a compleat Aristocracy compos'd of Monarchy and Democracy understanding Presides several Fingers govern and many Strings obey not with a particular but general and common Harmony so that the Disproportion between the great and little ones don't spoil the Tune One may justly compare to a a Harp every Republick in which long Practice and Experience have appointed who shall command and who obey in which they have establish'd Laws elected Magistrates distinguished Offices prescribed set Rules and Methods of Government and instituted in each part of the Republick such Customs and Laws as are most conformable and consentaneous to its Nature This makes the first Institutions durable and not easie to be chang'd This Harp of Kingdoms and Commonwealths being thus fitted up and all the Strings tun'd and dispos'd in Order though any one should â—ansie he could better tune any one of them he ought to have a better opinion of the Prudence and Judgment of his Ancestors whom long Practice and dear bought Experience had instructed for some Ways and Methods of Government though they have some Inconveniences are yet better born with than alter'd A prudent Prince tunes the strings in the same Order they stand in not changing them without time or other accidents have so discompos'd them that they can't perform the Office they were first design'd for wherefore a Prince should perfectly understand this Harp of his Empire and the Grace and Majesty that attends it and be throughly vers'd in the Nature Qualities and Genius's of the Nobility and Commons which are its main Strings For as King Alphonso says in one of his Laws A King 's greatest Care should be to know Men for since tis them he has to do with an exact Knowledge of them is absolutely necessary * L. 13. tit 5. p. 2. In this consists the principal Art of Government To know his Subjects is a King 's best Art †Maâ—â— Those who have most apply'd themselves to this Study have govern'd with most Success Many take this Harp in their hand but few can finger it with Judgment few understand its Nature and can touch it agreeably Let therefore a Prince know that a Kingdom is nothing but an Union of many Cities and People and a joynt Consent to the Command of some one and the Obedience of the rest which Consent Ambition and Force introduc'd Concord at first rais'd and Concord preserves it Justice and Clemency keep it alive 't is the Care of others Safety its Spâ—rit consists in Unity of Religion its Increase Preservation or Ruin depends upon the Parts of which it is compos'd It admits of no Companion is expos'd to all Dangers In it more than any thing Fortune shews her Inconstancy 'T is liable to Envy and Emulation 't is in more danger in Prosperity than Adversity for then it lives in Security which creates Pride from whence proceeds its Ruin when young 't is weak and when old decrepid 't is as much in danger in continual Peace as in War It falls of its self when not exercis'd by foreign Arms and when it once begins to fall it cannot stop it self there is no Interval between its highest Elevation and its Ruin Emulation sometimes raises it and sometimes oppresses it If it be small it can't defend it self if great it can't govern it self it is better govern'd by Art than Force 't is fond of Novelties though they are its bane Vertue is its Health and Vice its Sickness Labour raises it and Idleness is its Ruin 't is fortified by Forts and Alliances and establish'd by Laws the Magistracy is its Heart Counsel its Eyes Arms its Hands and Riches its Feet This Harp is attended with a certain Majesty which is a Harmony springing from the strings of the People and approv'd by Heaven 1 1 Kings 2. 24. An Emblem of Power and Splendour of supream Jurisdiction a certain Force which draws Authority and Obedience to it the Safeguard and Preservation of the Government Opinion and Fame give it Life Love Security Fear Authority Ostentation Greatness Ceremony Reverence Severity Respect Pomp Esteem in Retirement the more venerable 't is in danger of Contempt and Hate It neither bears Equality nor Division for it consists in Admiration and Unity 't is constant in either Fortune Respect strengthens it Arms and the Laws maintain it it lasts not in Pride nor falls in Humility It lives by Prudence and Beneficence and dies by Force and Vice The strings of a Harp are the People which are naturally monstrous different from themselves inconstant and various govern'd by outward appearances without searching to the bottom of things they take Counsel of Report so void of means and reason that they cannot distinguish Truth from Falshood always prone to mischief The same minute of two contrary Affections by which they are always guided not by Reason by Violence not Prudence by the shadow not the reality Only to be tam'd by Punishment Their Flatteries are an aukward medly of Truth and Falsity they know no Medium they love or hate to Excess are extreamly Complaisant or extreamly Insolent either fear or frighten and when they fear are most contemptible Small Dangers at hand terrifie them strangely but great ones at a distance they are unconcern'd at If a Servant slavish if a Master haughty know not what Liberty is themselves and will not suffer it in others Bold
Conceit that they can't appear abroad without great Pomp and expensive Equipage in which Strangers though Persons of the best Quality are more modest Nor is it sufficient only to transplant Youth but Nurseries should be also rais'd of which vacant Offices may be supply'd to avoid the necessity of employing fresh Persons who must buy their Experience at the hazard of the State This is represented in the present Device by a bundle of Rods the Emblem of Magistracy for these being planted produce more of the same and because in each of the three Forms that 's to say Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy the methods of Government are different so should also the methods of Education of Youth according to the different Institutions and Customs of each State and according to those things in which they have most occasion for able Men. The Persians Aegyptians Chaldaeans and Romans were particularly careful about this but principally about the Education of Youth for the Magistracy the Welfare or Ruine of States depending upon the Capacity or insufficiency of the Magistrates who are as it were their Soul and according to the Affections of it the whole Body is govern'd There were several Colleges erected in Spain for this Purpose which were so many Seminaries of able Men for the Administration of the Government these though their Institutions might seem vain and frivolous yet were they of great Use upon this account that they first taught those to obey who were afterwards to command I have elsewhere said that the Knowledge of Sciences was a necessary Qualification for a Prince and will now examine whether it be proper for Subjects or whether the young Commonalty should be instructed therein Nature has plac'd in the Head as having the Command over the whole Body the Understanding to apprehend Sciences and the Memory to retain them But to the Hands and other parts she has given only a Disposition to Obedience Men at first enter'd into Society for the mutual Assistance of each other not for Contemplation more for the conveniency of Action than the Subtilty of nice Speculation The Happiness of Governments proceeds not from the Vivacity of the Wit but the Activity of the Hands The leisure of Studies is imploy'd in Vices and Eternizes all those upon Paper which the wickedness of the Times shall invent plotting against the Government and raising Seditions among the People The Spartans thought it sufficient to learn Obedience Patience and Conquest 1 Literas ad usum saltem discebant reliqua omnis disciplina erat ut pulchrè parerent ut labores perferrent ut in pugna vincerent Plutar. Too subtil and learn'd Subjects are always fond of Novelty continually reflecting upon the Government and disputing the Princes Orders and raising Commotions among the People Obedience should be prompt not ingenious sincere not cunning 2 Patres valere decet consilio populo supervacanea calliditas est Sallust Ignorance is the principal Foundation of the Turkish Empire And the readiest way to Ruin it is to sow Literature among the People The Happiness and Tranquility of the Swisse proceeds from the same Cause for frivolous Sophistry is forbid among them yet are they govern'd with as much Policy and Prudence as any Nation whatever Study enervates the Body and debaâ—es the Mind giving it too quick an apprehension of Danger Most Men are charm'd by the Pleasure Honour or Profit of Learning so that few would apply themselves to Arms or Military Exercise for the defence of the State whose Interest is in having its People Valiant rather rather than Learned The Genteel Politeness of Learning makes the Mind wholly averse to all laborious Exercises Study makes Men melancholy and Lovers of a retired and single Life which is wholly opposite to the Design of Government which is to multiply and raise Men fit and capable of publick Imployments and such as are able to Act offensively or defensively with an Enemy The Neatherlands shew us that it is not Learning and Ingenuity but Arts Industry and Trade that makes a Nation flourish The Germans and other Nations consider'd these Inconveniencies and therefore founded their Nobility upon Arms not regarding the Honour and Reputation of Learning whence almost all the Nobility apply'd themselves to War and Arts Military Though Literature conduces much to the Knowledge of the true Religion yet 't is evident that from thence arise different Opinions which create as many Sects whence proceed the Confusion and Ruin of Empires so that the true Religion being now found a sincere and credulous Ignorance would be much safer than a presumptuous and conceited Knowledge which is expos'd to so many Errours These and some other Reasons which might be alledg'd seem to advise an utter Extirpation of Learning according to the Rules of Policy which regard more the Authority of the Prince than the advantage of the Subject but these are Maxims of a Tyrant not a good and just Prince who should have no other Object than the Honour and Welfare of his People to whom Learning is absolutely necessary to confute the Errours of Sectaries which always flourish where Ignorance Reigns and also to administer Justice and to preserve and improve Arts Military as well as Civil For Scholars are as useful in defending Cities as Souldiers as Syracuse formerly found in the Person of Archimedes And Dole in its learn'd Senate by whose prudent Counsel ingenious Machines and vigorous and resolute Defence it resisted the whole Power of France changing their Libraries into Magazines their Gowns into Coats of Mail and their Pens into Swords which dip'd in French Blood recorded their Names and Actions to Eternity 'T is only too great a number of Universities and Students which is prejudicial to the Publick as Spain found whence 't is highly necessary that the greatest number should apply themselves to Arts of Navigation and War not to Law or Speculative Sciences For which Reason there should be greater Incouragement given to those than the other that Men may be the more inclined to follow them for want of such Incouragement in Spain there are so many apply themselves to Learning that there wants Souldiers to defend the Kingdom This ought to be remedied by the Care and Prudence of the Prince who should so judiciously dispose the Education of Youth that the number of Scholars Souldiers and Tradesmen might be proportioned to his State The same Proportion should be observ'd in those who would lead a religious Monastick Life of whom too great a number is very prejudicial both to the Prince and State Though Religion and Piety ought not to be measur'd by the Rule of Policy and in the Church Militant Spiritual Arms are of more use than Temporal he who was the first Founder of that State will maintain and preserve it without Detriment to the Publick nevertheless since human Prudence ought to believe not expect Miracles I leave it to him whose Duty 't is to consider whether if the number
King is his People when they are well defended according to a saying of the Emperor Iustinian that the Kingdom was always rich and the Exchequer full when the Subjects were wealthy and the Land plentiful * Lib. 15. tit 5. p. 2. When therefore a Prince raises Taxes with this Moderation the Subjects ought chearfully to pay them nor can they without a sort of Rebellion refuse them for Sovereignty has no other Portion nor publick necessity any other Assistance there is no Peace without Soldiers no Soldier without Pay no Pay without Taxes 6 Neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt Tac. 4. Hist. For this Reason when Nero would have remitted the Taxes the Roman Senate oppos'd him saying that without them the Empire would be ruin'd 7 Dissâ—lutionâ—m Imperii docendo si fructus quibus Resp. sustinetur 〈◊〉 Tac. 13. ann Taxes are the Prince of Peace but if they are too heavy and the People not well satisfied of their necessity they soon rebel against their Prince 'T was for no other Reason that King Alphonso Sirnamed the Great grew so odious to the People that after many Troubles and Vexations he was oblig'd to quit his Crown for the same also Garcios King of Galicia lost both his Kingdom and Life too †Mar. Hist. Hisp. lib. 9. cap. 8. K. Henry III. consider'd this Danger when being advised by some to raise new Taxes to defray the Expence of War he answer'd I fear the Discontent of my People more than my Enemies Money collected from unjust Taxes is mingled with the Subjects Blood as was seen to drop from that piece which St. Francis of Padua broke in the Presence of Ferdinand King of Naples and this ever crys for Vengeance against the Prince Great Taxes therefore ought not to be rais'd till the People be well convinced of the Necessity oâ— them for when they are satisfied of that and of the Justice of the Cause they patiently bear the heaviest Impositions as we see in those which were rais'd by K. Ferdinand IVth and in the Grant which the Parliament of Toledo made of a Million in the times of Henry III. permitting him also to raise more of his own accord to carry on the Wars against the Moors For though 't is not for private Persons to examine into the Justice of Taxes though they cannot often apprehend the Causes of Expences nor can they be communicated to them without evident Danger 8 Tibi summum rerum judicium dii dedere nobis obsâ—quii glâ—â—ia relictâ— est Tac. 6. ann yet are there some general Reasons which they may without Damage be inform'd of and though Natural and Divine Reason do allow the Power of levying Impositions to the Prince without the Subjects Consent when they are just and necessary as King Alphonso us'd to say yet will a prudent Prince so manage the matter and dispose the Minds of his Subjects that it may seem to be done with their Approbation Taxes are according to the Scripture the Bridle of the People 9 2 Sam. 8. 1. Vide. they keep them in Obedience and uphold the Prince's Authority Those who are free from all Taxes are ungovernable yet this Bridle should be so easie as not to gall them too much as King Flavius Herwegiâ—s prudently consider'd in the Thirteenth Council of Toledo saying That that Government was best which neither oppress'd the People with too great Taxes nor made them remiss and negligent by too little * Ut nec incauta exactio populos gravet nec indiscreta râ—missio statum gentis fociat deperire Concil Tol xiii The Command which Princes have over the Lives of their Subjects is executed without Danger it being done by Law which punishes some as Examples to the rest but not so that Command which they have over their Goods and Estates for that comprehendâ— all in general and People are more sensible in what concerns their Estates than their Bodies especially when they are got by Sweat and Blood and are to be imployed to supply the Prince's Luxury In which that remarkable Action of K. David ought to be consider'd when he refus'd to drink the water which his three Soldiers brought him from amidst the Enemies Camp least he should seem to drink the Blood of those Men 10 2 Sam. 23. 17. 'T is no good Policy to impoverish the People by Taxes the better to keep them in Obedience for though Poverty whether Original or Accidental debases our Spirits which always rise and fall with our Condition yet does Oppression provoke our Minds and urge us to Rebellion 11 Ferocissimo quoque adsumpto aut quibus ob egestatem ac metum ex Flagitiis maxima peccandi necessitudo Tac. 3. ann All the Israelites that were in Distress and every one that was in Debt and every one that was discontented joyn'd David against Saul 12 1 Sam. 22. 2. The People are always most obedient when they are richest The plenty of Egypt made the People of God though very severely us'd forget their Liberty but afterwards when they came to want in the Wilderness they complain'd heavily of their Slavery and Bondage When a Kingdom is given upon Condition that no Taxes shall be levy'd without its Consent or if this be afterwards provided by some general Decree as was in the Parliament of Madrid in the time of King Alphonso XIth or when it has acquired this Privilege by long Prescription as in Spain and France in such Cases the Prince must wait the Consent of the Parliament least he should expose himself to the same Danger as Charles VIIth of France did formerly when he went to raise a certain Tax without communicating it to his Council 'T is also of great advantage to a Prince to be so well esâ—eem'd of his People that from their Opinion of his Zeal for their Good they may think whatever Taxes he imposes upon them are just and reasonable and blindly agree to whatever he proposes committing themselves wholly to his Prudence and Management as the Egyptians did to Ioseph's when he exacted the fifth part of their Estates 13 Gen. 47. 25. When the People have once this Confidence in the Prince he ought diligently to take Care not to burthen them without sufficient Cause and mature Deliberation But if necessity does require it let him at least take Care that the Taxes be well expended for the People take nothing more hainously than to see no advantage from their Oppressions and to see their Estates squander'd away to no purpose They are also very uneasie to see Taxes continued when the Occasion for which they were rais'd is over As 't was in Vespasian's time when the Taxes rais'd for the necessity of War were continued in time of Peace 14 Necissitate armâ—rum excusorta etiam in pace mauâ—erâ— Tac. 2. ann For afterwards Subjects dread them and grudge to pay
Dance and Revel if he would keep them in Obedience 8 Impera ut liberos citâ—aram pulsare psallere cauponari doceant 〈◊〉 comperies O Rex viros in mulieres degenerasse nihilque metuendum 〈◊〉 rebelles â— te unquam desciscant Herod lib. 40 These Diversions keep the People as firm in their Obedience as did that Method of Pharaoh in employing the People of Israel in making Bricks For the same reason Agricola granted the Britains many of these Diversions and they looked upon that as a Favour which was part of their Slavery 9 Idque apud 〈◊〉 ritos humanitas vocabatur cum pars servitutis esset Tac. in Vit. Agr. This the Embassadors of the Tencteri knew when being sent to Cologn they propos'd the â—estitution of their Ancient Native Customs and the Abolition of those Pleasures which the Romans had introduced by which they subdu'd more than by Force of Arms 10 Instituta cultumque patrium resumite abruptis voluptatibus quiâ—â— Romani plus adversus subjectos quam armis valent Tac. 4. Hist. States being more observant of this Policy than Princes permit every one to live according to his Pleasure conniving at Vices that the People may less apprehend the Tyranny of the Magistracy and be more in love with that way of Government taking this Licence for Liberty they being ever more prone to a Dissolute than a Regular way of living 11 Item vivere ut quisque velit permissio quoniam sic magna erit tali Reip. faventium multitudo â—â—am vulgo dissoluta gratior est quam temperata vita Arist. 6. Pol. 4. But this Policy is none of the safest For when People have once laid aside Respect for Vertue and the Laws they begin to despise the Authority of the Magistracy nay almost all Mischiefs in States proceed from Libertinism it being sufficient to keep the People in Peace and Tranquility and to allow them some honest and agreeable Recreations To live conformable to Government is not Slavery but Liberty But since in all things the Publick Good ought to be the only aim 't is conducive to convert all these Diversions into such Pastimes as exercise the Strength prohibiting all such as depend upon Luck as pernicious both to the Government and Subject To these because they give themselves so much to them that they neglect their Business to that because by such Games the People squander away their Livelyhood and so through Want are necessitated to Plunder and Rebel EMBLEM LXXIII THE Diseases of States are hidden Nor can any one judge of them by their present Disposition for when they seem in full Health and Vigour they are taken ill of a sudden the Distemper breaking out when least thought of like the Vapours of the Earth which are not visible till gathered into Clouds Wherefore a Prince ought carefully to remedy the first Symptoms nor are they to be slighted as seeming frivolous and distant as neither the first Rumors of Ills though to appearance never so unreasonable Who can penetrate the unsetled Designs of the frantick Mobb Upon the least Occasion the least Shadow of Slavery or Male-Administration it rises and takes Arms against the Prince Seditions arise from small Causes and afterwards proceed to greater 1 Ex parvis orta seditione de rebus magnis dissidetur Arist. l. 5. Pol. cap. 4 If they are neglected at first they will be at last incurable they spring like Rivers from small Fountains and afterwards flow into large Streams Their Beginnings always create too much Fear or too much Confidence 2 Primis eventibus metum ac fiduciam gigni Tac. l. 12. Annal. These Considerations kept Tiberius in suspence when he had notice that a certain Slave pretended to be Agrippa and began to raise Commotions in the Empire For he was in doubt whether he should punish him out of hand or let Time discover the Cheat sometimes considering that nothing should be slighted then again that he ought not to be frighted at every thing being dubious between Shame and Fear but at last he resolved upon a Remedy 3 Vi ne militum servum suum coërceret an inanem credulitatem tempore ipso vanescere sinereâ— modò nihil spernendum modò omnia metuendâ— ambiguus pudoris aâ— metus reputabat Tac. 2. Annal. Certain it is that sometimes the Torrent of the Mutinous Mobb is so rapid that unless Care be taken it leaves its own Channel dry or falls into Civil Wars the Consequences of which are always terrible but are if taken in time moderated by Accidents and Chance and wholly quash'd by Care and Prudence 4 Initia bellorum civilium fortunae permittenda victoriam consiliis ratione perfici Tac. â— Hist. Experience shews many ways to appease the Commotions and Seditions of Kingdoms sometimes Chance offers them and sometimes the Inclination of the Seditious As it happened to Drusus who seeing the Legions repent of their having Mutiny'd because of an Eclipse of the Moon which happened at that time and which they took for an ill Omen made use of that Inclination to appease 'em 5 Vtendum inclinatione eâ— Caesar quae casus obtulerat in sapientiam vertenda ratus Tac. 1. Annal. The same also Herman Cortez did upon another Occasion Nor are these Means to be slighted as frivolous for the Mobb is often quieted with the same Ease it is rais'd Neither of which Motions are guided by Reason A blind Hurry puts them in motion and an empty Shadow stops ' em All the Art lies in knowing how to humour their Rage while that works they are uncontrollable they always either fear or are fear'd 6 Nihil in vulgo modicum terrere ni paveant ubi pertimuerint impunè contemni Tac. 1. Annal. If any one should endeavour by a set premeditated Speech to appease and quiet them he would lose his Time and Pains A sharp Sentence or severe Check has more Force than all the Rhetorick in the World Iulius Caesar with one Word quash'd a Mutiny among the Soldiers * Lucan Begone ye Roman Drones And leave our Ensigns to be born by Men. But the most effectual Means to pacifie a Sedition is Division by drawing the Heads thereof into divers Factions and Parties This Way we use with Bees whene'er that Wing'd People begin to Mutiny for even that Republick has its Intestine Broils and leaving their waxen Houses begin to gather in the Air by throwing a little Dust among them they are soon separated †Virg. in Georg. Throw but a little Sand they settle straight Whence the Figure and Motto of this present Emblem is taken But though this Division be always good 't is more Prudence thereby to prevent Ills e're they happen than to remedy them afterwards King Ferdinand IV. understanding the Commotions of some of the Nobility of Galicia sent for them and giving them Commissions sent them to the Wars The Romans us'd to send
Hist. But in the fore-mention'd Case of Germanicus the Demands of the Mutineers ought to be comply'd with though violent and unreasonable that their Fury might have been qualified or that he might have had some honourable Pretence to wave their Punishment He knew the Injustice and Inconvenience of a general Punishment and that it would of necessity involve the Innocent But though it could not wholly be avoided it seemed not to be done by his Command but was rather to be imputed to Chance and the Fury of the Seditious 20 Nec Caesar arâ—ebat quando nihil ipsius jussu penes â—osdâ—â— saevitia facti invidia â—rat Tac 1. Annal. The fault of the Minister ought to be excused as a piece of Policy when by Popular Constraint he becomes Head of the Sedition that he may afterwards when their Fury begins to abate with more ease reduce them to Obedience So Spurinna gave way to the Soldiers Rage and pretended to Countenance them that he might preserve his Authority among them when they began to repent 21 Fit temeritâ—â—â—â— alienae comes Spurinna primo coactus mox velle simulans quo plus auctoâ—itatâ—â— inesseâ— consiliis si seditio mitescereâ— Tac. 2. Hist. Sometimes the People upon pretence of Preservation of their Liberties and Privileges encroach upon the Royal Prerogative A piece of Arrogance that ought by no means to be connived at lest they should thence become more saucy In this Case the Punishment of the Delinquents should be speedy and the Heads of the Promoters stuck up as a Terrour to the rest when they least think on 't For there is nothing quells their Insolence more than the Punishment of their Leaders 22 Neque 〈◊〉 glisâ—entis discordiae remedium quà m si unus altâ—â—ve maximè prompti subverterentâ—r Tac. 4. Annal. it being an approved Truth That the Body of the Mobb dare attempt nothing without them 23 Nihil ausuram plebem principibus amotâ—â— Tac. 1. Annal. Ramirus King of Arragon being embroil'd in the Insurrections of his People ask'd Advice of the Abbot of Tomer Who gave him no Answer but with his Switch imitating Periander 24 Nam Periander caduceatori per quem Thrasybulus consilium ejus exquirebat nihil respondisse fertur sed sâ—icis eminentibus sublatis segetem adâ—quasse Arist. Pol. 3. c. 9. lopt off the Heads of the Tallest Flowers in his Garden where he was then walking and by that shew'd him what he was to do Upon which he Beheading the chief Authors of the Rebellion and restor'd Peace to his Kingdom The same was the Advice of Don Lopez Barrientos to King Henry IV. Yet will it be convenient to use this Method with such Moderation as that the Execution may fall but on few But those who cannot be punish'd must be conniv'd it or so dealt with as that their Affections may be gain'd as we read Otho did when his Army Mutiny'd 25 Eâ— oratio ad perstringendos mulcendosque militum animos severitatis modus neque enim in plures quà m in duos animadverti jusserat gratè accepta compositique ad praesens qui coerceri non poterant Tac. 1. Hist. Severity with Moderation appeases all Commotions For when the Bad begin to fear the Good will obey as Vocula found who in a general Mutiny of the Legions punish'd but one Man 26 Et dum mali pavent optimuâ—â—â—isque jussis paruere Tac. 4. Hist. The Method also of the Punishment ought to be so mild as not to give the People occasion to resent it as a National Grievance for that would make them more Resolute Slavery Wounds and all the Miseries of War were not so grievous to the Germans as that Trophy which Germanicus erected out of the Spoils of the Rebellious Provinces 27 Haud periâ—de Germanos vulâ—era luctus excidia quà m ea species dolore ira adfecit Tacit. 2. Annal. Ferdinand Duke d'Alba did not forget this Precept when he erected a Statue of the Rebels Heads Nor had he omitted it though he had read or heard that Vitellius would not put to Death Iulius Civilis a Man of great Authority among the Dutch lest he should thereby alienate the Minds of that Warlike People 28 Iulius igitur Civilis periculo exemptus praepotens inter Bataâ—â—s ne supplicio ejus ferox gens alienaretur Tac. 1. Hist. for he thought a severe Animadversion more proper which nevertheless created no Disturbance though there were not wanting those who urg'd it as an Aggravation to make that People revolt There is another sort of Disobedience which proceeds from a too zealous and inconsiderate Fidelity in which case the Subjects are to be brought to their Duty by benign and mild Means Such as Iohn II. King of Arragon us'd in an Insurrection at Barcelona upon the Death of his Son Prince Charles For he wrote to that City That unless compell'd by Necessity he would never use violent Methods but that if they would return to their Obedience he would use them as his own Children This Mildness and his Promise of a General Pardon reduced them all to their Devoir A Prince ought always to discover an Inclination to Clemency for without Hopes of that Criminals grow desperate For which Reason Valentinus after he had mov'd the People of Treves to a Rebellion order'd the Roman Embassadors to be kill'd that he might by the Peoples Despair strengthen his Crime 29 Quo minor spes veniae cresceret vinculum sceleris Tac. 4. Hist. Sedition turns to Obstinacy where there is no Hopes of Pardon and the Seditious had rather die Rebels than Malefactors Upon this account those who follow'd the Faction of Vitellius were Pardon'd 30 Tac. 4. Hist. This Generosity is particularly necessary in Insurrections of the Mobb This King Ferdinand the Holy us'd in the Commotions of Castile and Iohn I. in the Convention of the States of Guadalajara pardoning all those who sided with the Portuguese But if a Prince has lost his Reputation and is in contempt with his Subjects then I confess Clemency will be of small use nay those very Remedies which should cure these Wounds do more exulcerate and render them incurable For his Authority once lost he can neither maintain the Severity of Punishment nor terrifie the Offenders by Example so that he must give way to his Misfortunes and as prudently as he can circumvent them by Policy and Stratagem Thus Vocula did when he saw he was unable to punish the Mutinous Legions 31 Sed vires ad coercendum deerant in frequentibus infidisque Legionibus c. Tac. 4. Hist. For the same Reasons King Iohn II. releas'd those Noblemen whom he had in Prison Nor are those Favours and Benefits more effectual in appeasing Seditions which proceed from a Prince who has lost his Reputation For the Receiver either imputes them to Cowardice or persists in Rebellion to preserve them 32 Nihil spei nisi per
enter the Valtoline with His Majesty's Forces that thereby shutting up the Passage of Valcamonica from the Venetians they might desist from their Pretensions and that the Valley might be clear'd of the Protestants The Duke moved by these Instances and by the common Danger of this Sect which threatned the State of Milan and all Italy and also by the Complaints and Tears of the Catholicks enter'd the Valtoline and immediately the French upon new Considerations change their Minds and oppose this Intent entring into League in Avignon with Venice and Savoy under Pretence of the Liberty of Italy though that consists more in the stopping that Passage from the Protestants on t'other side the Mountains than in any Acquisitions the Spaniards could make in this Country and the Valtoline being only the Pretence of the League the Arms of the Allies serv'd only as a Diversion and all the Force and Design were turn'd to the Oppression of the Republick of Genoa So that Pretences vary according to the Alteration of Interests Times by their Effects discover the Falsity of these Pretences for either they don't perform what they promise or don 't act where they propos'd The Republick of Venice had a mind to seize Gradisca and took for a Pretext the Incursions of the Vscoques in Croatia They made a Feint to defend the Liberty of the Sea and made War upon the Land Many times they make War upon pretence of Zeal for the Glory of God and rather hinder it sometimes for Religion and confound it sometimes for Publick Peace and disturb it sometimes for the Peoples Liberty and oppress 'em sometimes for Protection and enslave them sometimes to preserve their own State and they invade others O Men O People O States O Kingdoms whose Tranquility and Happiness depends upon the Ambition and Capriche of a few When the Ends of Actions are Just but are in danger of not being so interpreted or of miscarrying if they are understood we may so dispose them that our Actions may appear different to the Eyes of the World and be thought to be guided by other honest Causes He who acts so cheats none but acts justifiably but only amuses Malice by false Appearances by which it deceives it self and prevents its opposition to the just Designs of the Prince for no Reason obliges him to point at the Mark at which he levels for it would be impossible for him to strike one if at the same time he did not seem to aim at another There is not less Danger to States in the feign'd Zeal with which some would seem to respect the Publick and regard only their own particular Interest They pretend to reform the Government to weaken its Authority They propose Means and suggest Counsels after the Effect to discover Errors already past Remedy They affect Liberty to gain the Applause of the People against the Magistracy and confound the State by reducing it afterwards to Slavery 10 Vt Imperium evertant Libertatem praeferunt si impetraverint ipsam aggredientur Tac. 16. Annal. These Artifices are us'd by all Tyrants of Republicks 11 Caeterum libertas speciosa nomina praetexuntur nec quisquam alienum servitium dominationem sibi concupivit ut non eadem ista vocabula usurparet Tac. 4. Hist. What Feints did Tiberius make of restoring Liberty to that of Rome when his whole Design was to oppress it 12 Speciosa verbis re inania auâ— subdola quantaque majore libertatis imagine â—egebantur tanto eruptura ad infensius servitium Tac. 1. Annal. The same Methods the Prince of O us'd to make the Netherlands Revolt which his Family have made use of since to Lord it over the Vnited Provinces Time will shew them to their Cost the difference between a Natural Prince and a Tyrant then they will repent of having preferr'd Rebellion with their Ruine to Obedience with Security as Cerialis advis'd those of Treves 13 Ne contâ—â—aciam cum pernicie quam obsequium cum securitate mâ—litis Tac. 4. Hist The People blindly fly to the Call of Liberty and don't know it till they have lost it and find themselves intangled in the Nets of Slavery They suffer themselves to be moved by the Fears of these false Crocodiles and rashly intrust them with their Lives and Fortunes How peaceable would the World be if Subjects knew that whether the Government be of All of Many or of One it would have its Inconveniencies with some kind of Tyranny For though Speculation may invent a perfect Form of Government as it must be of Men not of Angels it may be commended but not practised 14 Dilecta ex his constituta Reipub. forma laudari facilius quam evenire vel si evenit haud diuturna esse potest Tac. 4. Annal. So that Liberty consists not in this or that Form of Government but in the Preservation of that which a long Use and Experience has constituted and approved in which Justice is defended and Publick Peace preserv'd supposing that some sort of Government must be obey'd for Liberty never suffers more than in such Changes We think to find a better and we fall into a worse as it happen'd to those who survived Tiberius and Caius 15 An Neronem extremum Dominorum putatis idem crediderunt qui Tiberio qui Caio superstites fuerunt cum interim instabilior saevior exortus est Tac. 4. Hist. and when we better our selves it does not countervail the Damage we sustain in the change of one Form to another So that 't is better to bear with the present though unjust 16 Ferenda Regum ingenia neque usui crebraes mutationes Tac. 12. Annal. and hope that if the Prince be bad God will be pleas'd to send another good one 17 Vlteriora mirari praesentiâ— sequi bonos Imperatores voto expetere qualescunque tolerare Tac. 4. Hist. 'T is he bestows Kingdoms and 't would be accusing his Divine Decrees not to obey those whom he has constituted Nebuchadnezzar was a wicked Prince yet God threatned a severe Punishment to those who did not obey him 18 Ier. 27. 6. As we are contented with the Seasons and bear patiently the Inconveniencies of Nature so also we should the Defects of our Princes 19 Quomodo sterilitatem aut nimios imbres â—aetera Naturae mala ita Luxuriam vel avaritiam dominantium tolerare Tac. 4. Hist. While there are Men there will be Vices 20 Viâ—ia erunt donec Homines Ibid. Where is there to be found a Prince without them These Evils are not continual If one Prince be bad another good one succeeds and so one makes amends for the other 21 Sed neque haec continua meliorum interventu pensantur Ibid. EMBLEM LXXIX NO Bird so much resembles Man in the Articulation of the Voice as the Parrot * Si me non videâ—s esse negabis avem Marâ— It s Vivacity is
for God before their Prince As also when the Prince's Commands are prejudicial to his Patrimony or Reputation or inconsistent with good Government and depend upon the knowledge of some particular Matters of Fact or lastly when Distance or other Accidents shall seem to have made such an Alteration in the state of Affairs that it may be probably gather'd that had the Prince known these before he would not have given those Orders in this Case provided however there be no other considerable Danger in Delaying they may be deferred and excepted against modestly however and with all the Respect due to his Authority and Judgment with this Hope at least that upon better Information he may Command what is more proper to be done Thus the Great Captain did when contrary to the Orders of Ferdinand the Catholick he stay'd at Naples with his Army considering with what Impatience the Italian Princes expected the Result of the Interview between the two Kings Ferdinand and his Son-in-Law Philip I. and what a desperate Condition the Affairs of Naples would be in if he abandon'd them at that Juncture For all this if the Minister know his Prince to be so great a Lover of his own Counsels as rather to do amiss than admit of Instruction he may hold his Tongue and Dissemble for it were downright Folly for him to expose himself to Danger without hopes of a Remedy Corbulo was already engaged in some considerable Enterprize but the Emperor having Commanded him to desist he retir'd For tho' he knew those Orders were unadvisedly given yet he would not ruine himself by Disobeying them 10 Iam castra in hostili loco moliebatur Corbulo acceptis tamen à 〈◊〉 Imperatore literis quibus se recipere jubebatur re subita quanquam 〈◊〉 simul offenderentur metus ex Imperatore contemptus ex Barbaris 〈◊〉 brium apud socios nihil aliud prolocutus quam â—eatos quosâ—am Duces 〈◊〉 fignum recepâ—ui dedit Tac. l. 11. Annal. No Orders require so punctual Observance in the Minister as those which relate to Matters of State In this Case unless the above-mention'd Circumstances occurr or there be otherwise any considerable evident Danger in the Execution he is implicitly to Obey without giving any heed to his private Opinion and Argâ—ments For the Designs of Princes are often too deeply rooted to be penetrated by the Minister or rather they would not have him dive into them and therefore he should side with the Prince's Commands and presume upon his Prudence that so it ought to be Hence Dolabella when Commanded by Tiberius to bring the Ninth Legion out of Germany readily Obeyed although he wanted not Reasons to the contrary 11 Iussa Principis magis quam incerta belli metuens Tac. l. 4. Annal. If every one had liberty to canvas and examine what is enjoined all things would be confounded and infinite Opportunities lost A Kingdom as has been said elsewhere is like a Musical Instrument whose Strings the Prince tunes who runs them all over with his Fingers whereas the Minister touches only one and not hearing the rest sound cannot know whether it be too high or too low and would very easily be mistaken if he went to set it according to his own Fancy The Count de Fuentes by the liberty of his Years Zeal Services and Experiences crowned with so many signal Trophies and Victories gave him sometimes while he governed the State of Milan suspended his Obedience to King Philip the Third's Orders because he â—udged them improper and to proceed rather from the Self-Interest or Ignorance of his Ministers than his own Mind Which Example many afterwards have followed to the great prejudice of the Publick Repose and Regal Authority It would be of very ill Consequence for Ministers to be always allow'd to question whether what is Commanded be the Prince's Will or not an Abuse which usually has its first Rise from their knowing it not to be his own Hand that proportions and polishes the Stones designed for the Edifice of Government But suppose it be another's yet due Honour and submission ought to be paid to the Commands no less than if they came from his own Will and Judgment or else there would be nothing but Confusion and Disorder Zealous and Prudent Obedience reverences the bare Hand and Seal of its Sovereign But if Princes are too remote and there is Danger of their Orders coming too late even after the Event or that variety of Accidents particularly in Affairs of War may not allow Time for Deliberation and there be certain Intelligence that the Opportunity will be in the mean time lost it will be Prudence to give full Power of Acting as Occasion shall require lest that happen which befell Vespasian in the Civil War with Vitellius when Distance of Place made the Counsels come after the Events To avoid which Inconveniency Tiberius upon sending Drusus to Command the German Legions joined with him some Prudent and Experienc'd Counsellors whom he might Consult as Occasion required but a full Power to Act as he saw Opportunity When Helvidius Priscus was sent into Armenia he had a Commission to Act as he saw Occasion Inâ—fine this was the usual Practice of the Roman Senate to leave all to the Discretion and Conduct of their Commanders and to recommend nothing in particular to them but only all possible Care that the Commonwealth suffer'd no Damage An Example the Republicks of Venice and Florence are far from imitating who unwilling to let their Liberty lie at the Mercy of one Man restrain the Power of their Generals being forewarned by the Example of Augustus who turned the Arms upon the Commonwealth which he had taken up in its Defence against Mark Anthony This Freedom of Power the Ministers who are near the King's Person are wont to limit to encrease their own and render it necessary for all to pass through their Hands Whence it is that so much Time is spent in Deliberating and that Resolutions are taken too late to be executed or at least to have the Success that might be expected from them and consequently the Charges and Pains in Preventing is utterly thrown away It happens also sometimes that while there passes so great a Space of Time between the Accidents themselves and their being known and examined fresh Advice is brought of the State of Affairs with new Circumstances which make it necessary to alter the former Orders and after this manner Days and Years slide away without any Effect either of Resolution or Action EMBLEM LXXXI THE Forces of all Powers are limited those of Ambition alone the common Vice of Humane Nature infinite This the more it has the more it desires to have or rather is a kind of fiery Appetite by the Heart exhaled which draws Strength and Encrease from the very Matter it is apply'd to This Failing is greater in Princes than in other Men for to the Desire of Getting is joined that Glory of Commanding
them The Customs then of Nations being known the Prince will be able far better to manage Affairs whether of Peace or War and know how to rule Foreign Countries every one of which enclines to a particular Manner of Government 7 Natura enim quoddam hominum genus proclive est ut imperio herili gubernetur aliud ut regio aliud ut civili horum imperium cujusque aliud est jus alia commoditâ—s Arist. l. 3. Pol. c. 12. as conformable to its Nature They have not all an Uniform Reason of State no more than one Medicine is a Cure for all their Diseases And herein Unexperienc'd Counsellors are generally out who think others can be govern'd by the Maxims and Principles of their own States The Bit which is easie to the Spaniard is not so to the Italian and Netherlander And as the ways of Dressing Managing and Breaking the Horses of Spain Naples and Hungary are different though they are all of one Species so Nations also should be differently govern'd according to their Natures Customs and Habits From this variety of Peoples Conditions we may gather how careful the Prince ought to be in sending Embassadors to see that they be not only endued with all the Qualifications necessary for the Representation of his Person and Exercise of his Power but withal that their Natures Wit and Manners agree with those of the Nation they are to treat with For if this Conformity be wanting they will be fitter to kindle War than to make Peace to excite Hatred than procure Love Hence God himself was as it were in Suspence and Dubious in the Choice of a Minister to send to his People and therefore deliberates thus with himself Whom shall I send and who will go for us 8 Isai. 6. 8. Every Court requires a Minister suitable to its Nature In that of Rome Men of Thought are approved who are perfectly versed in the Art of Dissimulation so as not to betray any Passion either in their Speech or Looks such as appear Sincere and are Subtile and Prudent who know how to Oblige all Men and be Obliged to none are Civil in Negotiations Easie in Treaties Reserved in Counsels Constant in Resolutions Friends to all Intimate with none The Emperor's Court requires a Man who maintains his Authority without Pride who Speaks with Sincerity Proposes with Modesty Answers with Truth and Expects with Patience who anticipates not Accidents but makes use of them when they happen who in a word is Cautious in Promising Exact in performing The French Court likes Men of Facetious Pleasant Humours that can mix Seriousness with Gaiety that neither despise nor very much regard Promises who change with the Times though more according to the present than future In England the Grave and Reserved are commended such as are slow both in Negotiations and Dispatches At Venice are valued Men of Eloquence of a Ready lavention Ingenuous in Reasoning and Proposing and Quick-sighted into others Designs At Genoa Persons of Frugality loving rather to compose than breed Dissention who keep up their Authority without State are Patient and Time-Servers The Suissers require such as can upon occasion lay aside Publick Grandeur and be Familiar in Conversation as have learn'd to ingratiate themselves by Presents and Hopes to have Patience and watch their Opportunities for they have to do with a Subtile and Jealous People differing from each other in Religion Factions and Methods of Government but are unanimous in their Resolutions and Decrees and in their Counsels avoid Extremes which each Canton afterwards executes according to its own Method Now as these Qualities are proper for every Court before-mention'd so are Complaisance Civility and Splendour of universal use in all if accompany'd with a good Mien and Carriage with some Learning and Knowledge of Languages particularly the Latine for these affect every body procure the Applause and Esteem of Foreigners and Credit to one's own Country As Nations differ in Manners so do they also in Strength That of the Church consists in the Respect and Obedience of Christian Believers that of the Empire in Reputation of Grandeur of Spain in its Infantry France in the Nobility of England in the Sea of the Turks in their Number that of Poland in its Cavalry that of the Venetians in their Prudence of the Savoyards in their Judgment Almost all Nations differ from each other in Arms both Offensive and Defensive which are adapted to the Genius and Disposition of each Country wherein it is principally to be considered which are the most common and general and whether those of our own Country are inferior to others that the most advantageous may be made use of for Excellency in one kind of Weapons or the Novelty of the late-invented ones often give or take away Empires The Parthians enlarged theirs by the use of Darts The French and Northerns opened a way to theirs by that of the armed Lance forc'd on by the Swiftness of their Cavalry The Art of Fencing which the Romans practis'd in their Publick Sword-Plays wherein Judgment has great effect made them Masters of the Universe And the Spaniards have conquer'd a New World and establish'd a Monarchy in Europe by the Invention of several sorts of Fire-Arms for these above all require Courage and Resolution which are the particular Vertues of that Nation To this Element of Fire the very Earth has opposed it self so that now all the Four Elements conspire the Destruction of Mankind and by introducing the Pick-ax and Shovel the Industry of the Dutch has made such advances as to be able to resist the Valour of Spain The greatest Politicians often mistake the Balance of Governments particularly some of the Italians who vainly strive to keep them always in Aequilibrio for that Government is not the most Dangerous or Potent whose Dominions are of the Largest Extent or Subjects most Numerous but which knows best how to use its Strength If you put the Forces in a pair of Scales and one fall down the other hang in the Air yet upon adding to this but one drachm of Prudence and Valour or else if the quantity of Ambition and Tyranny exceed in that the former shall poise if not out-weigh the latter They who have raised their Fortune in this World and ruled it have all had but slender Beginnings The Grandeur of the House of Austria inflamed the Envy of many and all conspired to bring it down while not one so much as thought of Sweden which had undoubtedly enslaved Germany and perhaps Italy too had not the King's Death prevented it Powers that begin to grow are more to be feared than those that are already grown for in these their Declension is Natural as in those their Encrease The one strive to preserve themselves by the Publick Quiet the other to advance themselves by disturbing Foreign Dominions Suppose one Power be in it self stronger than another this has not therefore less Valour than
that to defend and protect it self One Planet has more Force and Vigour in its own House than another in its Elevation Nor are these Fears of a Neighbouring Power always well grounded on the other side they often turn to its Advantage Italy was under Apprehensions of Slavery from the West when it saw the Kingdom of Sicily united to the Crown of Castile which were not a little augmented when Naples was added and both at once paid Obedience to Castile But when the Emperor Charles V. annexed the State of Milan to the Crown of Spain it seemed absolutely to Despair yet for all this the Princes lost not their Liberty on the contrary have been effectually preserv'd against the Turkish and Transalpine Arms and enjoy'd a whole Age of Peace The Fort de Fuentes built by the Spaniards was a great Eye-sore to many who look'd on it as a Bridle to Italy yet Experience has shew'd its only Design was their Defence But all these Examples are not sufficient to cure the Pannick Fears of that Hypochondria of State-Interest as they call it especially complicated with the ill Humours of Envy and Emulation so as to make it shake off those Melancholy Whimsies His Catholick Majesty lays Siege to Casal to dispossess the French of it and put it into the Hands of the right Owner to promote the Peace of Italy And what do the Envious but immediately enter into a new League to oppose him As if one City more or less were of any moment to so vast a Dominion From this false Apprehension of future Evils and Dangers which perhaps would never have really come to pass proceed other present ones much greater by the Anticipation of their Remedies Let such Persons then as are thus solicitous to poise the Balance of Governments lay aside their Emulations for it cannot be effected without prejudice to the Publick Repose Who can so keep the Globe of the World in this Equinox of Power that some shall not come nearer the Solstices of Grandeur than others Nations would be in perpetual War nothing giving more Disturbance to them than to be once possess'd with such empty Chimera's which never have an end especially since the Union of inferiour Powers against a Greater cannot be of long continuance And should they pull this down who will they find to share the Grandeur among them so that each shall be satisfy'd and not every one desire the Whole Who shall keep them so even that one shall not encrease faster than another Since Man's Body is preserved by the inequality of its Members why should not States as well by the Greatness of one and Mediocrity of another Commonwealth It is the securer Policy to follow the most Powerful and conform to their Fortune than to oppose them Opposition awakenâ— Power and gives a Pretence to Tyranny The Orbâ— of Heaven suffer themselves to be whirled by the Violence of the Primâ—m Mobile which they cannot resist and in following the Motion of that perform their own Course Ferdinand de Medicis Duke of Tuscany learn'd at Rome the Art of Molesting Superior Powers and practised it against Spain by certain new Devices in France England and Holland but he afterwards found the Danger of it and left it as a Lesson to his Successors never to use them which they observe to this day to the great Benefit of the Publick Tranquility EMBLEM LXXXII SOme adorned their Helmets with Swans and Peacocks by the Generosity of these Creatures to animate their Minds and inflame them with a Desire of Glory others with a Bear 's or Lion's Head letting the Skin hang down their Shoulders to strike Terror into their Enemies So that of this Device the Design of which is to shew what a Price the Prince ought to set upon Arms I have chosen for the Crest a Porcupine whose Quills no less agreeable for their Roughness than the Ostrich's Feathers are for their Smoothness at once Defend and Assault There 's no Garb more graceful than Armour adorned with Arms. The Splendour of Purple however sparkling with Gold Pearls and Diamonds is insignificant and the Magnificence of Palaces and Attendance and the Pomp of Courts useless except flaming Swords and the Glittering of Arms contribute to render Princes Illustrious Solomon the wisest of Kings gloried not so much in his costly Wardrobes as in his rich Arsenals which were stored with Shields and Targets of an inestimable Value 1 And King Solomon made two hundred targets of beaten gold six hundred shecklâ—s of beaten gold went to each target And he made three hundred shields of beaten gold and three hundred sheckles went to one shield 2 Chron. 9. 15 16. The Spaniards of old prized a War-Horse more than their Blood 2 Hispanis militares Eâ—â— sanguine ipsorum cariores erant Trog now that Esteem is sunk by the Convenience of Coaches and Chariots the Use of which was prohibited among the Romans to all but Senators and Ladies of Quality 3 Quibus quidem vehiculi◠〈…〉 spectatae probitatis alià s uti non licuit Alex. ab Alexanâ— l. 8. c. 18. To remedy which Abuses and once more introduce the Custom of Riding the Emperor Charles V. spoke thus in the Assembly of the States of Madrid in the Year 1534 The Natives of these Kingdoms said he have ever been esteemed and honoured both at Home and Abroad for their Skill in Chivalry and it is by this alone they have obtained so many glorious Victories over their Enemies as well Christians as Infidels conquered so many Kingdoms and Dominions as at this day depend on our Crown The Scripture says in the Praise of Men of Courage that their Shields are of Fire 4 And the shield of his mighty men is made red Naâ—um 2. 3. intimating how careful they are to keep them bright and well polish'd and in another place observes that their Rays reflected on neighbouring Mountains were like Lamps of Fire 5 Now when the sun shined upon the shields of gold and brass the mountains glistered therewith and shined like lamps of fire Macchab. 6. 39. David said a Sword added Grace even to the Majesty of God 6 Psal. 44. 4. Hannibal's Habit was mean and modest but in Equipage he surpass'd all others 7 Vestibus nihil inter aequales â—â—ellens arma aâ—que equi inspiciebantur The Emperor Charles V. took more delight in Military Pomp than in Robes embroider'd with Gold Ottocarus King of Bohemia being overcome by the Emperor Rodolphus came with great Splendour to swear Homage to him and as he was exhorted by his Attendance to deck himself as became his Majesty he replied Arm and March in Rank and File and shew these men that you place your Bravery and Gallantry not in Fine Cloaths but in your Arms for they best become both me and you That Majesty begets Princes most Authority which proceeds from Power The People chuse them for their Defence which was intimated by the
mute History of the Royal Race 24 Quomodo imaginibus suis noscuntur quas nec victor quidem abolevit â—ic partem memoriae apud scriptores retinent Tac. Annal. l. 4. The Obsequies of David and Solomon were celebrated with extraordinary Pomp and Splendour In the Funerals of private Persons great Care is required because Superstitions prejudicial to Religion are easily introduced the Imagination being deluded in what is hoped or feared from the Deceased and for that Funeral Charges are things which happen every day and concern many it is absolutely necessary they should be moderated Sorrow and Vain-glory being apt to raise them too high Plato set a certain Rate upon the Building of Sepulchres as did Solon also and after them the Romans King Philip II. made a Law to regulate the Abuses and Excesses of Funerals and Monuments saying That what was laid out superfluously upon them were better given to pious Uses and to pray for the Souls of the Deceased Thus far Your Highness has seen the Birth Death and Burial of the Prince whom these Emblems form being as it were present at the Building of this Politick Edifice from the very Foundation to the last Stone And now that your Highness may with more ease take a Review of the whole Fabrick I have thought convenient to subjoin here a kind of Platform thereof or Looking-Glass wherein it may be represented as a greater City is in a lesser This shall be King Ferdinand the Catholick one of Your Royal Highnesses's Ancestors in whose glorious Reign all the Arts both of Peace and War flourished and Accidents both of prosperous and adverse Fortune occurred The Infancy of this Great King was ripe and vigorous his Youth employed in Military Exercises and what art and Industry could not perfect in him Experience supplied His very Leisure was Employment and his Diversions Attention of Mind He was absolute Master of his Passions following more the Dictates of Policy than his own Natural inclinations He own'd his Grandeur to be from God only and gloried in his own Actions not those of his Ancestors He look'd on Sovereignty rather as a Charge than a Succession He quâ—eâ—ed his Realms by Dilâ—gence and Personal Presence rais'd his Monarchy by Valour and Prudence â—stabllsh'd it by Religion and Justice supported it by Love and Respect embellish'd it with Arts and Sciences enrich'd it by Trade and Husbandry and eterniz'd it by Maxims and Institutions truly Politick He was a King as well of his Court as Kingdoms and Master as well as Home as Abroad He temper'd his Liberality with Frugality Affabâ—lity with Authority Modesty with Gravity and Clemency with Justice By punishing some few he terrified many and by rewarding others he encourag'd the Hopes of all Personal Affronts he easily pardon'd but those which struck at the Royal Dignity he never forgave The Injuries done to his Subjects he reveng'd as his own behaving himself always as a Father to them He valu'd his Glory more than his Dominion but was neither puft up by Prosperity nor dejected by Adversity In the one he fortify'd himself against the other and when Fortune frown'd he us'd all his Industry to retrieve her Favour He made use of Time not Time of him and though he submitted to Necessity he made it subservient to his own Advantage His Conduct render'd him both belov'd and fear'd of all He gave Audience with readiness Hearing that he might know and asking Questions for his more certain Information He trusted not his Enemies and was reserv'd even with his Friends His Friendship was Convâ—niency his Kindred Reason of State his Confidence vigilant his Diffidence considerate his Providence Assurance his Jealousy Circumspection his Malice a Defence and his Dissimulation a Refuge He deceived none yet others were deceived by the Ambiguity of his Words and Treaties which he knew how to manage with so much Artifice when it was necessary to baffle Malice with Prudence as to be able to extricate himself without violating the Publick Faith Neither Falshood dared attack his Majesty nor Flattery his Knowledge He made his Ministers serviceable to him without making them Favourites and suffer'd himself to be counsel'd not govern'd by them What he could do himself he committed not to others He took Time for Consultation but was very Expeditious in Execution In his Resolutions the Effects were seen sooner than the Causes He conceal'd his Designs from his Embassadors when he desir'd that being deceiv'd themselves they should more effectually persuade others the contrary He knew how to rule with his Queen and obey his Son-in-Law He imposed Taxes through Necessity not out of Avarice and Luxury and what he then took from the Church he afterwards restor'd respecting the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and maintaining the Regal He kept no fixed Court but like the Sun mov'd continually about the Orbs of his Realms He manag'd Peace with Moderation and Integrity and prosecuted War with Force and Stratagem neither desiring the one nor refusing the other Whatsoever his Foot was fixed on his Arm and Conduct join'd in the Defecne thereof encreasing his Strength by the Spoils of his Enemies He did as much by his Negotiations as by his Arms never committing to the Sword what he could conquer by Address he plac'd the Ostentation of his Grandeur and Pomp in the Bravery of his Battalions He was always present in time of War within his Kingdoms The same Orders which he gave he observ'd himself and made Leagues so as to remain Arbiter not subject He was neither exalted when Conqueror nor when beaten dispirited He Sign'd Treaties of Peace under the Shield In a word He liv'd to all the World and dy'd to himself yet always remaining in the memory of Men as an absolute Pattern for Princes and Immortalizing himself in the Desire of his Subjects THis naked Skull of Death the dismal Scâ—â—e Which now the simple Spider measures o're WIth its slight Web which baffled heretofore The nicest Subteilties of Humane Brain Once wore a 〈◊〉 and triumphant stood As Monarch of the 〈◊〉 of Peace and War His Smiles gave Life his Anger dire Despair And all the World depended on its Nod. What oncee gave proudly Laws to War and Peace Spiders and Ear-wigs do now possess Why then this Pride O Princes since the Grave Makes no Distinction 'twixt the Base and Brave Betwixt the mighty Prince and wretched Slave On the Author and his Book in Allusion to the EMBLEM WHither so fast vain Man 'fore out of breath Stop and behold this lively Scene of Death The Head thou seest was Great Saavedra's once A greater Name no Rhetorick can pronounce Here Piety with Policy were join'd Here Honour Sence and Learning were combin'd False Machiavilian Notions to convince And form at oncea Wise and Vertuous Prince Where now alas Worms having eat it bare The Death-watch Spiders spread their curious Hair And with their Bowels nobly re-interr Scepters and Crowns here tumbled down you see A trifling Lose to one so Great as He But since this Work remains the World may cry Death where 's thy Sting Grave where 's thy Victory FINIS