in them as in Verulam were now onely inhabited by Christians and not a Pagan to be seen and this by the Omnipotent working of God and the Idolatrous Judge and Prince himself that ruled here under the Pagan Romans and persecuted by their power even to the utmost bounds of Brittany was made that he was unable to Rule and Govern any longer but needed be Ruled and Governed himself by others This Judge King and Roman Lieutenant as the Scottish Historians with others call him was King Asclepiodotus thus grievously either of malice or for fear of the Romans then persecuting and for so doing hated of God and Man Coel. King Coel who began his reign in the year of our Lord 262. having now both Warrant and Way to advance the Title to the Crown of this Kingdom and help to free the afflicted Christians thereof from the miseries of their so long and grievous persecution as it seemeth most probable at this time and upon these occasions he took Armes against Asclepiodotus reputed King in this persecution slew him and was crowned King as our Historians deliver unto us Harding also plainly saith that Coel took Armes against Asclepiodotus by reason of this great persecution For which Duke Coel against him rose in Armes Asclepiodotus for the first ten years of his reign was just and ruled with the general applause of all but after fell into wickedness and cruelty so that King Coel might justly pursue his right to Brittain in hope thereby in better manner to redeem the afflictions of his Countrey Christians being more potent and able and likely more willing than Asclepiodotus was not so forward in any Judgements as he should have been in defending innocence if he had not been an actual persecutor which Harding himself thus in these plain terms expresseth Harding Chron. cap. 58 fol. 57. This persecution as some Chronicles fain The ten years war of Asclepiodote For which Duke Coel again him rose full hot The Duke Caer Colun that hight Coilus Which City now this day Colchester hight Then crowned was that slew Asclepiodotus For cause he came not forth with all his might The Tyramite fell to a canstand as he hight Wherefore Brittains were all full glad and fain Of King Coilus that succoured all their pain And howsoever Asclepiodotus concurred with the Roman persecutors and pleased them in vexing and tormenting Christians here in Britany yet otherwise he was very unpleasing unto them He troubled the Roman power in all things and therefore they were glad of his death Ponticus Virunnius himself a Roman saith they did esteem him their great enemy and as for such an one rejoyced at his death and this joy was not onely of particular Romans but of the whole Senate which ruled chiefly in matters of Estate Therefore when our Antiquities assure us that Coel obtained the Kingdom and was crowned and as an old French manuscript speaketh regna sur Britaniae ruleth over Brittain and was thus inabled and made powerful to redresse what he found offensive and wicked being absolute King and joyfully so received of the Brittains as our Historian said before Wherefore Brittains were all full glad and faine Of King Coelus that succoured all their pain And he himself taking acception to Asclepiodotus next to his charging him with usurping the Crown for being to backward in resisting the Roman persecutors would not fall into the like error with him but as is proved already succoured all their pain and utterly ceased the persecution against Christians of Brittain which were thus joyful of his coronation and thereby relieved and redeemed them from their afflictions all his time which both by our own and forreign Historians continued to the end of the third hundred of years Mr. Broughton The Romans having no power here either to persecute Christians or to any other purpose But as our Brittish and other Historians testify wholly lost their government here untill after the death of King Coel or the comming of Constantius his son in law hither the second time very little before King Coel his death Our Scottish Historians say that King Coel utterly destroyed both Romans and all the Brittains also which were their favourers and set forth a severe edict to search forth all Romans and Brittains which had followed them here and caused them to be punished and put to death and so with most joyful and general applause of the people Nobles and others that the crown of Brittain was thus restored to the true heir of their regal blood was crowned King and he established the Kingdom in the Brittish government So that now so severe a law being made and executed both against the prosecuting Romans and all such Brittains as had joyned with them against the Christian inhabitants of this nation and all this done by the authority of our King and with the consent both of the nobility and people we must needs end the persecution here with the beginning of King Coels reign And it would not be singular in this point if we should hold that King Coel was actually a christian and not only a friend to such for first all they which affirm him to have been Kinsman or Heir to our first christian King St. Lucius easily prove him a christian for such a man would not leave either child or kinsman which by him had that title to have any other education Secondly by the time of his age whether he was to King Lucius so near or no we must needs confesse he lived most part of his life when christianity flourished in this Kingdom being an aged man before Dioclesian his persecution began Thirdly our Historians say that his daughter St. Helen which had her education by his direction was instructed and taught in the christian faith A late Authour thus speaketh of this Helena she was first instructed in the faith of Christ by Coel her father as Petrus de Natalibus saith and yet if we encline to this opinion we may easily answer them that will object the public and universal restitution of christian religion as building Churches Monasteries and such holy foundations was not in his time For by the common opinion his reign was short little and not above four years a great part whereof was spent in extirpating the persecutors and the rest in preparation to resist a new invasion of the Romans not reigning in quiet and security from these troubles and fears the space of two moneths by any writers and so after so great and terrible a tempest of persecution it was a wonderful comfort and happiness for the Brittish christians to enter into such a calme and quiet to live in security and rest freed from their former miseries under so renowned a King which was all he could do or they expect in such times and circumstances The Roman Emperours after the death of Heliogabolus until Constantius married first or after received again Helena daughter of Coel had little command in this Kingdom therefore
Brittain was imprisoned and Edwal Voel the Son of Anarawd and Elise his Brother were slain in a battel which they fought against the Danes and Englishmen This Edwal had six sons Meiric Janaf or Jenan Jago which is James Conan Edwal Vachan and Roderick after whose death Howel Dha his Cosin German ruled all VVales during his life Elise also had Issue Conan and a Daughter named Trawst which was Mother to Conan ap Sitsylht Gruffith ap Sitsylht and Blethin ap Covyn which two last were afterwards Princes of VVales Howel Dha This Howel Dha King or Prince of Southwales and of Powis long before this time after the death of Edwal Voel his cosin took upon him the rule and government of all VVales about the year of Christ 940. who notwithstanding the sons of Edwal did something murmur against him was for his godly behaviour discreet and just rule beloved of men This Howel constituted and made Laws to be kept through his Dominions which were used in Wales till such time as the Inhabitants received the laws of England in the time of King Edward the First and in some places thereof long after These laws are to be seen at this day both in VVelsh and Latine Howel Dha perceiving the laws and customes of his country to have grown unto great abuse sent for the Arch-Bishop of Menenia and all the other Bishops and chief of the Clergy A pious example for all Princes to the number of one hundred and forty Prelates and all the Barons and Nobles of VVales and caused six men of the wisest and best esteemed in every Comote to be called before him whom he commanded to meet altogether at his house called Y Tuy Gwyn Taf that is The white house upon the River Taf. Thither he came himself and there remained with those his Nobles Prelates and Subjects all the Lent in prayer and fasting craving the Assistance and direction of Gods holy Spirit that he might reform the Laws and Customes of the Country of VVales to the honour of God and quiet government of the people About the end of Lent he chose out of that company twelve men of the wisest gravest and of the greatest experience to whom he added one Clerk or Doctour of the lawes named Blegored a singular learned and perfect wise man These had in charge to examine the old lawes and customes of Wales and to gather of such as were meet for the government of the Country which they did retaining those that were wholesome and profitable expounding those that were doubtful and ambiguous and abrogating those that were superfluous and hurtful and so ordained three sorts of Laws The first for ordering of the King or Princes Houshold and his Court. The second of the affairs of the Country and Common-wealth The third of the special customes belonging to particular places and persons Of all the which being read allowed and proclamed he caused three severall books to be written one for his dayly use to follow his Court an other to lye in his Palace at Abersfrew and the third at Dinevour that all the three Provinces of Wales might have the use of the same when need required The King and Princes of Brittain much observant of the See Apostolike And for the better observation of these lawes he procured of the Archbishop of St. Davids to denounce sentence of excommunication against such of his Subjects as refused to obey the same whithin a while after Howel because he would omit nothing that could bring countenance and authority to his said laws went to Rome taking with him the Archbishop of St. Davids the Bishop of Bangor and Asaph and thirteen other of the learnedst and wisest men in VVales where the said lavves being recited before the Pope vvere by his authority confirmed then having finished his devoted pilgrimage he returned home again vvith his company 1. By these lawes they might not morgage their lands but to one of the same family or kindred which were de eadem Parentela 2. Every tenant holding of any other then his Prince or Lord of the Fee paid a fine pro defensione Regia which was called Arian Ardhel in Latine Advocarii 3. No Legacy of goods by Will was good otherwise then those which were given to the Church to the Lord of the Fee or for payment of debts 4. Every man might destrain as well for debts as for rent of Lands any goods or Cattel saving horses which were counted to serve for a mans necessary defence and were not destrainable without the Princes licence 5. Causes of Inheritance were not heard or determined but from the ninth of November till the ninth of February or from the ninth of May until the ninth of August the rest of the year was counted a time of vacation for sowing in the spring and reaping in the harvest This also is to be observed that all matters of inheritance of Land were determined and adjudged by the King or Prince in person or his special Deputy if he were sick or impotent and that upon the view of the said Land calling unto him the Freeholders of the same place two Elders of his Councel the Chief Justice attending alwaies in the Court the ordinary Judge of the Country where the Land lay and the Priest The manner of their proceeding was thus the King or Prince sat in his Judicial seat higher then the rest with an Elder on his right hand and an other on his left and the Freeholders on both sides next unto them which for this cause as I think were called Vchelwyr Before him directly a certain distance off and a little lower sat the Chief Justice having the Priest on his right hand and the ordinary Judg of that Countrey on the left The court being set the Plaintiff came in with his Advocate Champion and Rhyngyth and stood on the right side and last of all the Witnesses on both parties came which stood directly before the Chief Justice at the lower end of the Hall untill they were called up to testify the truth of their knowledge in the matter in varitance The figure of which I thought good here to lay down as ye see Vnderneath Uchelwyr An Elder The King An Elder Uchelwyr The Priest THE Chief Justice The Judge The Defendant  The Plaintiff Rhyngyth  Rhyngyth Advocate  Advocate Champion The VVitnesses Champion After the hearing of this book read the depositions of the witnesses and full pleading of the cause in open Court upon warning given by the Rhyngyth the chief Justice the Priest and the Ordinary Judge withdrew themselves for a while to consult of the matter and then secundum Allegata probata brought their verdict the Court sitting Whereupon the King or Prince after consultation had with the Elders or Seniors which sat by him gave definitive sentence except the matter was so obscure and intricate that right and truth appeared not in the which case it was tryed by the two Champions and so
they would send Letters and Ambassadors unto those barbarous people in their behalf They sent unto them three of the best and most honourable persons of the City all three of the house of the Fabians The Gauls received them very courteously because of the name of Rome and leaving to assault the City Brennus a Brittain King of the Gauls they gave them audience The Roman Ambassadors did ask them what injury the Clusians had done unto them that they came to make Wars with them Brennus King of the Gauls hearing this question smiled and answered them thus The Clusians do us wrong in this they being but few people together and not able to occupy much Land do notwithstanding possess much and will let us have no part with them that are strangers and out of our Country and stand in need of seat and habitation the like wrong was offered unto you Romans in old time by those of Alba by the Fidenates and Ardeates and the Volsci against whom ye have taken and do take Arms at all times and as oft as they will let you have no part of their goods ye imprison their persons rob and spoil their goods and destroy their Cities and in doing this you do them no wrong at all but follow the oldest Law that is in the world which ever leaveth unto the stronger that which the weaker cannot keep nor enjoy beginning with the gods and ending with beasts the which have this property in nature that the bigger and stronger have ever the advantage of the weaker and lesser therefore leave your pitty to see these Clusians besieged lest you teach us Gauls to take compassion also of those you have oppressed By this answer the Romans knew very well there was no way to make peace with King Brennus wherefore they entered into the City of Clusium and incouraged the Inhabitants to sally out with them upon these barbarous people either because they had a desire to prove the valiantness of the Gauls or else to shew their own manhood and valour so the Citizens went out and skirmished with them hard by the wals in which one of the Fabians called Quintus Fabius Ambustus being excellently well horsed and putting spurs to him did set upon a goodly big personage of the Gauls that had advanced himself far before all the Troop of his Companions he was not known at the first encounter as well for the sudden meeting and skirmishing together as for that his glistering armour dimmed the eyes of the enemies But after he had slain the Gaul and came to strip him Brennus then knew him and protested against him Brennus reproacheth Fabius for breaking the Law of Armes calling the Gods to witness how he had broken the Law of Arms that coming as an Ambassador he had taken upon him the form of an Enemy Hereupon Brennus forthwith left skirmishing and raising the Siege from Clusium marched with his Army to Rome gates And to the end that the Romans might know that the Gauls were not well pleased for the injury they had received to have an honest colour to begin war with the Romans he sent an Herald before to Rome to demand livery of the man that had offended him that he might punish him accordingly In the mean while he himself came marching after by small journeys to receive their answer The Senate hereupon assembled and many of the Senators blamed the rashness of the Fabians but most of all the Priests called the * Heralds very ancient Faeciales for they followed it very closely as a matter that concerned Religion and the honour of the Gods declaring how the Senate in discharge of all the residue of the City for the offence committed should lay the whole weight and burden of it upon him alone that only had done the Fact Numa Pompilius the wisest and most peaceable of all the Kings of Rome that had been was he that erected the Colledge of those * Heralds Faeciales and did ordain that they should be Keepers of Peace and Judges to hear and allow all the causes for the which they should justly begin any War Nevertheless the Senate in the end turned over the ordering of the whole matter to the Will and Judgement of the people before whom also the Faeciales or Heralds did accuse Fabius Ambustus The people made so little account of their propounded Religion and honour of the Gods in that case that instead of delivering this Fabius to the enemy they did choose him for one of the Tribunes of the Souldiers with his brothers The Gauls understanding this were so furious and angry thereat that they would no longer linger their journeys but marched with all speed to Rome The people that dwelt by the High-wayes where they should passe by were marvellously afraid to see the multitude of them and their brave and gallant Furniture beginning to doubt the fury of their rage they imagined that first of all they would destroy the Champion Countrey before them and afterwards would take the strong Cities They contrariwise did take nothing at all out of the Fields neither did any hurt or displeasure unto any body but passing by their Cities cryed out They went to Rome and would have no Wars but with the Romans and how otherwise they desired to be friends with all the world These barbarous people march on in this wise towards Rome the Tribunes of the Souldiers brought their Army to the Field to encounter them they were no lesse in number then the Gauls for they were 40000 Foot men howbeit most part of them were raw souldiers that had never served in the Wars before They were very carelesse of their Gods and dissolute in matters of Religion for they passed neither for good signes in their Sacrifices neither to ask councel of their Soothsayers which the Romans were religiously wont to doe before they gave any battel To make the matter worse the number of the Captains having Power and Authority alike did as much or more then the rest disorder and confound their doings for oft-times before in far lesse Matters and Dangers then these One Supreme better then Many they did use to choose special Officers that had sole and soveraign Authority which they called Dictators knowing very well of how great importance it is in dangerous times to have but one Head and General to command all to have supreme Authority of justice in his hands Monarchy and not to be bound to deliver account of his doings to any The injury also which they had too ungratefully done to Camillus brought great mischief then and inconvenience upon them for the Captains after him durst no more command the people roughly but ever after did flatter them much When their Armies were now brought into the Field they Encamped themselves by a little River called Allia about the eleventh stone from Rome and not far from the place where the same River falleth into Tiber thither came Brennus with his
which the ebbing Sea in that place had make accessible The Brittains espying them made thitherwards the rest of the Romans escaping Scaeva was left alone upon the Rock to which Island the fury of the enraged multitude assailed him with their darts which he received upon his Shield and thrust at them with his Spear till it was broken and his Helmet and Shield lost then being tyred with extreme toyl and dangerously wounded he betook himself to flight carrying two little Harnesses on his back with much difficulty recovered Caesars Tent where he craved pardon for making so bold an attempt without commandment of his General Caesar did both remit the Offence and rewarded the Offender by bestowing upon him the Office of a Centurion This was that Scaeva who afterwards gave good cause to have his Name remembred in the Roman Histories for the memorable service he did to Caesar in the time of the civil Wars between him and Pompey at the battail near Dyrrachium The Romans having at length got footing on the dry land gave a fresh charge unto the Brittains and in the end forced them to turn their backs and leave the shore though they could not pursue them far into the Land for want of Horsemen Caesars accustomed Fortune failing him in this one accident The Brittains after this overthrow assembling themselves together upon consultation had amongst them sent Embassadors to Caesar promising to deliver in pledges or to do whatsoever else he would command them With these Embassadors came Comius of Arras whom Caesar had sent before out of Gallia into Brittain where having delivered the Message he had then in charge he was apprehended and committed to Prison and now after the battel released The chief States of the Brittains seeking to excuse their attempt laid the blame upon the multitude who being the greater number and wilfully bent to take Arms would neither by perswasion nor Authority be restrained And they pretended their own ignorance as being a free people and not experienced in the Customes of other Nations Caesar although he reproved them for making War in that manner considering that of their own accord they had sent Embassadors to him before his arrival in Brittany to desire peace yet was content to pardon them upon delivery of pledges whereof some he received presently and the rest being to come from remote places he appointed to be sent in by a set day so the Brittains were dismissed to return into their Countries and in the mean time there came divers Princes from other parts of the Isle to submit themselves and their Cities to Caesar The fourth day after the Romans Landing the ships before mentioned appointed for Transportation of Caesars Horse men having a favourable Gail of wind put out to Sea from the upper Haven and approaching near the Island in view of the Roman Camp a suddain storme arose and scattered them driving some back again to the Port from whence they came and some others upon the lower part of the Island Westward where after they had cast Anchor their Keeles being all most overwhelmed with the Waves they were carried by violence of the storm in the night into the Main and with very great peril recovered a harbour in the Continent The same night the Moon was at the full at which time commonly the Sea in those parts is much troubled and overfloweth the banks by reason of the high Tides a matter unknown unto the Romans insomuch as the long Boats which transported the Army then lying upon the shore were filled with the flood and the ships of burden that lay at Anchor were beaten with the storm and split in pieces the greater number of them perishing in the water and the rest being made altogether unserviceable the Anchors lost and Tacklings broken wherewith the Romans were much perplexed for that they neither had any other ships to transport them back again nor any means to repair what the Tempest had Ruined and Caesar had formerly resolved to winter in Gallia by reason he was unfurnished of victuals to maintaine his Army during the Winter season which being known to the chief States of the Brittains who had met together about the accomplishment of such things as Caesar had commanded them they supposed a fit opportunity was offered them to revolt while the Romans wanted Horsemen shipping and all manner of provisions the number of their Forces seeming also the lesse in respect of the small circuit of their Camp Caesar having transported his Legions without any Carriages or such like Warlike necessaries whereupon they concluded to keep them from Victuals and to prolong the War till Winter assuring themselves that if they could either vanquish the Romans or bar them from returning thence there would no Forraigne Nation after them adventure to set foot again in Brittany and hereupon they conveyed themselves by stealth out of the Roman Camp and gathered company to them privily from divers parts to make head against their Enemies Caesar albeit he was ignorant of the Brittains purpose yet supposing that the State of his Army and the loss of his ships were to them known and considering that they had broken day with him in detaining the pledges contrary to the contract he suspected that which afterwards proved true And therefore to provide remedies against all chances he caused b The Brittains not ignorant of Agriculture as som aver they then were as the Author from whom I took this seemeth to say Corn to be brought daily out of the Fields into his Camp and such ships as could not be made fit for service were used to repair the rest and such other things as were wanting thereto he appointed to be brought out of the same continent by which means and the diligence of his Souldiers by losse of twelve ships the rest of the Navy was made able to bear sail and brook the Seas again while these things were in doing the seventh Legion according to custome was sent forth a Forraging till which time the Brittains revolt was not certainly known for that some of them remained abroad in the Fields and others came ordinarily into the Roman Camp The Warders in the station before the Camp gave notice to Caesar that the same way which the Legion went there appeared a greater dust then was wont to be seen Caesar mistrusting some new practice of the Brittains commanded the Companies that kept Ward to march thither appointing two others to supply their rooms and the rest of his Forces to Arme themselves with speed and follow him when he approached near the place discried he perceived his Souldiers to be over-charged by the Brittains who assailed them on all sides with darts For the Brittains having commanded their Corn from all other parts this onely excerted and suspecting that the Romans would come thither lay in the woods all night to intexcept them and finding them dispersed and unready they suddenly set upon them as they were reaping killing a few of
hath been whether this Marius was a Christian or not Harding and other witnesse that he was of a Child brought up at Rome with the Emperour Claudius and his Mothers kindred Who nourished was at Rome in his Juventâ— With his Mothers Kin the best of the Empire Harding Chro. in Marius c. 49. fol. 41. With Claudius also that was his own Grandfire And not returning into Brittain untill the death of Arviragus his Father to inherit the Kingdome after him for any thing we read in History and by the common computation of Antiquaries King Arviragus and St. Joseph dying within three years together it is not a thing to be easily believed that Marius did or could learn Christianity of St. Joseph Neither did or could Christian Religion allow Marius a notorious known Bastard to inherit the Kin dom of Brittain as Heir to K. Arviragus he having divers legitimate children by his lawful Wife Voada Daughter of King Caraâ—â—cus Ex qua filium unum duas filias susceperat All which by Christian Religion should have inherited before him and he whether they had been living or dead by that could not claim Title to inherit or possesse the crowne of Brittainas he did And the Scottish Historians who had best reason to keep these things in memory do tell us that he was so far a Roman as by all Antiquities by his Mother and Education he truly was They stile him Marius the Roman Marius nobilis Romanus And he was so far from having any true Title to the Crown by being the bastard son of Arviragus that he was declared King by the Emperors Authority Caesaris autoritate Britonum Rex appellatus and to take all controversie away was forced to marry his own Sister by his Father the eldest Daughter of Arviragus and his lawfull wife Queen Voada Harum natu majorem ut jam Insulae status pacatior foret Matrimonis sibi copulavit which all men know no Christian could doe And yet this was after the great Victory of Marius against the Scots and Picts with their Captain Rodericke which was as Matthew Westminster and others write not above a year before the death of St. Joseph that chancing in the 75. and in the 76. year of Christ In which battel the two Daughters of Queen Voada their brother as it seemeth being dead were taken Prisoners and the oldest the next Heir of Brittain after the matters pacified which was not in any probability before St. Joseph's death was as is said before married to Marius her bastard-brother which Marriage if I may so term it was still continued and by them was begotten in it Coilus after King and Father to our first Christian King Saint Lucius So that if we speak properly and strictly of Christians and name them onely such which actually and really both in Faith and Profession do hold onely the Christian Religion and no other it is evident that none of these three Kings of Brittain Arviragus Marius or Coillus was a Christian much less converted or baptized by St. Joseph But if we speak of Christianity in an ample and extended sense as Tertullian and some Ancients have done of Tiberius Caius and some other Emperors not actually Christians but so affected especially in some points as as he doth of Pilate which washed his hands and said he was innocent of the putting of Christ to death Innocens sum à Sanguine justi bujus I am innocent of the blood of this just person that he was in conscience a Christian pro sua conscientia Christianus We may speak the like of these Kings and go so far with Harding's Author as to say with him Joseph converted this King Arviragus By his preaching to know the Law Divine For it is not unprobable but he was perswaded the Law and Religion which St. Joseph professed was true But whereas Harding addeth And baptized him as written hath Nennius A Chronicler in Brittain Tongue fall fine Except we take Baptizing in a very large and amplifying construction and say Harding a Poet did thereby understand the true knowledge of Baptisme and not the receiving thereof neither Nennius nor any approved Author doth or can prove any such thing By this also we are sufficiently assured that neither St. Joseph of Arimathea nor any of his company though otherwise most Holy and most Renowned Saints and excellently deserving of this Nation none of them converting either the King Nobles or People of Brittany as so many worthy Authors and Antiquaries have told us may be named the Apostles which converted this Kingdome to the Faith of Christ Mr. Bro. f. 166. or first founded Christian Religion here Marius King of Brittain by the opinion of all was both a Friend and Benefactor unto Christians confirming unto the Eremits of Avalon St. Joseph and his Associats those donations liberties and immunities which his Father Arviragus had formerly granted unto them and the Emperour Vespasian was so friendly and favourable unto holy Christians that when he was in Brittain before he was Emperour as Harding from more ancient Authors hath testifyed he procured those immunities and exemptions for S. Joseph and his company which King Arviragus endowed them with and I do not doubt but that he was so far a Christian in judgement that I may recount him in the number of those first Emperours of whom Tertullian writeth Tert. Apol. contr gentil c. 21. The Emperours themselves would have believed in Christ if the Emperours had not been necessary to the woâ—ld or Men that were Christians might have been Emperours Sed ' Caesares credidissent super Christo si aut Caesares non essent saeculo necessarii aut si Christiani potuissent esse Caesares This King Marius as Matth. Westm and divers others do testifie died the 78. year of Christ Math. West ao 78. and left Coillus his Son his Successor in the Kingdome Anno gratiae 78. Marius Brittannorum Rex ab hoc saeculo transiens Coillum Filium habuit successorem by whom he reigned but a short time not above six years Others affirm that he reigned a far longer time the Publisher of the Brittish History ascribe Mr. Bro. f. 169. 52 years Harding avoucheth that he died When he had Reigned sixty years and three His Tribute paid full well to Roman City Hard. in Chron. in Reg. Marius c. 50. fol. 42. Of Christs Faith somewhat he was informed But much more he needed to have been reformed But howsoever the question about his Regiment long or short be resolved certain it is that he was a Friend to Christians and if he Reigned long longer was their peace by his permission Fabian in the life of this King tells us that the Chronicle of England calls him VVestmer and that during his Reign a certain Chieftain whom Gaufride calleth Londricus of the Picts Landing with a great Navy in the Province of Albania now Scotland began to make havock with fire and sword which ungrateful
Prince commending therein his former zealous disposition in embraceing the truth then exhorting him to read with humility and reverence the holy Scripture the divine Law which he had lately received in his Dominions and out of that by Gods grace and advice of faithful Counsellors to collect meet observations for the framing of Laws necessary for the preservation of his estate which observations so collected and Lawes so framed he did affirm to be much better then the Imperial constitutions of the Romans or any other whatsoever that to make Lawes and execute Justice was the proper office of a Prince who was upon earth the Vicar of God himself and received from him that Title and Authority to the end he should use the same to the good of the Catholick Church and of the people living under his obedience hereupon Lucius began first of all to provide for establishment of that Religion whereof he was become at the self same time both a professour and practiser Then was the worshipping of Idols forbidden the seats of the Arch-flamens at London York and Caerlegion or Caerleon upon Vsk were changed into Sees of three Arch-bishops in the same places and those of the Flamens into so many Bishopricks whereby the Temples vowed by Idolatrous Priests to prophane gods were consecrated to the service of the only true God the temporal estate he also adorned with good profitable Laws conformable to the rule of Christian Religion whereupon ensued the blessings of plenty and peace in his dayes It is reported that he was Foundet of a Church at Cornhill in London which he dedicated to St. Peter placeing therein one Thean an Archbishop to have the superintendence over other Bishops within his principality and the Metropolitan seat continued there in the succession of thirteen Archbishops about the space of 400 years until the coming of St. Aug. who translated it to Canterbury And now Christianity being thus Generally received amongst the Brittains kept on her course untainted and without opposition till the time of Dioclesian the Emperour who kindled the fire of that raging persecution the last and longest in the Primitive Church which consumed the lives of many Christian Martyrs as well in Brittain as other places but returning to the Reign of Lucius and considering the state of Brittain under his Government we may justly admire the Felicity of those times ascribing to the Brittains for their greatest glory that among all other Nations they had the happinesse to see and enjoy the first Christian Prince Thus far compendiously and succinctly the Brittish History but let us peruse a while to the great renown of the Brittish Nation the writings of that late but rare light of Antiquity the day star of his Countrey Mr. Broughton and consider what he expresseth concerning the passages and conversion of King Lucius thus he begins They who write of King Lucius his Nobles and Countries conversion do write also how he wrote for and entreated it by supplyant letters to Pope Elutherius not to Evaristus as some have imagined Gildas saith that King Lucius was baptized with all his Nobles of Brittain 164 years after the coming of Christ and Nennius saith it was three year after so that whither we will take the account of Gildas or Nennius for King Lucius his time of conversion though others make a greater difference by 20 years and more we see that King was converted 44 years after the death of Evaristus whom some will have the Instrument of his conversion and 54 from his first entrance into the Papacy seven Popes St. Alexander Sextus Telesphorus Higinus Pius Anicetus and Soter being between him and St. Elutherius in whose time by all account St Lucius was converted of which two such renowned Writers could not be ignorant much lesse may we judge without great injury and dishonour unto them and bold rashnesse in our selves that they would or could erre in so high a degree the one of them Nennius the meanest stiled by our Catalogists of such men both ancient and modern The most excellent Doctor of the Brittains Principal or Arch-abbot of the renowned Monastery of Bangor famous both for Wisdom and Religion The other St. Gildas by common consent of all Writers is stiled Gildas the Wise or sirnamed the Wise The first and principal means of the Conversion of K. Lucius is ascribed to certain learned Scholars of Cambridge Theater of Brit. l. 6. c. 9. Sect. 9. Hollins disc Brit. The Theatre of Great Brittain tells us That there were Christians at these times though some exceptions may be taken against the Monk of Burton the Reporter thereof who saith in the year 141 and Reign of Hadrian nine Masters of Grantcester were baptized themselves and preached to others the Gospel in Brittain The ancient Charter which the Antiquities of Cambridge ascribed to K. Arthur do give this honour or a great part thereof to the learned Scholars of Cambridge K. Lucius perswaded to be a Christian by the Christians of Cambridge which being converted to the Faith of Christ and divers of them now become Clergymen and Preachers moved K. Lucius by their preaching to be a Christian which is more confirmed by the ancient Bull of Pope Honorius the first of that Name to confirm the Priviledges of the University of Cambridge 1000 years since and other Testimonies there are that say that both K. Lucius did confer and confirm by his publick Charter great Priviledges and Immunities to that School and Pope Elutherius likewise Chart. Reg. Arturi 7. Apr. an 531. Bulla Honorii Acad. Cantab. concess 20. die Seb. an Dom. 624. Caius Antiq. Cant. l 1. p. 75. 76. which he did not so for any thing we find in Histories to any other School or University in the World nor any of his Successors many years after The chiefest motive of these exemtions and prerogatives to that place we cannot interpret in any better sense then that King Lucius had received much spiritual Benefit from thence which he requited with temporal honour and dignity and the holy Pope Elutherius bestowed such singular grace and favour to that School for the holy labours and fruitful effects it had wrought in the Church of Christ by their Conversion and Preaching moving King Lucius and so many men of sundry degrees in Brittain to forsake superstitious Idolatry and embrace the Christian Faith and Religion We find some Apostolick Men in this very time to have preached the faith in Brittain to King Lucius himself as well as to his Subjects and these to have been of this Nation Pet. Marsaeus Catal. Epis Tungren Archiepis Treve Among those two are chiefly commended unto us in this businesse Saint Timothy and Saint Marcellinus or Marcellus And to begin with St. Timothy We find that he so far prevailed with King Lucius that by his Learning our King was induced to the Religion of Christ and to make this Opinion clear Henricus Pantaâ—eon writeth Math. West an 159.
Debates others affirm to win honour to himself he being accounted very greedy and ambitious thereof and to reduce the Kingdom wholly to the Roman subjection not willing that any Brittain here born should reign and therefore as some write they made a decree and law among them Hector Boetius Scot. Hist l. 5. f. 86. against such Government Eo fere tempore post Lucium Regem Brittorum extinctum Romani gnari Brittannos Reges multarum in populo seditionum rebellionum in se fuisse autores ut res Romana in Brittannia soret quietior publico vetuere decreto ne quispiam Brittanici sanguinis deinceps regia insignaretur dignitate If there was any such decree of the Romans it could neither be upon this surmised motive that the Brittish Kings had been the occasion of any rebellions or seditions against the Romans for it is evident that in the time of the three last Kings Merius Coillus and Lucius peace was duely kept with the Romans and their tribute paid unto them and these Kings descended of Genuista a Roman Lady of the Emperors kindred so as well as from King Arviragus the Brittain did participate both of the Brittish and Roman blood And these were the onely Kings which were here after the composition between the Romans and Brittains in the time of Claudius and Arviragus when Arviragus marrying the daughter of the Emperour joining the Brittish and Roman Regal and Imperial lines together thereby ended all debates between them Neither did any such Decree probably pass the Roman Senate that none born of Brittish blood should afterwards be King of Brittain if we will be guided either by reason or authority herein for how could the Romans then neither having such power or possession take upon them such a definitive sentence Mr. B. 362 This had been the next way to have made a general defection from them here of all the Brittains And the Brittains Will. Harrison Disc Brit. c. 22. Harding Chr. c. 52. f. 45. alii apud Harrison Hollenshed Hist of Eng. l. 4. c. 21. except in some municipal places were governed by their own and not by the Roman Laws And for authority we want not those that write how both our next Kings here who came from Rome after this imagined Decree Severus and Basianus his son and successor here were Brittanici sanguinis born of Brittish blood and yet both of them our Kings in Brittain and Emperours also and by some Antiquaries the next heirs to the Crown of Brittain Harding in his Chronicle thus testifieth from antiquity of Severus Severus thus the worthy Senator Descended down-right heir to Androgeos The eldest son of Lud that was the Emperour Out of Brittain went with Julius Which Senator aforesaid Severus To Brittain came and was inthronisate And with a Crown of Gold was Coronate Therefore if Severus the Emperour was descended down right heir to Andro geos the eldest son of King Lud the words of the Authors so obsolutely and consequently not without good warrant affirming it he must needs be both descended of the Regal Brittish race and be also the undoubted next true heir to the Crown of this Kingdom at that time all other lines which might by any probability make claim before him being now extinct and this of it self is more then any Authour of like credit to him I have alledged doth bring to prove that Severus was not descended by lineal and lawful birth Flor. Wigorn. Chro. an 181 and 182. Matth. West an 192. Mar. Scot. Aetat 6. Mart. Polon an 213. Hen. Hunt l. 1. Hist in Severo from our Brittish Regal race but some other in which I find a silence in Antiquity onely divers write and nothing hindering his Regal Brittish Genealogy that he was born at Leptis in the Province of Tripolis in Africk and was the onely African that ever was Emperour yet none of them denieth thereby his descent from Brittish Parentage but some of them yield to that which confirmeth it and his ancestors being strangers so long out of Brittain as from Julius Caesars time no wonder if he was born in that place of Africk for I have shewed before in the time of Vespasian we had many thousands of Brittains went into those parts and without question divers of them married and continued there in their posterity So did divers Brittains at other times even with wives and children go to Rome and from thence were disposed into divers parts never returning hither Now to speak somewhat of Severus his alienation or affection from or to Christian Religion it is the common opinion and our own Antiquaries be of the same Mar. Sco. l. 2. Aetat 6. an 153. Matth. West an 195. Flor. Wigorn. in Chro. an 189. and 211. Judas Scriptor Eccl. temp Severi apud Euseb that in divers places of the Empire he was an enemy so far unto it that many term him the fifth Persecutor among the Emperours after Nero and many Christians in divers Provinces were martyred in his Empire Post Neronem Severus quintam persecutionem in Christianos excitavit Plurimique Sanctorum per diversas provincias martyrio Coronantur And it is so certain by all forreign antiquities that there was such persecution in his time that it was almost a common opinion that the coming of Antichrist was at hand as an Ecclesiastical Writer of that time hath left to posterity Propterea quod persequutionis tumultus contra nos excitatus multorum mentes tam graviter per turbaret Antichristi adventum omnium ore atque sermone jactatum jam tum appropinquare arbitratus est Yet we do not find any express Edict or Prohibition of him until about the tenth year of his Empire when as Spartanus writeth in his journey from Syria to Alexandria he made many Laws forbidding under great penalty any man to be either a Jew or Christian and as Dio and others witness Mr. B. 365. he consented men by his Imperial Letters both to the depriving of St. Philip of the Augustal Prefectship of Egypt being become a professed Christian and giving authority to Terentius his successor secretly to Martyr him But for Severus excuse we find the greatest and almost onely persecution of his time either to have been in or about Jury occasioned by the Tumults of the Jews or in Africa where Severus was born and principally in Egypt then full of Christians the Praefect himself St. Philip a Christian and so potent as the Letters of Severus unto him say he lived more like an absolute King than Praefect that Praefecture of Egypt being of so great authority and dignity Therefore Africk being the Countrey of Severus birth and so formidable an enemy in former times to the Romans as all Historians report and now so abounding with Christians slanderously accused by their Pagan enemies to be enemies to the Roman Empire Niceph l. 4. Hist Eccle. Iâ—e apud euiâ—dem adversus Hâ—ro l. 1. c. 24. Severus
in their own proceedings and her children in like case of reproach with her Math. West alii supra Manusc Hist Eccles Winton Caius Hist Cantabr Acâ—ademiae p. 19. Therefore Constantius being against his will by power of Maximian separated from St. Helen his true wife and a Christian from that time ever in affection could not but be ever most ready and joyfull to be so quietly and honourably reconciled unto her again which is sufficiently insinuated by our Authors testifying that Constantius in all things granted to King Coel his commands requiring nothing of him for the Romans but their old Tribute which as our Antiquaries say was 1006. pounds only in money one of our Historians saith of this matter in this manner Harding c. 60. Of which Constance was glad of his entent And here aboad at prayer of the King Whereby he did sufficiently declare the great content and joy he had of this reconciliation to his wife St. Helen and her Father his Father in Law King Coel rather chusing and preferring during his life to make his aboad here as a Subject then now being chosen and designed Emperor to continue in any other Nation with that greatest temporal glory and command He retook Helen Daughter of the King to conjugal society Thus he signified this so long and much desired attonement Helenam Coeli Regis filiam in societatem Thori recepit which word RECEPIT that Constantius did at that time receive Helen again if we had no other argument or authority used by divers our ancient Antiquaries proveth that this was the reconciliation and not the first marriage of those noble persons And impossible it is that any of these Authors which speak of this union should take it for the first union in marriage for all of them acknowledge that Constantius died soon after this Reconciliation the Monck of Westminster sayeth within three years by Merianus within two years Math. West an 302. 305. Mari. Sc. anno 305. 306. by Martinus Polonus the same year The like have others by which account and confession Constantine should be either unborn or not above two years old at the most when he was King of Brittain and Emperor also after his Fathers death Shortly after this coming of Constantius and this attonement between him and King Coel thus made King Coel dyed within five weeks saith Harding a moneth and eight dayes saith Galfridus Viruunius saith within one moneth Hard. Chron. c. 6. Galf. Mon. Hist Reg. Brit. l. 5. c. 6. Pont. Virun Hist l. 5. Harding c. 61. Howe 's fol. 44. so likewise doth the Monck of Westminster Harding writeth that Constantius was Emperor before he was King of Brittain But King Constance of Rome was high Christain By the Senate first made the Emperor After King of Brittain and Governour Howe 's in his Chronicle bringeth in Peter de Jeham to was tell us that Coel Duke of Caric Glow of Glocester Holinshed saith he was Earl of Golchester but where he died or where buried no mention is made Fabian sayeth he ruled after the accord of most writers 27. years Constantius Constantius began his Empire with Galerius the Empire was devided between them so that Constantius should possess Affrica Italy France and Brittain Galerius should have Ilyrica Asia and the East parts which done they substituted under them two Caesars Constantius holding himself content with the dignity of Augustus refused to sustain the trouble which he should have endured through the administration of the affairs of Italy and Africk He sought by all means how he might enrich the people of the Empire He abolished the superstition of the Gentiles in his Dominions so that afterwards Brittain felt no persecutions The year following he prepared war against the Picts at which time his Son Constantine who then served under Galerius perceiving his destruction to be contrived posted to his Father in all hast houghing and killing all the Post horses which way so ever he passed Holinshed Hist of Eng. 45. Fab. Sozom. Hist Eccle l. 1. c. 6. Euseb l. 2. de vita Const Mr Bro. fol. 460. and came safely to his Father in Brittain Holinshed saith Constantius was the Daughters Son of one Crispus that was brother to the Emperor Claudius and that he began his reign over the Brittains 289. and so also saith Fabian Constantius was not against the law for Christians in Brittain to profess the Christian Religion in his time but preferred the most constant Christians to highest preferments and greatest trust And so consecrated his whole family to God that his Court was as a Church wherein were both Clergy men and Godly Christians truly serving God This blessing and benefit he brought to our Christians here in Brittain and publickly maintained it even in those times when the name of Christian in other places was so odious that without danger it could not be spoken of which he further Viz. Eusebius confirmeth in another place Euseb Hist Eccle. l. 8. c. 14. where speaking in the name of Christians he saith that among the Emperors of that time only Constantius did neither in any sort persecute Christians nor in any sort participate with them that did but kept all them that were under him without hurt and secure from all trouble neither pulled down Churches Idem apud Baron Spon an 304. or did any thing against them and elsewhere he teacheth again that the parts of the West Empire did generally receive quietness from persecution when Constantius reigned which although Baronius and Spondanus do not so well allow upon Eusebius his words in all places of the West because as they alledge Constantius neither presently could nor would he be against the Edicts of the Emperors still living when he himself remained in Brittain in the end of the World and Italy was then full of wars But Eusebius writteth not this singularly but Sozomen and others testifie as much that when the Churches of God were persecuted in all other parts of the World Sozomen l. 1. c. 6. only Constantius granted liberty of conscience to the Christians under him and again generally of all Christian Churches in the part of his Empire and were not only quiet under him but thus lived in great joy and did encrease being honoured and rewarded by him And relating his experiment to prove constant Christians before remembred and how he admitted such for his nearest friends and Counsellors he gathereth from hence that the Gauls Brittains and others under him were by him exempted from all penall lawes of the persecutors he taking away and making them frustrate in his Dominions And the objections which Baronius maketh do rather prove then disprove the quietness of Christians in this Nation when Constantius was here For first the inquietness of Italy rather helped then hindered our peace our persecution proceeding from thence now not able to persecute us nor take revenge of Constantius for protecting us And his being in Brittain
his being so friendly alwayes to Christians as Baronius often confesseth must needs much more procure ease and freedom to our Christians where there was no man of power to contradict or resist it Constantius being both King and Emperor here and the Kingdom of Brittain a Christian Kingdom Bede l. Hist c. 8. Galf. Mon. Hist Reg. Brit. l. 5. c. 5. Manusc Gali. Antiq. c. 28. 29. Virun l. 5. Hist 1. Harding Chron. c. 57 58 59 60. Hen. Hunt Hist l. 1. Socrates Eccl. Hist 1. c. 1. Eusebius l. 1. vit Const c. 9. Theodoret Hist Eccle. l. 1. c. 24. Therefore howsoever his reasons make doubt of some other places whose Estate and condition was not like unto ours of Brittain they do not move any question of the quiet thereof in case of Religion but establish and confirme it And therefore our best allowed and ancient Authors St. Bede Galfrid Hen. Hunting and old French Manuscript Virunnius Harding and others settle Constantius here in Brittain after all our persecution ended and nothing but all favour here to Christians in his time and not only a tolleration granted but publick profession of Christianity generally allowed and by Regal and Imperial warrant of Constantius used and exercised as shall appear And if we had rather hearken to forraign Writers in or neer that time we have sufficient warrant not only that he recalled himself from the worship of the Pagan Gods as divers are witnesses but as Eusebius and others testifie of him he gave free power and licence to all under him to exercise Christian Religion without any molestation And this as he writes when the greatest persecution was in other places and had care to instruct his son Constantine the great whom he left his heir in the same Faith as we may easily conclude from the words of Constantine himself Registered by Theodoret that even from the ends of the Ocean meaning Brittain he was assisted by God and Sozomen saith it is evidently known unto all men Sozom. Eccles Hist l. 1. c. 5. Chron. Mon. Abington apud Ncieph Harsp Hist Eccle. saecul p. 203. c. 9. that great Constantine was first instructed in the Christian faith among the Brittains And the Chronicle of Abington neer Oxford testifieth he was brought up in that old Abbey which we must needs ascribe to his Parents Constantius and Helen and we find not any other but Constantius except we will apply it to King Coel and then it was received and approved by him who here in Brittain caused the persecutors to be put to death and the persecution thereupon ceased as Gildas writeth For this must needs be applyed to persecution in Brittain and not to the Tyrants Dioclesian and Maximian Gild. l. de con Brit. c. 8. the persecution here ended long before their death and neither of them nor any other Emperor but Constantius having power and command here at this time and hereupon our late authors themselves thus testify of him Stow Howe 's Hist tit Rom. in Constant Constantin Constantius abolished the Superstition of the Gentiles in his Dominions so that afterward Brittain felt no persecutions Constantius renounced the Idolatry of the Gentiles I have shewed formerly that Dioclesians persecution continued in this Kingdome not ten Years for Gildas in one place saith The nine years persecution of Dioclesian the Tyrant and in the next Chapter not wholly ten years long as also that it wholly ended in the time of King Coel. Those persecutors then having no power or authority here and so together with their other over-ruling and commanding Decrees the bloody Edicts of persecuting Christians here were utterly extinct and made void and never renewed but altogether omitted by Constantius this great friend of Christians such of this Nation were fully and undoubtedly restored to their antient Liberties Priviledges and immunities in matter of Religion it Constantius and Helen our Emperour and Empresse King and Queen had then given no further and expresse approbation unto them which we may not reasonably call in question when we remember their absolute and independing Regal right and possession without contradiction they had in this Kingdom the natural love and affection they bore unto it and that to them with their religious care and desire they had to defend and advance Christian Religion even in times and places when and where they were not so enabled nor drawn thereto with so many and strong bands of duty and affection we have heard that the other Churches under his Empire were endowed by his benefits and munificence whereby they lived in great joy and encreased The choycest Christians were his dearest friends and made his Councellours Mr. Bro. fol. 463. 1. And divers even of this Nation have delivered that this our new King and Emperour particularly place St. Taurinus Archbishop in York wherein although they be mistaken if they understand Taurinus Bishop of Eureux neither the time or place allowing yet we cannot safely say but he might or did place some other of that name there and if both these should fail yet so many more authorities concur that Constantius gave consent and assistance to the publick restitution of Religion here in his time For this we have the warrant of the most and approved Antiquaries St. Gildas and St. Bede after them Matthew of Westminster and others St. Gildas writeth That before the persecution had been here ten years the wicked decrees against Christians were annulled and frustrate and all the Servants of Christ after a long winter night with joyful eyes receive the clear light of the heavenly air Bede Hist Ec. l 1. c. 8. they renew their Churches which were thrown down to the ground they found Matth West an 313. S. Albans Church built Manusc Antiq Eccl. Winton Marian Sco. an 306. Martin Polo 307. Antiq. Gal. an 306. St. Julians Lantarnam Church built in Constantius time about 309. after Christ Matth. West an 305. 307. Baron Spond an 306 Gordon an 306 Jacob Grinaeus an in c. 15. l. 1 Euseb de vita Constantini an 308. Hen. Hunt l. 1. Hist Diocl. Constantin Regit o Chro. l. 1. in Const an 253. build and perfect others in honour of their holy Martyrs and as it were set forth every where their victorious Ensignes celebrate festival dayes offer sacrifice with a pure heart and mouth all of them rejoyce as children cherished in the lap of their mother the Church St. Bede saith that so soon as the persecution ceased the Christians which had hid themselves in Woods and Desarts and secret Dens presently came forth and shewed themselves in publick doing those publick works of Christian Religion which St. Gildas before remembred And writeth plainly that this was done in the time of Constantius and that he dyed here whilst these things were thus in acting The Monck of Westminster hath the same words with St. Bede of this publick profession of Christian Religion here presently upon the ending
l. 3. c. 11. for Valens himself being Brother to Valentinian and by him chosen Assistant in the Empire was then a Catholick and so continued in the time of Julian that he forsook all preferment under him rather than his Religion Thodoret Hist l. 4. c. 12. And although by the perswasion of his Arian Wife and others he after fell into Heresie he being Emperor of the Eastern remote Nations from hence this Kingdom was free from his afflictions being under the command of the Catholick Emperors Valentinian and Gratian his Son until Maximus descended of a Brittish race was both King of Brittain and Emperor also who also being a Catholick Brittain could not then be endamaged in spiritual affairs by the temporal Rulers thereof Maximus Emperor a Brittain excused and defended Ruff. l. 2. c. 14. Socr. l. 3. c. 11. although in civil respects it was much infested by the Scots and Picts from which Maximus freed it in his time by his climbing and aspiring minde to be Emperor and to compass that ambition spoiling Brittain of the armed force and power thereof transporting it into foreign Nations gave occasion of greater miseries here afterward both by the Scotch Picts and Saxon Pagans About this time saith the Brittish History the Picts Scots Brit. Hist l. 3. fol. 142. and Atticots invaded the Roman Province here in Brittian These Picts and Scots as some Writers report came first out of Scythia Picts who from whence though it be not probable that the Picts were any other than such Brittains as being either born in the Northern Promontory of this Isle or fleeing thither out of the South parts entred into confederacy with the Scotchmen and retained for a time their ancient name of Picts as being so called by the Romans in respect of the old custom of painting their bodies to distinguish them from the Brittains then dwelling within the Province Neither is there any mention made of their name before the time of Dioclesian and Maximian These Picts encreasing in number did afterwards inhabit the Isles of the Orcades and being for the most part rude and Savage as the Scottish men also then were did often times harrow the borders and grievously annoy their civil Country-men there being commonly no greater hatred than that which is bred and nourished among the people of one Nation when they are severed each from other by difference of manners and customes The name of Picts in processe of time being changed into that of Scotish men as of the more popular Nation was in a manner clean forgotten when by society and alliance they became one people The Scots from whence at first That the Scotish men had their original from the Scythes their very name may seem in some sort to discover howbeit divers histories affirm that they travelled first into Cantabria in Spain where perhaps dislikeing that barren Soile they continued not long but sailed into Ireland and from thence a great number of them came over into Brittain Brittish Hist l. 3. fol. 142. landing in the North part of the Isle where afterward they seated themselves They were for the most part addicted to war using peace only but as a means to repair their losses they were people of great courage and boldnesse of stature tall strong of body their complexions some what Ruddy and high Coloured their apparrel was either very slender or none at all save only to cover their shame Neither was their peace altogether Idle for even then they accustomed their bodies to labour no less painfull than war it self and ofttimes no lesse dangerous To ride with swift pace up a steep hill to swim over Lakes and standing Meeres to pass over Bogs and Fenny grounds were things in ordinary use with them as being accounted exercises of recreation only But above all others the Nobility and better sort were delighted with hunting and that in such measure that they could more patiently endure the want of meat drink and sleep than restraint from that pastime which they esteemed manly and generous In their consultations they were very secret and sudden in the execution thereof by which meanes they ofttimes struck terror and amazement to the hearts of their Enemies and so much annoyed the Roman Princes in Brittain They were better contented with the necessities of nature and more able to endure all extremities of fortune than the Brittains in those times as being lesse acquainted with the vain superfluities and delicacies of the Romans In behaviour the Brittains were noted to be more civil but the Scotish men as a people unconquered and admitting no customes but their own refused to imitate them who were brought under the subjection of a stranger or to be reputed like to any other then to themselves Wrongs and Indignities offered as well to others as themselves they sharpely revenged the slaughter wounding or disgrace of any of their kinred allies or companions being commonly the occasion of rooting out the whole family of him that first gave the offence violent persuits seising by strong hand the goods and possessions of their neighbours burning the houses and killing upon cold blood such as they had taken in War which others termed crueltie they accounted manhood and policie supposing the assurance of their estates to consist rather in diminishing the number of their enemies by open acts of hostility than by pretended reconciliations and leagues of amity which are either kept or broken at the will of him that hath the greater power Their names first mentioned in histories about the reign of Constantine the Great Though the Scotish Writers affirme that they were governed by Kings of their own Nation many hundred yeers before this time But of things so ancient to have the certain knowledg it is no easie matter neither is antiquity in it selfe very much to be regarded where true Nobility and Vertue is wanting For all nations at the first were of barbarous and uncivil behaviour till time taugh them other customes and emulation kindled the hearts of the better sort to seek fame by their own valour rather then the Genealogies of their Ancesters Those Scotish men and Picts being now assisted with forraine power presumed more boldly to assail the Brittains both by Sea and Land killing Nectaradius the Admiral of the Brittish Fleet and surprizing Bulchebandes one of their chief Captaines the mutiny at that time in the Roman Campe giving them opportunity and boldnesse to do in a manner what they listed For the Legionarie Souldiers refused to obey their Leaders and even the Deputies themselves complaining of the partiality of their Generals who punished the least offence of a Common Souldier and winked at the great abuses of Commanders and Officers hereupon a warlike troope of Almans were sent over under the Conduct of Fraomarius their King who exercised there the authority of a Tribune Severus the Emperors steward of his houshold and Jovinius were appointed to second him with certain
resigned to the King his Heirs and to the Crown of England the name and Title of Principality Cadel the youngest son and Prince of Demetia or South-VVales which the VVelshmen call'd Dehenbarsh that is the Right Side or South part this Country although it be very fruitfull and far greater then North Wales yet was it alwaies esteemed the worser part and the reason was for that the Nobles thereof refused to obey their Princes and the sea-coast was evermore infested and troubled with the invasion of the English men Normans and Flemings by which the Prince was enforced to leave his royal Seat at Marydune and place the same at Dynefar in Cantremaur And although these Princes had great Authority in VVales yet after Rhese the Son of Theodore the great was by Treason of his own people slain in the time of VVilliam Rufus Anno Domini 1093 they were no more called by the names of Dukes or Princes but onely Lords until at last by civil Wars amongst themselves and the Lands divided among strangers and many others the English seeking to possess all the Principality was so weakned and brought so low that after the death of Rhese the Son of Griffith a most worthy man they lost both Name and Authority of Principality and Lordship And all this while the Lines of the Princes of Venedosia or North-VVales did prosperously continue and held on their course as shall hereafter be specified by that which followeth THE SECOND BOOK TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ANTHONY GREY Earl of Kent Lord Grey of Ruthen Hastings and Valence John Mannors Earl of Rutland Lord Ross of Hamlake Trusbut and Belvoir Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery Lord Herbert of Cardiff Ross of Kendal Par Marnnon and Saint Quintin Edward Sackvil Earl of Dorset Lord Buâ—khurst William Earl of Salisbury Viscount Crambourn Lord Cecil of Essenden David Earl of Exeter Lord Burley THE EARLES OF KENT GRiffith ap Meredith ap Blethin Owen Cynelioc Gwenwynwyn Griffith of Gwenwynwyn Owen ap Griffith Lord Powis John Charleton Lord of Powis by the gift of King Edward the first to whom he was Valectus Regis jure uxoris Lord of Powis Hawis Gardan i. e. the Hardy Son and Heir to Owen ap Griffith Lord of Powis John Charleton second Lord of Powis of that name John Charleton third Lord of Powis of that Name One of these Johns married a daughter to Roger Lord Mortimer by which means this Family descended from the Brittish blood Edward Charleton fourth Lord of Powis of that Name Alianor daughter and one of the heirs of Thomas Holland Earl of Kent Edward Charleton the last John dying without Issue fifth Lord of Powis and last of that Family who left onely two daughters his heirs  Sir John Grey Knight Jane daughter and co-heir to Edward Charleton Lord of Powis Henry Grey Lord Powis created Earl of Tankervile Antigone natural daughter to umphery Duke of Glocester Edward * Or Edmund Grey Lord of Ruthine descended from the Lord Grey Lord of Powis created Earl of Kent Katherine daughter to Henry Percy second Earl of Northumberland by which match the Brittish blood descended George Grey Earl of Kent Anne Daughter to Richard Woodvile Earl Rivers Richard Grey Earl of Kent sans Issue Elizabeth Daughter to Sir VVilliam Hussey Knight Lord chief Justice Reiginold Grey grand-child to George by his second Wife daughter of VVilliam Herbert Earl of Pembroke by which match comes in the Brittish blood sans Issue  Henry Grey Brother and Heir to Reginold Earl of Kent Sans Issue Mary daughter to Sir George Cotton of Cheshire Knight Charles Grey Brother to the two former Earls and their Heir Susan daughter to Richard Cotton of Hantshire squire Henry Grey Earl of Kent sans Issue Elizabeth daughter and co-heir to Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury Anthony Grey of Burbage Com. Leic. son of George son of Anthony Grey of Branspath son of George Hrey Lord Grey of Ruthin second Earl of Kent by his wife Daughter to William Herbert Earl of Pembroke continueth the Brittish line Henry Lord Grey KENT Kent is a very rich and pleasant Country lying between the Thames and the narrow Seas A country very good for Corn and fit for pastorage according to the several Plots and parts thereof and wondrous full of fruitfull and well ordered Orchards from whence the City of London is supplyed with most sort of Fruit the Villages and Towns stand exceeding thick being in all three hundred ninety eight parishes besides lesser Hamlets which make up the two Diocesses of Canterbury and Rochester It hath also divers safe Roads and sure Harbours for Ships and those exceeding well defended with Forts and Castles Caesar when he arrived in Kent found here four Kings for so they called the chief of the principal Families and gives this Testimony of the People that they were the most courteous and civil of all the Brittains in the declining of whose Empire Vortiger gave this County unto the Saxons who being Heathens when the rest of the Isle were Christians gave an occasion to the Proverb Kent and Christendome at that time it was made a Kingdome as in the entrance of the Normans it was made an Earldome and so it hath continued in the persons of these Earles of KENT Odo Bishop of Baieux half Brother to the Conquerour Lord chief Justice and Lord Treasurer William of Ypres Hugh de Burg Lord chief Justice Edmund of Woodstock Son to King Edward the First Edmund Plantagenet John Plantagenet Thomas Holland Thomas Holland Thomas Holland Duke of Surrey Edmund Holland Lord Admiral Edmund Grey Lord Ruthin Earl of Kent George Grey Richard Grey Reginald Grey Henry Grey Charles Grey Henry Grey Anthony Grey now living 1661 Henry Lord Grey heir apparent The Earle of Rutland Owen ap Griffith Lord of Powis who left one only daughter and heir who married as followeth Iohn Charleton born in Appley near Wellington was Valectus Regis Hawis Guardan i. e. the hardy sole daughter and heir to Griffith L. of Powis formerly a Prinpality Iohn Charleton L. of Powis  Iohn Charleton L. of Powis  Iohn Charleton L. of Powis  Edward Charleton his brother dying without issue Lord of Powis who left two daughters his heirs Elinor one of the daughters and coheirs of T. Holland E. of Kent Iohn Lord Typtoft of Worcester Ioyce D. and Co-h. to Ed. L. Powis Iohn L. Typtoft E. of Wocester sans issue left his four sisters his co-heirs  Thomas L. Ross of Hamlack which line devolved into the family of Mannours E. of Rutland by the marriage of Elianor sister and heir of Ed. L. Ross of Hamlack Belvoir Trusbut to Sr Roger Mannours Grandfather to Thomas first E. of Rutland of that name Philip the eldest daughter and coheir to Iohn L. Tiptoft E. of Worcester Thom. Mannours first E. of Rutland Elinor daughter to Sr. Will. Paston of Norfolk Sir Iohn Mannours second son Kt. Elizabeth daughter and co-heir of George Vernon of Haddon in
being not able to retreat Great scarcity in England for want of commerce with Wales upon the suddain were almost all slain At this time there was great scarcity of Beeves and horses in England whereof they were wont to have many thousands yearly out of Wales and all the marches were made as a desolate and desert place The next spring all the Nobles of Wales came together and sware to defend their Country to death and never to forsake one another and that upon pain of cursing but shortly after Meredyth ap Rees of Southwales A subsidy demanded to conquer Wales not regarding his oath served the King Then the King called a Parliament for a subsidy to Wales when he had so many losses and of late all the Country of Pembrock burnt and spoiled where the Welshmen had found salt plentifully which they lacked in the which Parliament no Subsidy was granted Mat. Paâ—is fol. 1807. Shortly after the same Parliament by propagation was called at Oxford where the Lords of Wales offered to be tryed by the law for any offence they had committed against the King iâ—iustly To this patrick the Lordship of Cydwely was given if he could win it Easie to give l â—ge thongs out of another mans hide Trea hery revenged by the Welsh but Edward would not hear of it but sent one Patrick de Canton as Lieutenant for the King to Caermarthyn and with him Meredyth ap Rees and this Patrick desired to speak upon peace with the Princes Councel whereupon the Prince meaning good faith sent his brother whom he had set at liberty with Meredyeh ap Owen and Rees ap Rees to Emlyn to treat with them of peace but Patrick meaning to entrap them laid an ambushment of Men armed by the way and as they should have met these miscreants fell upon the Welsh and slew a great number of them but the Lords which escaped raised the Country forthwith and followed Patrick and slew him and the most part of all his men And after this the Prince desirous of peace and quietness to redeem the same and to end all troubles and to purchase the Kings good will offered the King 4000 marks and to his son 300. and to the Queen 200. to have peace but the King answered What is this to our losses and refused it It appeareth by the records in the Tower that about this time to wit An. 43. Hen. 3. there was a commission to William Bishop of Worcester John Mansel Treasurer of York the Kings Chaplain and Peter de Montfort to conclude a peace with the Welshmen but it is like there was nothing done to any effect in that behalfe for the war continued still Notwithstanding I find by Mathew Westminster that there was a certain truce agreed upon between the King and the Welshmen for a year I read also in the same Author that the Bishop of Bangor was this year about Michaelmas sent from Lhewelyn the Prince and all the Barons of Wales to the King to desire peace at his hands and to offer unto him the summe of 16000. pound for the same so that he would grant the Welsh to have all their matters heard and determined at Chester as they were wont to have and to suffer them to enjoy the lawes and customes of their own Country but what answer the Bishop brought again the said Author maketh no mention The year 1260. Prince Lhewelyn destroyed the lands of Sr. Roger Mortimer because he contrary to his oath maintained the Kings quarrel and took from him all Buelht saving the Castle which the Princes men got by night without bloodshed Aber. P. Lhewelyns Court or Palace and therein much ammunition and so after the Prince had passed through all Southwales he returned to his house at Aber betwixt Conwey and Bangor The year following died Owen ap Meredyth Lord of Cydewen and this summer certain of the Princes men surprised the Castle of Sr. Roger Mortimer in Melienyth and slew the garrison taking Howel ap Meyric the Captain thereof with his wife and children and the Princes Lieutenant came and destroyed it Then Sr. Roger Mortimer hearing this came with a great strength of Lords and Knights to Melienyth whether the Prince came also and Sr. Roger kept himself within the walls of the broken Castle and sent to the Prince for licence to depart without hurt the Prince having his Enemie within his power A most Christian and heroick act of Lhewelyn took compassion upon him because he was his cozen and suffered him to depart with his people without hurt from thence the Prince went to Brecknock at the request of the people of that Country which swore fidelity unto him and so returned to Northwales Prince Lhewelyn being confederate with the Barons against the King destroyed the Earldom of Chester and raised two of Edwards Castles Tygannwy and Deserth and thither came Edward but did nothing to speak of This year John Strange the younger being Constable of Montgomery came with a great number of Merchers by night through Ceril to Cydewen which when the Countrymen understood they gathered themselves together and slew 200. of his Men but he escaped with his men back again Shortly after the Merchers and the Welshmen met neer Clun Rara est concordia franum where the English had the victory and slew many of the Welsh At this time David the Princes brother whom he had set at liberty forsook him and succoured his foes with all his power Then Gruffith ap Gwenwynwyn got the Castle of Molde and raised it At this time died Meredyth ap Owen the defender of Southwales The Year ensuing King Henry led a great army towards Wales and by the means of Olobonus the Popes Legate there was a peace concluded betwixt the King and the Prince at Montgomery Castle for the which the Prince gave unto the King 30000. marks and the King granted the Prince a Charter to receive from thenceforth homage fealty of all the Nobility and Barons of Wales saving one so that all the aforesaid Barons should ever after hold of the Prince as their Leige Lord and he to be called and written from thenceforth Prince of Wales and in witness of this the King put his seal and hand to the said Charter which was likewise confirmed by the authority of the Pope The year after this dyed Grono ap Ednyvet Vachan a Noble man and chief of the Princes Councel In the year 1270. dyed Gruffith Lord of Bromfield and was buried at Vale Crucis and here endeth the Brittish copy At this place leaveth the Brittish Copy Mr. Lhoyd and writeth no further of the end of this Prince but leaveth him at the highest and most honourable stay that any Prince of Wales was in of many years before The writer peradventure being ashamed to declare the utter fall and ruine of his Countrymen whereunto their own pride and discord did bring them as it doth evidently appear
to him that searcheth out their Histories but I intending to finish the History during the Government of the Brittains have sought out in other Chronicles written in the Latine tongue especially in the Chronicle of Nicholas Trivet King Hen 3. dyeth who wrote from the begining of the raign of King Stephen to the Coronation of Edward the second and such other as much as I could find concerning this matter In the year 1272. dyed King Henry the third and Edward his Son coming from the holy Land two years after was crowned at Westminster King of England to which Coronation the Prince of Wales refused to come although he was sent for alledging for his excuse that he had offended many Noblemen of England and therefore would not come in danger without he had for pledges the Kings brother with the Earl of Glocester and Robert Burnell Chief Justice of England wherewith the King was highly displeased year 1274 King Edward could never brook P. Lhewelyn since the time that he was compelled to flight by him at their meeting in the Marches as before Thom. Walsh on the other side Lhewelyn liked no better of the King then the King did of him again those Noblemen who for their disobedience were dis-inherited by Lhewelyn were received and entertained by King Edward which things caused the Prince to fear some evil practice by those and other such as hated him if he should have been at the Kings Coronation to do his homage and fealty according to the writ directed unto him in that behalfe as appeareth by an instrument sent by the said Prince to Robert Kilwarby Archbishop of Canterbury the Archbishop of Yorke and other Bishops sitting then at their Convocation in the new Temple at London Anno. 1275. wherein the causes of this war are contained which instrument it self as it was then sent is extant to this day written in parchment with the Princes great seal thereunto appendant which I have seen saith this Author and copied out of the Original verbatim Mr. Lhoyd being then in the custody of Thomas Yale Doctor of Law of late Dean of the Arches a great searcher and preserver of the antiquities of Wales which I thought convenient here to lay down for the fuller understanding of this History Reverendissimis in Christo Patribus Dominis Roberto Dei gratia Archiepiscopo Cant. totius Angliae Primati Archiepis Eborum ac eorum suffraganis c. To the most Reverend Fathers in Christ and Lords Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Primate of England and the Archbishop of Yorke and their Suffragans being now together at London in Councel Their devote Son Lhewelyn Prince of Wales and Lord of Snowdon greeting with due Obedience Reverence and Honour in all things Be it known unto your reverend Father-hoods that where heretofore contention and discord whereof war followed and long continued arose betwixt the King of Noble memory Henry King of England of the one party and us of the other party the same contentions and strife were at the last appeased by authority of the See Apostolick and means of the reverend Father Lord Otobanus Deacon and Cardinal of St. Adrian Legate into England as it appeareth in the form of Treaty and Peace betwixt the said King and Edward his first begotten Son Lord Edward now King of England and their Successors on the one party and us and our Successors on the other party by the corporal Oath of both parties assured Which form of peace was committed to writing with the said Legate with the seal of the said King and the seal of the said Lord Edward now King and with our seal also in the which peace it is contained amongst other things as you do well know as we believe that we and our Successors should hold of the King and his Successors the Principality of Wales So that all Welsh Barons should hold their Baronies and Lands of us and our Successors in Capite and should do homage and fealty to us and to our heirs one Baron excepted for the which we and our Successors should do homage and fealty to the Lord the King and his Successors It is further contained in the same peace that neither the said King nor his Successors should receive any of our Enemies or any running from us or our Successors nor should help or maintain any such against us or our Successors The which all are contained in the form of peace the Tenor whereof the Reverend Fathers of Strata Florida and Aberconwey bearers hereof can shew you But see Reverend Fathers the Lord Edward now King of England after the said peace taketh into his hands certain Barons Lands in Wales of which they and their Ancestors have been long possessed and keepeth a Barony in his hands which should be ours by the form of peace other Barons of our Land being from us fugitives runing to him he keepeth helpeth and maintaineth David ap Gruffith and Gruffith ap Gwenwynwyn who purposed our death and destruction Notwithstanding that since their departure they have robbed within our Land committed slaughter and burning of houses do daily the like against the peace aforesaid and although we have often sent our griefs and complaints by solemn messengers to the said Noble Lord Edward as well before he was King as since yet unto this day he never did any redress therein also that which is more perilous he called us unto a place not to us safe amongst our deadly Enemies our fugitives and fellons and their spies and murderers to do him homage and fealty to which place we can no wayes come without danger of our body especially seeing our Enemies above said to be in that place at the Kings table and sometimes in Councel and openly brag themselves And though lawfull and reasonable excuses were alledged by our messengres before the King and his Councel why the place was not safe nor indifferent yet he refused to allow or appoint any other place indifferent for us to do homage and fealty which we were and are ready to do unto him in any safe place by him to be appointed if he will appoint any and to perform the other articles of the peace concluded and sworn And for that it pleaseth him not to come to any place where we could with safety do him homage we were suiters to him to send any from him to receive our oath and homage untill it pleased him to appoint a place where we shall do our homage to him personally the which thing he utterly denyed to do We therefore beseech your Father-hoods earnestly that it may please you to consider what danger should happen to the people both of England and of Wales by reason of the breach of Covenants of peace abovesaid if now wars and discord should follow which God forbid attending and calling to remembrance the prohibition of the Holy Father the Pope lately in the Councel at Lyons that no war should be moved amongst Christians least thereby the
franchises being possessed or claimed by any person or persons and which were to be seized into the Kings hands and of all escapes and Fellons and those inquisitions so from time to time to be taken to certifie into the Chancery And by the same Charter gave him power to substitute and appoint others under him for the better execution of the same which afterwards by Commission was executed accordingly And the said King also by his Charter bearing date 14 Junii 8º regni made and constituted the said Arthur Prince of Wales and Governour and Warden of the Marches towards Scotland and substituted as his Lieutenant and Vice-Warden under him Thomas Earle of Surrey for the due execution thereof Likewise the said King by his letters Patents dated 5. Novemb. 9. regni in augmention of the Revenue of the Prince did grant unto the said Prince the Honour Castle and Lordship of Wigmore and divers other Castles Mannours and Lands which some time had been belonging to the Earldom of March which came to the Crown by King Edward the IV. who was himself Earle of March before he assumed the regal estate To have and to hold during the pleasure of the King yielding yearly the Rent of 200 l. A Councel assigned the P. The Prince was sent unto the Marches of Wales for government of that Country and in the 17 regni Henry VII had a Counsell of wise and very worthy men assigned unto him as namely Sr. Richard Pool chief Chamberlain of the said Prince Sir Henry Vernon Sir Richard Crofts Sir David Philips Sir William Vdal Sir Thomas Inglefield and Sir Peter Newton Knights John Wilson Henry Marian Doctor William Smith after Bishop of Lincolne where he was buryed President of the Councel and Doctour Charles where not long afterwards the said Prince died in the Castle of Ludlow without issue I may not let passe what Mr. Lhoyd writeth concerning Sir Owen Tuder he saith that Sir William Stanley then Lord of Cromfield Mr. Lhoyd fol. 391. Yale and Chirkland aided Henry VII being followed by the Welshmen and that the said Henry knowing and pittying the thraldom and iniuries of that Nation from whom he descended took order to reform the same and granted vnto them a Charter of liberties The bondage of Hen. IV. taken from the Welsh by Hen. VII whereby they were released of that oppression wherewith they were afflicted by lawes I have set down before more heathenish then christian and here I cannot omit but some thing answer the reproachful and slanderous assertions of Joannes Bernardus Pontus Henlerus and others I my self have seen a manuscript where he is called a Shereman but rather ignorantly I hope then maliciously who go about to abase the noble parentage of Owen Tuder the Kings Grandfather following more their own affections then any good proof or authority for if they would read that noble work of Matthew Paris they shall find in page 843. of the printed book that Ednivet Vachan one of his Ancestours was the chiefest of Councel to Lhewelin ap Jorwerth otherwise called Leolenus Magnus and to David ap Lhewelin Princes of Wales as formerly They may also find in the Records of the Tower of London in an 29. Edward I. in the general homage done to Prince Edward of Caernavon first prince of Wales of the English bloud that Tuder ap Grono another of the Ancestours of Owen did his homage among the Nobles of Wales Owen Tuder descended from the K. of England as appeareth in the said Records Further the said Owens Grandmother the wife of Tuder ap Grono was Margaret the daughter of Thomas the son of Elianor which was the daughter of the County of Barr by Elianor his wife daughter to Edward I. King of England Besides all this there was a Commission at this time directed by King Edward VII to the Abbot of Lhan Egwest Doctor Owen Pool Canon of Hereford and John King Herald to make inquisition concerning the parentage of the said Owen who coming to VVales travelled in that matter and used the helps of Sir John Levof Guttin Owen Bardh Gruffith ap Lhewelin ap Evan Vachan and others in the search of the Brittish or Welsh books of Pedigrees out of the which they drew his perfect Genealogy from the Antient Kings of Brittain and the Princes of VVales and so returned their Commission which return is extant to be seen at this day And I God willing will set forth what I have in a compendium which I intend to annex to this present treatise of many things which cannot be well digested in method of History yet much conduce to the Glory of the Welsh the several princely stems from whence Owen Tuder and consequently the succeeding Kings of England descended Henry Duke of York After the death of Prince Arthur King Henry VII Charta creationis P. Wal. by his letters patents dated the 18 of February 19 regni in a parliament created Henry then his only son who after was King Henry VIII and whom before that in the 11. he had made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland by an other Charter of the same year Constable of the Castle of Dover to be Prince of Wales Earle of Chester being then about the age of twelve years To have and to hold to him and his heirs Kings of England for ever being the like limitation of Estate and with the like investure as in former times had been acustomed But whether the King did grant the lands and revenues belonging to the said principality unto the said Henry or no as he had done unto Prince Arthur his brother doth not appear by any Charter therof that as yet can be found After the death of King Henry VII the said Prince Henry was King of England by the name of King Henry VIII he had a issue son called Henry who dyed very young he likewise had issue the Lady Mary afterwards Queen and the Lady Elizabeth and lastly prince Edward the youngest in years who first reigned after the death of his said father by the name of Edward the Sixt. Mary The Lady Mary daughter to the same King Henry the VIII Mr. Lhoyd fol. 393. by the Queen Catherine his first wife was Princesse of Wales and in the 17. year of King Henries reign he sent John Voiseie Bishop of Exeter to be Lord President of the Councel of the said Princesse in the Marches of Wales Elizabeth Elizabeth daughter to King Henry the VIII Mr. Lhoyd fol. 394. was in a Parliament begun the 15 day of January in the 25 regni declared Princesse and Inheritrix of the Crown of England with all the Dominions to the same belonging in default of issue male of the body of the said King Henry Sr. John Dodridge doth not approve of King Edward VI. Queen Mary or Queen Elizabeth to have been Prince or Princesse formally for he saith there cannot be found any Charter among the records whereby it may appear that any of