deed in the gouernment of the common-wealth they sayd That man hath wrought an act of policie this day But the chiefe signification of this worde and that which aunswereth to our present discourse is the order and estate whereby one or many townes are gouerned and publike affaires well managed and administred But before we beginne to speak of the diuers sortes of Policies that is to say of gouernments of townes of which all Common-wealthes and Monarchies are compounded let vs speake a word of the end of policy and of that marke whereat it ought especially to aime As all Cities and ciuill societies are appointed for the obtaining of some Good so all policie respecteth the same and tendeth to no other thing than to vnite and frame vs to the companie of men so long as we liue amongst them to conforme our maners to a ciuill iustice to set vs at agreement one with another and to maintaine and preserue common peace and tranquillitie by procuring that euery one may haue his owne It is the cause that men to communicate togither without fraud or hurt that the insolencie of the wicked is brideled and punished briefly that not onely all duties of humanitie are vsed amongst men but also that some publique forme of religion appeereth and that blasphemies against the diuine nature and other offences which trouble common quietnesse are not openly broched For although it falleth not within the compasse of mans power as we said to prescribe and appoint by their authoritie any regiment and gouernment ouer soules yet euery one is not to bee suffred to forge at his pleasure lawes concerning religion and the maner of seruing God But ciuil ordinance must carefully prouide that the true seruice of God be not publikely violated and polluted through an vncontrouled libertie especially considering that the conseruation of euery well ordered policie dependeth thereupon But we shal vnderstand this matter more at large hereafter in the particular handling of the parts of an estate which we wil diuide into 3. principal and general heads folowing therin the ancient Politikes namely into the Magistrate the Law and the people Now to goe on with that which was propounded vnto vs let vs speake of those kindes of gouernments which were amongst the ancients The ordinance of a citie or order amongst magistrates especially amongst them that had the soueraigne rule ouer all was called of the ancients Common-welth or as some others wil haue it Weale-publike which in hir kind of gouernment was named according to the qualitie of the chiefe rulers therof And those common-wealths that tended to common benefit were said to be right simply iust but if they respected the profit of the superiors only they were said to be corrupt were called transgressions of right commō-wealths these being the cause of as much euil to the whole body of the city as the others are of Good For as the good or euill of an house dependeth of the father of the familie the safetie or losse of a ship of the Pilote or master the good or ill successe of an army of the generall thereof so the happines or vnhappines of townes and peoples dependeth of the magistrates and yet so that God ruleth ouer all Common-wealths then are either good or bad right or corrupted That is a good common-welth wherin the gouernours seeke the publike profit of the citizens the benefit of the whole ciuil societie It is called right and iust bicause it hath such an end and seeketh after the same taking no counsell about any thing but only about the preseruation of iustice A corrupt common-wealth is that which repugneth and is directly contrary to that which is good and iust chiefly to the end therof For it seeketh only the increase of priuate commoditie hauing no care of publike profit There are 3. kinds of good common-wealths and 3. of bad whose gouernment alwayes consisteth in the superiors of the estate taking their appellation and name of them as hath been said The first kind of good common-wealths is a Monarchie which taketh place whē the soueraigntie is in one alone This respecting publike profit onely and preferring common benefit always before hir own priuate and particular commoditie taketh vpō hir the name of a kingdom or of kingly power But if she looke vnto his particular benefit that ruleth seeking to raign by an absolute wil without any obseruatiō of iust laws then she hath the name of tirānie which is the first bad kind of cōmon-welth Now forasmuch as we liue in this kingdō vnder this first kind of cōmon-welth called a kingly monarchie we wil dilate this matter cōsider thereof at large in a seueral treatise that we may the better know the excellencie of it when it is wel iustly ordained The second kind of a right good commō-welth is of a Greek word called an Aristocratie which in our lāguage we may interprete the power of the best mē whō we cal in latine optimates bicause they are accounted for the best most vertuous men This forme of gouernment taketh place when a few tried and approoued men for maners and learning haue the soueraigntie iointly togither and make lawes for the rest of the people whither it be generally or particularly directing their thoughtes to no other marke than to publique vtilitie and profite This was seene most excellently among the Lacedemonians whose common-wealth surpassed all others of hir time as well for hir policie and establishment whereof there was neuer the like and wherein she continued about 500. yeeres as also for the glorie of hir warlike actes whereby she helde the empire of Graecia a long tyme vnder the lawes of that happy Aristocraticall gouernment which Lycurgus established there This man seeyng their estate to incline one while to tirannie when the kings had too much power and an other while to popular confusion when the common people beganne to vsurpe too great authoritie deuised with him-selfe to giue them a counterpoize that should be healthfull for the whole bodie of the Common-wealth by establishing there a Senate which was as a strong barre holding both the extremities in equall balaunce and giuing firme and stedfast footing to their estate For the 28. Senators making the bodie of the Senate sometimes tooke part with the two kings who were depriued of all soueraigntie so far foorth as was thought needfull to resist the rashnesse of the people and contrarywise sometimes they strengthened the peoples side against the kings who had then but the voyces of two Senatoures in the councell thereby to keepe them from vsurping any tyrannicall power True it is that their estate was not purely Aristocraticall vntill one hundred yeeres after the first establishment thereof by Lycurgus bicause hee had left the confirmation and abrogation of the aduice and decrees of the Senate in the peoples power But Polydorus and Theopompus
good and iust but if to an ill ende namely to the particular profite of such as commaund they are euill and vniust Of the soueraigne Magistrate and of his authoritie and office Chap. 54. ACHITOB WE commonly say that that thing is rightly done which is done according to the order and institution of policie Neither is right any other thing amongst vs than the order of that estate vnder which we liue the soueraigntie wherof is the sure foundation vnion and bond of all the particulars in one perfect body of a commō-welth And when iudgements are exercised by the magistrates when the wil of iustice is declared by the exposition of the lawes of right and when we direct our actions vnder iustice thē is the order of ciuil societie duly obserued Hereupon in our last discourse we said that the estate of a common-wealth was compounded of 3. general partes of the magistrate of the law and of the people Thus followyng our purpose let vs intreat particularly of these parts wherof euery common-welth consisteth first let vs consider of the chief magistrate and of his authoritie and office ASER. All ciuil superioritie is a holy and lawful vocation before God And as iustice is the end of the law and the law a worke of the magistrate so also the magistrate is the image of God who ruleth and gouerneth all according to which mould and paterne he must fashion himselfe through the meanes of vertue AMANA As in a man that is well disposed both in bodie and soule according to nature not corrupted the soule ruleth and commandeth with reason being the better part and the body with the affections thereof serue obey as the woorse part so is it in euery humane assemblie It belongeth to the wisest to rule and to such as are lesse aduised to obey Therefore the Magistrate must aboue all things labour that he be not vnwoorthie of that person which he sustaineth But let vs heare ARAM discourse of this matter which is heere propounded vnto vs. ARAM. God being carefull of all things euen of the very least and comprehending in himselfe the beginning end and midst of them according to his good pleasure and making all in all by his onely spirite respecting the common good of this whole frame and preseruation of humane societie hath from time to time distributed to sundry persons distinct and different graces that in exercising diuers estats charges administrations offices handicrafts and occupations they might through mutuall succour and interchangable helpe preserue and maintain themselues This is that which we see in cities amongst ciuill companies which is asmuch to say as a multitude of men vnlike in qualities conditions as rich poore free bond noble vile skilfull ignorant artificers labourers some obeying others commanding and all communicating togither in one place their arts handicrafts occupations exercises to this end that they may liue the better and more commodiously They obey also the same Magistrates lawes and soueraigne councell which Plato calleth the Anchor head and soule of the citie which naturally tendeth to some order and rule of dominion as that which tooke beginning and increase from persons acquainted with a gouernment that resembleth the royall regiment as appeereth in euery well ordered familie and hath already beene touched of vs. The first soueraign gouernment was established either by the violence of the mightiest as Thucidides Caesar Plutarke and others write and the holy historie testifieth the same vnto vs and putteth this opinion out of doubt where it is sayd that Nimrod Chams nephewe was the first that brought men into subiection by force and violence establishing his principalitie in the kingdome of Assyria Or if any will beleeue Demosthenes Aristotle and Cicero the first soueraigntie was instituted vpon their will and good liking who for their owne commoditie rest securitie submitted themselues to such as excelled most in vertue in those times which they called heroicall Who knoweth not saith Cicero in his oration for Sestius that the nature of men was sometime such that not hauing natural equitie as yet written they wandred vp and downe being dispersed in the fields and had nothing but that which they could catch keep forceably by murders and wounds Wherefore some excelling in vertue and counsell knowing the docilitie vnderstāding of man gathered the dispersed togither into one place brought them from that rudenes wherein they were vnto iustice gentlenes Then they established those things that belonged to common profit which we call publike appointed assemblies afterward called cities walled about their buildings ioined togither which we cal townes hauing first found out both diuine and humane equitie At the same time the authoritie of Magistrats tooke place who were instituted by the consent of the people for that excellent heroicall vertue which they saw in those first Rectors and Ordainers of ciuill societie to whome was committed the iurisdiction of lawes or receiued customes and the disposition of written equitie to rule and gouerne their people thereafter But not to staye long about the diuersitie of those opiniōs which we haue heere alleadged for the establishment of the soueraigntie this is out of question that the foundation of euery common-wealth dependeth thereupon that it is the absolute perpetual power of the Common-wealth is not limited either in power or charge or for a certaine time This soueraigntie is in him or them that are chiefe of the Estate a little king is asmuch a soueraigne as the greatest Monarch of the earth For a great kingdome saith Cassiodorus is nothing else but a great Common-wealth vnder the keeping of one chief soueraigne But before we intreate more amply of his authoritie and office it behooueth vs to render a reason of the name of Magistrate which is heere giuen vnto him This word Magistrate hath beene taken of the Ancients in diuers significations and Plato maketh seuenteene sortes of them calling some necessary Magistrats others honourable Aristotle said that they ought chiefly to be called Magistrats that haue power to take counsell to iudge and to command but especially to command And this doth the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sufficiently declare as if he would say Commanders and the Latine word Magistratus being a word of commanding signifieth to maister and to exercise dominion Also the Dictator who had the greatest power to command was called of the Ancients Magister populi Therefore albeit the name of Magistrate hath been heeretofore and is yet giuen to all that haue publike and ordinarie charge in the Estate yet we will as it were abuse this name a little by transferring it to the Soueraigne of all of whome all Magistrats lawes and ordinances of the Common-wealth depend Now let vs see whether this vocation of the Magistrate be lawfull and approoued of God We
iudgements of the Romanes were for a long time in the hands of three Orders or Estates namely of Senators Knights and Tribunes of the treasure Neuertheles the same persons did not alwaies iudge but the Pretors who were annuall Iudges and chief amongst them tooke a certaine number of Iudges by lot out of those three Estates And if they that were first taken were refused by any one of the parties others were chosen by an after-lot who being agreed vpon and sworne were distributed by decuries or tens There were three sorts of Pretors the Pretor of the Citie who tooke knowledge of particular causes namely of ciuill and criminal matters amongst the citizens of Rome the Pretor established for matters betweene strangers citizens the Pretors appointed for publike causes The Senators were once the only Iudges of all processes but Tiberius Caius Gracchus being popular persons to diminish the authority of the Senate and to encrease the peoples power ioined vnto them 300. Knights according to the number of the Senators brought it so about that the iudgmēts of al causes were diuided betweene these 600. men Vnder Sylla all authoritie of iudging was restored againe to the Senate but Pompey after that brought in the Knights againe all iudgements were equally communicated vnto the three Orders aboue mentioned Afterward when Caesar was Dictator he reduced them to two Orders only that is to Senators to Knights Buda in his annotations vpon the Pandects hath obserued many good things belonging to the Romane iudgements which curious spirits may looke into among the rest of the great respect honor that was giuen to Magistrats Concerning which matter we may vse as a good testimony that which we read in Plutark of Fabius Maximus his son who seeing a far off his father come towards him on horse-backe that his sergeants in regard of fatherly reuerence had not caused him to alight commanded him to set foot on ground Which the father presently obeied imbracing his sonne made greater account of him than if he had done otherwise The same author writeth that one Vectius was presently slaine bicause he arose not whē the Tribune of the people passed before him And Valerius Maximus saith that the Censors did note with ignominy withall disfranchised a citizen of Rome bicause he breathed yawned a little too loud in their presence But what Estats dignities were then giuen to vertue not to him that offred most And often times the places of iudgement were necessarily and as it were by force laid vpon Iudges being more honourable than profitable yea very incommodious to such as would discharge themselues vprightly therein I remember an excellent iudgement giuen by Archidamus the Lacedemonian when he was chosen Arbitrator to decide a certaine contention betweene two friendes After he had brought them both into the Temple of Diana and made them sweare vpon the aultar that they shoulde obserue precisely whatsoeuer he determined wherunto they yeelded I iudge then quoth he that none of you depart out of this Temple before you haue ended your strife Thus were they both constrained to agree among themselues and Archidamus freed from perill of loosing one of their friendships against whome he must needes haue giuen iudgement By this meanes he put in practice that saying of Pittacus That a man must not be ludge or Arbitrator in the controuersie of two friendes least by iudging profitably for one he loose the friendship of the other But let vs speake of our own Estate In old time as many histories report iudgements were so well administred in France that strangers did willingly submit themselues vnto them Frederick the 2. submitted to the iudgement of the king and his Parliament the deciding of many contentions and controuersies betweene him and Pope Innocent the fourth In the time of Phillip the Faire the Earle of Namure did the like albeit that Charles of Valoys the kings brother was his aduerse partie so great confidence had he in the equitie of those Iudges At the same time Phillip Prince of Tatentum willingly accepted for Iudge the king sitting in his Parliamēt about the controuersie that he had with the Duke of Burgundye for certaine charges which he should defraye towardes the recouerie of the Empire of Constantinople The like did the Duke of Lorraine in the suite which he had against Guy of Castillon his brother in law for their diuision of lands And in the yeere 1402. the Kinges of Castile and of Portingale sent an agreement made and past betweene them that it might be published and proclaimed in the Court of Parliament to haue greater authoritie thereby Truly these testimonies are as famous for the glorie of iustice vsed in France as any that can be alleadged by the Grecians or Romanes for the proofe of their iust iudgements of the reputation of their lawes and renowne of their Magistrates But let vs consider how farre iustice is fallen at this day from that ancient opinion and credite iudgements being now brought to that length and intangled in so many formalities that it is a thing greatly to be pitied and full of calamitie to see this Realme so infected as it were with a generall contagious disease wherein such an innumerable companie of men liue by that miserable exercise of pleading called Practice Plato saith that it is an euident token of a corrupted Estate where there are many Iudges and Phisitions bicause the multitude of Iudges is maintained by the vnfaithfulnes and contention of men and the great number of Physitions by idlenes daintie fare and gluttony There was neuer any nation of which this might be more truly spoken than of ours as it is notoriously knowne to euery one Paulus Aemilius writeth that in the beginning Frēch men behaued themselues simply and plainly in matters of iudgement resting in the determinations giuen by the Bailiffs and Seneshals who had the administration almost of al right and iurisdiction and thinking it vnseemely and void of honestie to seeke a farre off for right by meanes of appeale But after that slanders arose amongst them and suites were multiplied soueraigne iustice began to be exercised once a yeere and that for a few daies togither afterward twice a yeere alwaies changing the place In the end it was determined that the chiefe iudgements should be held in a certaine place and that a house should be built for that purpose at Paris the principall citie of the kingdome Whereupon in the raigne of Phillip the Faire the Pallace was erected according to that greatnes and magnificence wherein you now see it with hals chambers into which were distributed by certaine companies those Iudges that gaue the last sentence frō which no appeale might be made both in ciuill and criminal matters The erection of this Parliament into an ordinarie Court doth giue vs to vnderstand that there should be one or two Presidents The first
Reader if thou takest payns to read well to vnderstand better and which is best of all to follow the precepts instructions and examples which thou shalt find here as also if thou bringest hither a good will and cheerefull disposition voyd of all malicious enuy which at this day is commonly practised by most men of this our age who like to malicious Censorers busie themselues rather in seeking out what to bite at and to reprehend in other mens workes than to draw out and to commend that which is good or to assay to make them better Besides thou shalt haue somewhat to commend in the order of these discourses and in the maner of teaching which is in them For after the handling of that knowledge which is especially necessary for man all those vertues follow which he ought to imbrace and those vices which he is to shun Next he is instructed in that which concerneth house-keeping then in that which hath respect to estates and policies last of all how he may die well after he hath liued well As for the maner of teaching which is diligently obserued by these Academikes thou shalt see that first they prayse that vertue or disprayse that vice which they propound to themselues to discourse vpon that they may mooue and frame mens minds as well to hate the one as to desire the other Then they define that wherof they discourse that the end of the present subiect may be better knowen Afterward they giue precepts to find out the means wherby to attaine to that which is Good and to eschew the euil Lastly they adde examples which are liuely reasons and of great waight to mooue men with delight to embrace vertue and to flie vice Now if thou thinkest that too litle is spoken considering the goodly and large matter here propounded it is not bicause they knew not that the excellencie of euery thing put foorth here is so great and the reasons so aboundant that a man might well make a booke therofby it selfe as many learned men haue done but the chiefe scope and drift of these Inter-speakers was to discourse briefly of such things as are necessarily required in the institution of maners and of a happy life Neuerthelesse it may well be that that which thou findest not sufficiently folowed in one place may be learned in another if thou lookest vnto the end Moreouer they who are here named and who mind to retaine alwayes the name of disciples neuer purposed or presumed to set downe resolutions or to appoint lawes which are necessarily to be kept and may not be changed in any wise by those that are cleere-sighted according to the occurrence benefit of the estate of this Monarchie but grounding their counsels and instructions vpon the soundest and most approoued opinion of the writings of learned men both of auncient and late times and vpon such as drew neerest to the infallible rule of the holy scriptures according to the small measure of graces giuen them from aboue they haue left to euery one following therein the ancient schoole of the Academikes libertie to compare the motiues of the one side with the reasons on the other that the truth of all things might be diligently searched out and inquired after that none through any head-strong conceit should be wedded to priuate opinions and that afterward choise might be made of the best and of such as are most certain therby to order and rule all intents and actions and to referre them to the perpetuall glory of that great Lord of Hierarchies who is the onely cause and chiefe fountain of all Good contentation and happinesse Spe certa quid melius The Contents of the seuerall chapters of this Booke Chap. 1 Of Man Page 10 2 Of the body and soule 19 3 Of the diseases and passions of the body and soule and of the tranquillitie thereof 27 4 Of Philosophie 38 5 Of Vertue 51 6 Of Vice 63 7 Of Sciences of the studie of Letters and of Histories 72 8 Of the Spirit and of Memorie 83 9 Of Duetie and Honestie 92 10 Of Prudence 103 11 Of want of Prudence and of Ignorance of Malice and subtletie 115 12 Of Speech and Speaking 126 13 Of Friendship and of a Friend 136 14 Of Reprehension and Admonition 148 15 Of Curiositie and Noucitie 159 16 Of Nature and Education 170 17 Of Temperance 179 18 Of Intemperance and of Stupiditie or blockishnes 189 19 Of Sobrietie and Frugalitie 198 20 Of Superfluitie Sumptuousnesse Gluttonie and Wallowing in delights 209 21 Of Ambition 223 22 Of Voluptuousnes and Loosenesse of life 234 23 Of Glory Praise Honour and of Pride 245 24 Of Shame Shamefastnes and of Dishonor 256 25 Of Fortitude 265 26 Of Timorousnes Feare and Cowardlines and of Rashnes 277 27 Of Magnanimitie and Generositie 288 28 Of Hope 298 29 Of Patience and of Impatiencie of Choler and Wrath. 308 30 Of Meeknes Clemencie Mildnes Gentlenes and Humanitie 319 31 Of good and ill Hap. 328 32 Of Prosperitie and Aduersitie 338 33 Of Riches 350 34 Of Pouertie 358. 35 Of Idlenes Sloth and Gaming 367 36 Of an Enimie of Iniurie and of Reuenge 378 37 Of Iustice 390 38 Of Iniustice and of Seueritie 402 39 Of Fidelitie Forswearing and of Treason 413 40 Of Ingratitude 424 41 Of Liberalitie and of the vse of Riches 434 42 Of Couetousnes and of Prodigalitie 444 43 Of Enuie Hatred and Backbiting 457 44 Of Fortune 467 45 Of Mariage 478 46 Of a House and Familie and of the kinds of Mariage of certaine ancient customes obserued in mariage 484 47 Of the particular dutie of a Husband towards his wife 500 48 Of the dutie of a Wife towards hir Husband 513 49 Of the dutie of the Head of a familie in other partes of the house namely in the Parentall Masterly and Possessorie part 523 50 Of the dutie of children towards their Parents of the mutuall loue that ought to be among brethré of the dutie of seruants towards their masters 536 51 Of the Education and instruction of Children 549 52 Of the diuision of the ages of Man and of the offices and duties that are to be obserued in them 561 53 Of Policie and of sundry sorts of Gouernments 573 54 Of the soueraigne Magistrate and of his authoritie and office 584 55 Of the Lawe 593 56 Of the People and of their obedience due to the Magistrate and to the Lawe 603 57 Of a Monarchie or a Regall power 615 58 Of diuers kinds of Monarchies and of a Tiranny 627 59 Of the Education of a Prince in good maners and conditions 640 60 Of the office and dutie of a King 652 61 Of a Councell and of Counsellers of Estate 675 62 Of Iudgements and of Iudges 689 63 Of Seditions 703 64 Of the causes that breede the change corruption c. of Monarchies and Policies 716 65 Of the preseruations of Estates and Monarchies and of remedies to keepe them from sedition 730 66
friendship of his wife breaketh the peace of a house causeth the wife to loose hir soule who otherwise peraduenture would not haue yeelded if he had not corrupted hir In a word it is the cause of infinite miseries offences which we daily see come to passe Amongthe Auncients this vice was so odious that it was narowly sought out and chasticed with very grieuous punishments In so much that Iulius Caesar caused one of his captains to be beheaded bicause he had dishonoured the mistresse of the house where he lodged not staying vntill one accused him and without any complaint made vnto him by hir husband There was a law among the Locrians established by Zaleucus which condemned all those that were conuicted of this vice of adulterie to haue their eyes puld out This lawe was afterward so well kept that his sonne being taken with the fact and all the people intreating for him Zaleucus would neuer suffer the punishment to be any thing lessened And yet to satisfie their importunitie in some sort he caused one of his own and another of his sonnes eyes to be plucked out chusing rather to beare halfe the punishment allotted for the offence than that it should remaine vnpunished the law violated Augustus Caesar made the law Iulia intituled of Adulteries wherein is declared how processe ought to proceed against those that are attainted of it and how such as are conuicted thereof are to be punished euen to permit the father to kill his daughter being taken in the fact with the adulterer After that Fabius Fabritius was slain by his wife through trecherie to the ende that she might haue greater libertie to commit adulterie one of his yonger sons whē he came to age slew his mother with the adulterer was absolued therof by the Senate We read also that the lest punishment vsed by the Egyptians against adulterers was to cut off the womās nose the priuy parts of the man Briefly we shall find that in all nations where honor and ciuilitie is neuer so little regarded this vice of adulterie hath been grieuously punished and greatly hated of all noble minds Herein the example of Alexander is woorthy to be remembred who when a woman was brought vnto him one euening demanded of hir why she came so late to whom she answered that she stayed vntill hir husband was gone to bed Which he no sooner heard but he sent hir away being very angry with his men bicause they had almost caused him to commit adultery He would not so much as touch his friends Concubine although he loued hir and he tooke on wonderfully with Cassander bicause he would by force kisse a minstrels maid So farre off was he from beyng willing to suffer his courtiers to force any wiues or daughters of his subiects or to induce them to suborne any for him But contrary wise we see now adayes that they are most esteemed of great men whose skill is greatest in corrupting of women Antonius Venereus duke of Venice may be vnto them an example worthy to be folowed who caused his owne sonne to die in prison bicause he had rauished a maid But let vs note a litle the eye witnesses of Gods wrath who neuer or very seldome suffreth whoredome to go without present payment meete for such peruerse wickednes The reading of holy Scriptures doth furnish vs with notable examples in the death of foure and twentie thousands Israelites for whoredome in the punishment of the same sinne committed by Dauid with the death of more than threescore thousand men in Israel in the punishment of the same sinne in Salomon vpon his sonne who was depriued of ten parts of his kingdome in the ouerthrow of the Cities of Sodomah and Gomorrah and in many other places Whē Sathan seeketh for a readie way to cause men to fall he commonly vseth whoredom When Balaam taught Balaac that subtill practise to cause the Israelites to commit idolatrie it was by meanes of the faire women of his countrey thereby to cause them to fall into the wrath and indignation of God Concerning histories written by men the number of examples of Gods wrath vpon whoremongers is infinite of which we will heere alleadge some making mention of violent punishments and of the depriuation and subuersion of flourishing estates which haue proceeded from the same cause of whoredome And truly it is more dangerous for a Prince in regard of his estate than any other vice yea than crueltie it selfe For crueltie maketh men fearefull and striketh a terror in the subiects but whoredome draweth with it hatred and contempt of the Prince bicause euery one iudgeth an effeminate man vnwoorthie to command a whole people Tarquinius king of Rome for his loftines surnamed the proud was depriued of his kingdome bicause of the violence which one of his sonnes offered to Lucretia a Romane Ladie And although he gathered togither great forces thinking thereby to reenter into his estate yet he could neuer attaine therunto Since which time the name of a king hath beene so odious among the Romanes that they would neuer suffer any to beare that title amongst them but from that time forward changed the gouernment of a Monarchie into a Democraty or popular estate abolishing all lawes appertaining to a king In place of which they sent to the Athenians for Solons lawes which afterward were obserued by the Romanes and called the lawes of the twelue Tables Appius Claudius one of those ten that had all authoritie in the gouernment of the Romane estate bicause he would haue rauished Virginia daughter to Virginius a Citizen of Rome who slew hir to saue hir honor was banished with all his companions in that office and their manner of gouernment changed into the authoritie of Consuls What was like to haue befallen that mightie Caesar after he had conquered France Almaigne England Spaine Italy and Pompey himselfe but a shamefull death by reason of a foolish loue which caused him to go into Alexandria in disguised apparell to enioy Cleopatra where an Eunuch and a child had almost slaine him if he had not cast himselfe from a high tower into the sea and so saued himselfe by swimming to his campe vnder the gallies of his enimies Teundezillus king of Spaine was for committing violent adulterie with a ladie of a noble house depriued both of life and kingdom Marcus Antonius Caracalla Emperour being caried away with intemperate lust maried his mother in law and within a while after he lost both his empire and life Childericus the first of that name king of France after he had raigned a long time was driuen out of his kingdome for his whoredome Iohn Countie of Arminack maried one of his owne sisters and being therefore excommunicated of the Church was depriued of his estate and life by the Emperor Charlemaigne Rodoaldus king of Lumbardy being taken in adultery was
general end be to set an order and policie amongst vs and not dispute of their reason and cause as long as their iurisdiction extendeth not to our soules to lay vpon them a new rule of iustice Of the People and of their obedience due to the Magistrate and to the Law Chap. 56. AMANA WE haue hitherto seene that the preseruation of policies dependeth of the obseruation of the law that the soueraigne magistrate ruleth thereby and vseth it as a bond to reduce to vnitie and agreement all the citizens of one Common-wealth being vnlike in calling and liuing vnder his dominion at which marke euery good politike gouernor ought chiefly to aime Now my companions we are to intreat of this third part of a citie which maketh the politike body perfect and absolute namely of the people and of that obedience which they ought to yeeld to the magistrate and to the law ARAM. The whole Common-wealth fareth well or ill as all hir parts euen to the least are ruled and containe themselues within the compasse of their duetie For all of them togither make but one body whereof the magistrate is the head and the lawe the soule that giueth life vnto it Wherefore it is needefull that these should commaund and the other obey ACHITOB. Whatsoeuer profiteth the whole profiteth the part and that which is commodious to the part is also commodious to the whole and so contrarywise Wherefore to obey well which is necessarily required of the people is greatly auaileable to the whole political bodie Now let vs heare ASER handle this matter vnto vs more at large ASER. In euery discipline the beginning is commonly taken from the least partes thereof Grammer taketh his beginning from letters which are the least things in it Logike from the two least partes thereof namely the Nowne and the Verbe Geometrie from the point Arithmetick from Vnitie Musick from the Minnem and Sembrief which are likewise the least parts therof Therefore hauing seene that Policie is the order and life of the citie and that the citie is a multitude of citizens before we speak of the whole bodie of them we must as I think intreat first of a citizen who although he differ according to the diuersitie of common-wealths yet to take him properly may be said to be euery one that hath right to iudge in his citie hath a deliberatiue voyce in the generall or common councell thereof This definition of a citizen cannot fitly be applied to all citizens of all Common-wealths but only to those that are ruled popularly wherin they are all equall and gouerne themselues by assemblies in which euery one hath libertie to speake his aduise Some define a citizen to be he whose parents are citizens or els to be a free subiect holding of the soueraigntie of an other wherin they adde this word Free to distinguish him from slaues and strangers But generally we may say that whosoeuer may beare offices or magistracie in what forme of gouernment so euer is reputed taken for a citizen and such are all the naturall Frenchmen in this monarchie amongst whom there is not one how base soeuer he be that may not be made noble by vertue or that may not by skill and integritie of life attaine to the greatest estates of iustice of treasurie and of other publike charges This is not seen in all common-wealths For in the Seignorie of Venice it seemeth that none are truely citizens but the lordes and nobles who onely enioy the office of magistracie and may enter into the great councell after they haue attained the age of fiue and twentie yeeres As for the people they intermeddle not with any matter of gouernment this only excepted that they may be Secretaries and Chancellors as Contarenus reporteth The citie of Rome hauing many times sundry gouernments the appellation of a citizen was likewise diuers therein For as long as the first kings rules the common people were altogither excluded from publike honors offices But after when the regall power was changed into the gouernment of a certaine number of men chosen by suffrages and common voyces the people were admitted to magistracies and to the managing of affairs being present at the publike assemblie had in Mars his field which was distributed by tribes wardes companies and centuries to deliberate of the common estate to create magistrates and to decree new lawes where he was reputed for a citizen in deed that was a free man that had both house and tribe and possibilitie to attaine to honor enioying besides many other priuiledges and prerogatiues But when the soueraigntie came into the emperors hands those assemblies continued onely vnder Iulius and Octautus and after were abrogated by Tyberius and translated to the Senate and to the absolute power of the prince taking away al authoritie frō the people in publike matters Now to returne to our former assertion we say that all they are citizens to whom the gate that leadeth to the gouernment of the citie lieth open I mean the whole company of them that liue vnder the same lawes and soueraigne magistrates Such are all the subiects and naturall vassals of our king of whom the people and the nobilitie are the two orders or estates and of them is the estate of the church compounded which maketh one part of the common-wealth of France This self-same distinction of citizens is obserued almost throughout all Europe But besides this general diuisiō there are some more special in many common-welths as at Venice into the Gentlemen Burgesses Common people at Florence before it was brought in subiectiō to a Prince there were the greater sort the middle sort the vulgar or common sort of people And our ancient Gaules had the Druides the Horsemen the inferior people In Egypt were the Priests the Souldiors the Artificers And although Plato labored to make all the citizens of his common-welth equal in rights prerogatiues yet he diuided them into three estates into Gardes Souldiers and Labourers Whereupon we must necessarilie inferre this conclusion that there neuer was nor can be Common-wealth wherein the citizens were equall in all rights and prerogatiues but that some had more or lesse than others and yet so that wise Politikes haue carefully prouided that the meanest should haue no cause to complaine of their estate Moreouer the conueniencie and proportionable agreement of our French estates hath been the cause why this kingdome vntill this our infortunate age hath continued prospered so long amongst other kingdoms both of auncient and late times namely when Goodes Honours and publike charges were ordinarily distributed according to the condition of euery estate and their rightes and priuiledges preserued especially when it was carefully prouided that one estate should not grow too great aboue the other I meane that the nobilitie should not keep the people too much vnder and bring them to a
were altogither Aristocratical or Democratical or Monarchicall In looking to the power of the Consuls a man would haue iudged it Monarchical Roial to the Senators Aristocratical to the Tribunes common sort Democratical The Venetians in their Cōmonwealth represent al these estates Their great Councel hauing soueraign power wherof the Senat the authority of al their Magistrats dependeth doth represent the Popular estate The Duke who is President as long as he liueth representeth the roial power bicause he especially retaineth the grauity dignity therof And the Colledge of ten men with the Colledge of ancients commonly called Sages representeth the Aristocraty as Contarenus writeth As for our French Monarchy it may wel be said also to be partaker of all 3. in regard of the gouernment therof albeit in truth the estate therof is a simple pure Monarchy For the king is the Monarch beloued obeied reuerenced who although he haue all power soueraigne authority to cōmand to do what he will yet this great soueraigne liberty seemeth in some sort to be ruled limited by good lawes ordinances and by the multitude great authority of Officers Counsellors who are aswell neere his person as in sundry places of his kingdom The 12. Peeres the secret priuy councels the Parliament great Councel the Chambers of accounts the Treasorers Generals of charges resemble in some sort the Aristocraty The States yeerely helde in the Prouinces the Mairalties of townes Shreeualties Consulships Capitolats Church-wardens are as it were the forme of a Democraty as Siessel declareth more at large Moreouer the general Estates of the Realme which are woont to be gathered togither to deliberate the king being President of all matters concerning the Estate doe they not sufficiently testifie the happie order therof drawing neere to the gouernment of a good Oeconomist when the king as Aristotle saith commandeth in his kingdome as a good father of a familie ruleth ouer his children with loue and according to right and iustice Wherefore although all the authoritie of Officers Counsellors Parliaments and Estates dependeth as riuers of a fountaine of the onely power of their king and Prince yet of his fatherly and royall goodnes he granteth them such authoritie that hardly could he do any thing that were very violent or too preiudiciall to his subiects And if some such actions may be noted they come rather through the fault of his Counsellors than from his Maiesty Thus let vs conclude with Plato that the royall gouernment and authority ought to be preferred before all others policies as that which draweth neerest to the diuinitie But it must haue a Senate of good men ioined vnto it after the forme of an Aristocratie as our kings haue alwaies vsed to haue of their natural benignitie which maketh them inclinable to all exercises of vertue pietie and iustice Of diuers kinds of Monarchies and of a Tyranny Chap. 58. ACHITOB THe varietie of manners and inclinations to diuers things which is we see particularly in euery one from his birth and generally throughout all nations of the world disposeth without doubt the people as they growe in age and iudgement and according to their bringing vp to like one kind of gouernment rather than another But Frenchmen haue euen to these last times caried away the praise of a more naturall and constant disposition loue obedience and fidelitie towards the maiestie of a king than other nations euer shewed to their forme of estate and gouernment For amongst them all there is not one nation to be found that hath so constantly continued in their lawes and ancient customes without any alteration and change as this flourishing Monarchie which hath also gone beyond them all in goodnes and mildnes of gouernment as we may see better my Companions if we compare with it those sundry sorts of Monarchies which haue been heretofore and doe at this day flourish of which many come as neere to a tyrannie as ours is farre distant from it And to make a tyrannie appeere more odious we will consider the pernitious and miserable estate thereof ASER. As it properly belongeth to a royall estate to gouerne and to rule subiects not according to the sensuall appetite and disordered will of the Prince but by maturitie of counsell and by obseruation of lawes and of iustice so it agreeth with a tyrant to raigne by his absolute will without all regard either of lawes or of the precepts of iustice AMANA A tyrant saith Seneca differeth from a king in effect not in name The one seeketh his owne profite onely and the other the profite of the Common-wealth Now let vs heare ARAM who will teach vs to discerne them well by their works ARAM. Amongst all the Monarchies that euer were or are at this daye among men most of the ancient authors and great Politicks haue noted out fiue sundric sortes of which I purpose heere to discourse particularly with briefe examples that the excellencie of ours may the better appeere ouer others especially ouer those that decline much vnto tyrannye whose shame and infamie I will heere display The first and most ancient kind of Monarchy was that which was voluntarily offered by the people for some heroicall vertue appeering in those men whom they iudged worthie to gouerne them iustly and vprightly And when they continued in this sort to declare themselues benefactors of the multitude in gathering them togither in giuing vnto them territories and in distributing lands among them in finding out of arts in making of warre and in the administration of iustice vnto them their authoritie and power did lawfully descend to their successors who had soueraigne power in time of warre and were chiefe in certain solemn ceremonies of their sacrifices Herodotus Demosthenes Aristotle Cicero and many others make mention of this kind of Monarchy After the floud when the number of men increased Noah perswaded his children and others of his posteritie to disperse themselues in diuers countries to till the ground and to build townes and to this ende he assigned to euery one his Prouince by lot Nimrod the sonne of Cush whose grandfather Noah was abode with his men in the land of the Chaldeans and was their first king and the first king of Babylon He was the first that beganne to extend his bounds by force vpon his neighbours sending whole companies of people into many and diuers countries to laye the foundations of other kingdomes as histories doe giue vs certaine knowledge thereof This is the cause why many establish the first Monarchy in Assyria vnder him We read also in good authors that the first and ancient kings of Egypt kept themselues a long time in this heroical vertue which had procured vnto them their dignitie They liued not disorderedly as those doe who bicause of their dominion iudge their owne will to be a iust lawe for them but they followed
Prince whereby it seemeth he thought that there was lesse to do in well ordering ruling and preseruing a great Empire once entirely gotten than in conquering the same And surely to speake truth there is nothing more difficult than to raigne well Moreouer it is better for a Prince to gouerne prudently and to rule according to his estate than to inuade possesse another mans countrie namely if he consider that God being so gratious vnto him as to bring innumerable persons vnder his obedience hath chiefly established him to keepe them in the knowledge and obseruation of true religion to rule them by good lawes to defend them by armes and in all things to be so carefull of their good that they may esteeme of him as of their father and sheepeheard Now seeing we haue summarily intreated of the education and institution of a prince vnder the charge of a teacher and gouernour let vs in this place my Companions consider of his office and dutie when he raigneth with full authoritie ouer his subsubiects ARAM. Forasmuch as integritie of religion and the good will of the people are two principall pillers vpon which the safetie of euery Estate standeth the king ought to procure the first being therefore appointed by God ouer so many millions of men and the second without doubt dependeth of the former which is the onely difference betweene a king and a tyrant who ruleth by constraint ACHITOB. In a king is seene the ordinance of God who is the author and preseruer of policies and of good order Therefore his feare and reason must neuer depart out of his mind to the end that seruing God he may profite all those that liue vnder his dominion But from thee ASER we looke for the discourse of this matter ASER. The seuen Sages of Grecia being inuited to a feast by Periander prince of Corinth were requested by him to enter into the discourse of the estate of great men Solon speaking first said That a soueraigne king or prince cannot any way procure greater glorie to himselfe than by making a popular Estate of his Monarchy that is to say by communicating his soueraigne authoritie with his subiects Bias speaking next said By submitting himselfe first of all to the lawes of his countrie Thalcs I account that Lord happie that attaineth to old age and dieth a naturall death Anacharsis If he be the onely wise man Cleobulus If he trust none of those that are about him Pittacus If he be able to preuatle so much that his subiects feare not him but for him Chilon A Prince must not set his mind vpon any transitorie or mortall thing but vpon that which is eternall and immortall Periander concluding vpon these opinions said that all these sentences seemed to him to disswade a man of good iudgement from desiring at any time to command ouer others The Emperour Traian writing to the Senate of Rome among other things vsed these very words I freely confesse vnto you that since I began to taste of the trauels and cares which this Imperiall Estate bringeth with it I haue repented me a thousand times that I tooke it vpon me For if there be great honor in hauing an Empire there is also very great paine and trauell in gouerning the same But ouer and besides to what enuie is he exposed and to how many mislikings is he subiect that hath others to gouerne If he be iust he is called cruell if pitifull he is despised if liberall he is thought to be prodigall if he laie vp monie he is taken for couetous if he be addicted to peace he is supposed to be a coward if he be courageous he is iudged ambitious if graue they will call him proud if affable and courteous he is termed simple if solitarie an hypocrite and if he be merrie they will say he is dissolute After many other speeches this good Emperour concluded that although he willingly accepted of his estate at the first yet he was very sorowful afterward that he had so great a charge bicause the sea and the Empire were two pleasant things to looke vpon but perilous to tast Diuine Plato wrote also that none was fit to gouerne an Empire and to be a Prince but he that commeth vnto it through constraint and against his will For whosoeuer desireth the charge of a Prince it must needes be that he is either a foole not knowing how dangerous and full of care the charge of a King is or if he be a wicked man that he mindeth nothing but how he may raigne to satisfie his pleasure and priuate profite to the great hurt of the Common-wealth or else if he be ignorant that he considereth not how heauie the burthen is which he taketh vpon him Therefore a wise Prince will not thinke himselfe the happier bicause he succeedeth in a greater Empire and kingdome but remember rather that he laieth so much the more care and paine vpon his shoulders and that he beginneth then to haue lesse leasure lesse rest and happines in passing away his time In other persons a fault is pardoned in youth and growing old they are suffered to take their ease But he that is Head of a Common-wealth bicause he is to trauell for all must be neyther yoong nor old For he can-not commit a fault how small soeuer it be without the hurt of many men nor yet rest from his dutie but it will turne to the miserie of his subiects This caused the Philosophers to say that a Prince ought not to dedicate the Common-wealth to himselfe but to addict himself to the Common-wealth and for the profit thereof alwaies to be diligent vertuous and wise so to gouerne his Empire that he may be able easily to giue a reason of his charge And bicause no man asketh an account of him in this life he ought to be so much the more stirred vp to demand a straighter reckoning of himselfe being assured that the time wil come and that speedily wherein he must yeeld it vp before him with whome there is no respect of Princes except in this that they shal haue the Iudge more rigorous against them that haue abused greater power and authority To begin therfore to handle the duty and office of a Prince first he must haue the lawe of God continually before his eies he must engraue it in his soule and meditate vpon the wordes and ordinances thereof all the dayes of his life desiring of God to graunt him the spirite of vnderstanding to conceiue them well and according to that diuine rule to direct all his intents and actions to the glorie of that great eternall and Almightye Kinge of Kinges aswell for the saluation of his owne soule which he ought to preferre before the rule of the whole worlde as for the good of those that are committed to his charge to gouerne teach and iudge them For it is moste certaine that of the knowledge of the truth in
they are to the great preiudice of the whole Common-wealth We are therefore to wish that all valuing and sale of offices especially of iudgement and iustice may be abolished and disanulled that all meanes of fauor and ambition may be taken away that the ancient and happie ordinances of our kings may be restored especially that decree of S. Lewes the king whereby he enacted that all publike offices should be bestowed vpon the election of three persons chosen by the Officers and Citizens of those places to one of which so elected the king was to giue freely without monie the office then void This holie ordinance hath since that time beene often renued by king Phillip the Faire Charles the Wise Charles the 7. Lewes the 11. and Charles the ninth that dead is when his Estates were held at Orleans So that if the King and his Councell would aduisedly consider of these things in the establishing of Iudges and Magistrates in his kingdome and would strengthen them in the execution of their iudgements the obedience of his subiects would be greater and the foundation of all good order and policie more sure Of Seditions Chap. 63. ARAM. AS it is necessarie that all things which haue a beginning should end which encrease should diminish and waxe olde some sooner others later according to the disposition of that matter whereof they are compounded and through the influence of the heauenlie bodies from which nature woorking in them by hir author this continuall and mutuall succession of generation and corruption proceedeth so are publike estates first instituted encreased maintained lessened changed destroied turned returned one frō another by the disposition of God Those that are best grounded in religion and iustice haue their power most assured and are of longest continuance but none are perpetuall although their policie and manner of gouernment be neuer so good For we see them al corrupt in processe of time and in the end perish through their own vices that follow and accompanie them being first mooued and stirred vp by nothing so much as by sedition and ciuill warre This bringeth to light all euill that lurketh in those members of the politike body that are most pernitious vntill the infection be wholy spread and hath taken hold of the noblest parts thereof whereby it is brought to extreame miserie without hope of remedie Nowe although euery one of vs haue sufficient feeling heereof in himselfe by his owne harme yet we may know it better by taking occasion vpon this subiect to discourse of the nature of seditions of their common effects that we may haue them in greater detestation and bring euery one of vs his hart and mind to helpe this Estate if there remaine neuer so little shewe or meanes whereby the subuersion thereof may yet be kept backe But I leaue the discourse of this matter to you my Companions ACHITOB. All sedition is euill and pernitious although it seemeth to haue a good and honest cause For it were better for him that is author of sedition to suffer any losse or iniurie than to be the occasion of so great an euill as to raise ciuill warre in his countrie ASER. Nature saith Empedocles vseth no other meanes to destroy and to ouerthrow hir creatures than discord and disiunction and sedition as Thucydides saith comprehendeth in it all kind of euils Let vs then heare AMANA who will prooue this sufficiently vnto vs. AMANA If we consider how God minding to punish Adam for his ingratitude and disobedience made his owne members rebell against the spirite vnto which they obeied before whereby he became captiue vnder the lawe of sinne no doubt but we may say that after the same manner he chastiseth Kings Princes and Heads of Common-wealths that haue no care to obey his commandements and to cause others to keepe them by the rebellion of their owne subiects not without great danger of depriuation from all authoritie by them and of receiuing the law at their hands to whome they should giue it as it hath beene seene practised in many Estates and gouernments Religion and the loue of God bringeth with it all vnion and concord preserueth Kingdomes and Monarchies in their integritie and is the nursing mother of peace and amitie amongst them But the contempt of religion bringeth discord and confusion ouerturneth all order treadeth vertue vnder foote giueth authority to vice and soweth quarrels and dissentions amongst men from whence seditions and priuate murders proceed and in the end ciuill and open wars which are as flaming fires to take hold of and to consume most flourishing Estates For without doubt if men had in them the true loue and feare of God which cannot be without the loue of our neighbour no such effects would euer proceed from their works and actions Politicks haue labored infinite waies to maintaine the people in peace and to cause ciuill iustice to flourish They haue made many Lawes and Edicts many Statutes appointed many punishments to bridle the boldnes of seditious fellowes to represse extorsions wrongs and murders but bicause they built without a foundation that is without the feare of God all their labour taken therein was fruitles It is the feare of God onely that causeth swords to be broken and turned into mattocks and speares into siethes as Isaias and Micah speake that is to say which breedeth humanitie and gentlenes mollifieth mens harts and causeth them to suffer much to auoide strife and debate in a word which is able to vnite in one with vs most strange and barbarous nations Besides it is the profession of godlines to suffer and not to offer violence neither can it bring foorth euill effects contrarie to their cause This deserueth to be handled at large but our present subiect leadeth vs to discourse of the nature of seditions and to set before our eies the euils that proceede thereof both by reasons and examples referring the consideration of their causes vnto some other time heereafter Sedition then being taken generally is nothing else but ciuill warre so hurtfull to all Estates and Monarchies that it is the seede of all kinde of euils in them euen of those that are most execrable It engendreth and nourisheth want of reuerence towards God disobedience to Magistrates corruption of manners change of lawes contempt of iustice and base estimation of learning and sciences It causeth horrible reuenging forgetfulnes of consanguinitie parentage friendship extorsions violence robberies wasting of countries sacking of townes burning of buildings confiscations flights banishments cruell proscriptions sauage murders alterations and ouerthrowes of Policies with other infinite excesses and intollerable miseries pitifull to behold and sorrowfull to rehearse Sedition armeth the father against the son the brother against the brother kinsman against kinsman men of the same nation prouince and citie one against another Heerupon the fields which before were fertile are left vntilled sumptuous and rich houses
all ioyned togither against the house of Fraunce durst not take in hand after the taking of Frauncis the first and the losse of that famous battell Not one of them durst enter into Fraunce to conquere it knowing the lawes and nature of this Monarchie For as a building layd vpon deepe foundations and made of lasting stuffe well knit and ioyned togither in euery part feareth neither windes nor stormes but easily resisteth all assaults and violence so this kingdom will not easily admit any alteration and change as long as all the members continue vnited and ioyned togither vpon the foundation of their lawes Therefore let the king princes their councell great and small euery one in his place take order that God may be truly knowen and sincerely serued according to his iust and righteous will that honest behauiour may be maintained the authoritie of lawes kept iustice administred magistracie duely exercised rewards and punishments distributed equally that vertuous men may be honored and the wicked corrected Otherwise if we cōtinue long diuided into companies with defiances passing repassing if we persist in our wonted inuectiues and riots referre not all our actions to some good ende let vs not looke for lesse than for a generall desolation and pitifull ouerthrow of our countrey appeering already in many places thereof or at least for some horrible mutation and change of the estate Of the causes that breed the change corruption and finall ruine of Monarchies and Policies Chap. 64. AMANA AS long as the Physition knoweth not the cause of his Patients disease it is impossible for him to remedy the same to prescribe a medicine to the sicke partie A disease knowen saith the Prouerbe is in a maner cured So fareth it with Estates and Monarchies that are changed marred and in the end brought to ruine by diuers causes which if they were wel knowen to their princes and gouernors might easily be preuented by prudence and reason and fit remedies then applied to those euils that dispose lead thē to mutation when the natural corruptiō that is in them as euery thing hath his proper inward corruption of which it is eaten and consumed beginneth to spread it selfe to the best parts to marre all Go to then my companions hauing seen the nature of seditions let vs seek out the causes that stirre them vp whereby Estates and Monarchies are changed marred and in the end ouerthrowen ARAM. The diuision that is between subiects of one and the same prince ariseth for the most part of discontentment where-with some are mooued vpon iniurie or contempt or else of feare that men haue of the light or to auoyd some euil or of great idlenesse pouertie and neede ACHITOB. There are as I take it two causes intermingled which breede this franticke Feauer of our Fraunce the one proceeding from the Estate the other from religion But let vs heare ASER to whome the handling of this subiect offered nowe vnto vs belongeth ASER. There is no beginning of any thing whatsoeuer so small which through continuance perseuerance is not soone made great and strong if vpon slight account thereof it be not stayed Euery euill as Cicero saith in the first sproute thereof may be easily stopped but being inueterate is more strong and vneasie to be suppressed So that if it be mette withall before it appeare and breake foorth the danger is lesse although it proceed first from the necessitie of naturall corruption which is in all things that are created and is to be seene euen in things without sense as Mil-dew in wheate rottennesse in wood rust in brasse and iron yea euery thing is corrupted by it own euill howsoeuer it escapeth all outward harmes Therefore as a good Phisition preuenteth diseases and if one part be suddenly touched with raging payne asswageth the present euill and then applieth remedies to the causes of the disease so a wise prince or gouernor of a Common-wealth ought to preuent as much as is possible the ordinarie changes of all estates which ouer-take them either by outward force or by inward diseases When they beginne he must stay them whatsoeuer it cost him and then looke what the causes are of those diseases that are farthest from effect and apply conuenient and apt remedies vnto them Now it is certaine that if a man would throughly meet with all hurtfull things or otherwise cure any such euill when it happeneth hee must know their causes whereof the effect dependeth which is the very entraunce to all good helpes and remedies what so-euer Fore-seene mischiefes as the Poet saith hurt not so much as those that come vnlooked for A wise man premeditateth all that may happen but it falleth out contrary to fooles And if we haue neuer so small an in-sight into the condition and state of worldly thinges wee can not in any wise doubt of this that euery Common-wealth after it is come to the toppe of persection which is the flourishing estate thereof hath but a short tyme of continuance whether hir ouerthrowe proceedeth from the violence of hir enimies when shee thinkes hir selfe safest or whether she waxe olde through long tract of tyme and so ende by hir inward diseases or whether she sodainly decay and fall downe with hir owne waight by reason of some other hidden cause Which chaunges of Common-wealths beyng matter sufficient to make a great booke we are according to the sequele of our discourse to consider chiefly of the causes that for the most part stirre vp sedition and breed the alteration and finall ouerthrowe of Estates and Monarchies The Philosophers propound foure causes of euery thing the efficient the materiall the formall and the finall cause The efficient cause of seditions is double the one neere the other remooued a farre off The neere or next cause are the authors of seditions by whose counsell direction and helpe they are stirred vp and brought to passe By the cause remooued a far off I meane those things for which men are prouoked to raise seditions and of which we are chiefly to intreat in this place They are the matter of seditions against whome they are raised as princes and magistrates who are superiours and sometime their subiectes beyng inferiours The forme of sedition is the stirring vp of the people noyse out-cries batteries murders ciuill warre the taking of townes spoyling of countreys burning and banishment If it bee of subiectes towardes their lordes and superiours it is called rebellion if betweene subiectes or equals it is called a faction The ende of seditions is that for which they are first mooued and stirred vp Aristotle setteth down foure ends of seditions namely profit honor with their contraries losse dishonor For men are commonly mooued to sedition either through hope of profit honor or else through feare of losse and dishonor towards themselues or their friends so that they desire the one
the Romanes cleane contrary to Lycurgus was so farre in loue with peace and referred all his lawes in such sort thereunto that during his raigne there was neither warre nor ciuil dissention nor any motion of noueltie in the gouernment of the Common-wealth Much lesse was there any enmitie or enuie conceiued against him particularly or conspiracie against his person through desire of ruling but all occasions of war being extinguished and remooued the Temple of Ianus was continually kept shut for the space of fortie yeeres which was a signe of peace amongest the Romanes For not onely at Rome the people were tractable through the example of the iustice clemencie goodnes of king Numa but also in the townes round about there was a maruellous alteration of manners insomuch that as the beames of a cleare Sunne are dispersed abroad so there was shedde in the hartes of men a secrete desire to liue in peace to labour the grounde to bring vppe their children quietly and to serue and honour their gods And Plutarke writeth in his life that in his time there was nothing but feastes plaies sacrifices and bankets throughout all Italy so that a man might say that the wisedome of Numa was a liuely fountaine of all goodnes and honestie out of which many riuers issued to water all Italy and that his peaceable prudence was communicated as it were from hande to hande vnto the whole worlde Nowe although these two men haue beene greatly praised and commended for sundrie rare vertues yet all men approoue not the extremities which they followed in this forme of gouernment For as he is pernitions that mooueth and continueth warre onely to subdue his neighbours to inlarge the borders of his countrie and to vsurpe other mens right which sauoureth more of brutishnes than of humanitie so a long peace bringeth with it many discommodities making men insolent commonly through too great prosperitie as also nice lauish and effeminate through abundance of wealth and idlenes Therefore Plato Aristotle and Polybius reprooue Lycurgus bicause he propounded onely the exercise of the vertue of warre to his Citizens which is the least of those foure that are necessarie for the establishment and preseruation of euery Empire saying that all his lawes were wel ordained to make men valiant but not iust temperat and prudent On the other side they that are too much affected to peace and quietnes weaken themselues by little and little before they be aware and by their example mollifie the courage of youth whereby they lie open to the iniuries of those that will inuade them and so loose their libertie not being able to defend their persons and goods But as the world is compounded of 4. elements by whose mixture it is so made that it is both seene and touched withall is preserued in such loue concord that it cannot be dissolued by any other thā by him that made it so euery publike Estate must be established by 4. vertues by whose harmony agreement it is preserued And as the fire the earth were first created to make the whol frame subiect to sight feeling and then the water the aire mingled with them that the dissimilitude of those extreames might be tempered according to proportion so fortitude and iustice are first required in the ordaining of Common-wealths bicause they cannot continue without law and strength and next prudence and temperance being ioined with them moderate the rigour and remisnes of both Againe as by these natures of which all things are made being dispersed aboue and beneath and on all sides the world is preserued and continued so that light things are kept from ascending through the waight of heauy things contrariwise heauy things held aloft that they fal not so by these 4. vertues dispersed amongst men a Common-wealth wel instituted guided by discipline is maintained And although by reason of the varietie and change of humane affaires it cannot continue so long so adorned as the worlde yet it will abide many yeeres Moreouer as the elements are bred one of another alter to fro going into returning continually from the first matter which receiueth them into it selfe for which cause they cannot be seene simple but mixed wherupon ariseth such a tēperature of al things that they wither not by drougth nor burne with heate neither are ouer-whelmed with too great moisture nor grow stiff with excessiue cold so these vertues whereby cities are instituted must be mingled one with another agree togither for their mutuall preseruation wisedome beeing President ouer them in which they are all contained For they cannot maintaine them-selues one without another nor keepe their vigor and dignitie Iustice without temperance is rigour fortitude separated from iustice is rashnes and crueltie and without prudence iustice is but craft and suttletie To conclude temperance without fortitude ought rather to be called cowardlines and nicenes whereby we see that they are so interlaced and depend in such sort one of another that they cannot be separated If it fal out otherwise that estate wherein such disorder taketh place must of necessitie be vtterly ouerthrowne or changed Out of these learned Philosophicall discourses we will draw a very good lesson namely that in euery Estate wel instituted for continuance this temperature of the foure vertues must necessarily be kept that men may be instructed howe to gouerne themselues well both in time of peace and of warre and obserue such a moderation therein that knowing how to deale in both times they may be ready and fit for warre when necessity vrgeth hauing this end before them to attaine to peace which must alwaies be preferred as rest is before trauell and good before euill as we shal easily vnderstand by considering their contrary effects It is certaine that Philosophie is best exercised in time of peace For when there is no trouble of war the spirite is quiet and fit for euery honest kind of rest so that arts and sciences go well forward lawes are in force iustice flourisheth vertue sheweth hir effects better vice languisheth the zeale of pietie encreaseth the discipline of the Church is authorised both the noble and meane man preserueth and augmenteth his wealth trade and trafficke is free briefly euery one receiueth good commoditie and so consequently the whole bodie of the Common-wealth But if we looke to those effects which the time of warre commonly bringeth foorth the desire of hauing is awakened couetousnes encreaseth iustice falleth to the ground force and violence beareth sway spoiling raigneth riot is set at libertie wicked men are in authoritie good men oppressed innocencie troden vnder foote maidens and wiues defloured countries wasted houses burnt Churches destroied tombs broken downe goods spoiled murders committed all vertue banished from among men vice honoured the lawes contemned and broken the seruice of God forsaken the estate of the Church derided the nobilitie and people burdened
of women when he is inuited to weddings or in their companie to request him to walke that hath alreadie gone a great way when he seeth a thing sold to bring a chapman to the seller who would haue giuen a great deale more for it to repeate one thing oftentimes to shew himselfe readie to do that which a man would not haue him to do and yet dare not well denie it him to woonder at all things and to speake all in a word an vnskilfull man is alwaies in all places and in all affaires vnciuill and impertinent The examples of these foresaid effects are but too familiar amongst vs. And first concerning these of small and meane estate and condition how many millions of men haue there been in the ages past and do liue yet among vs whose life being ignorant of euery good cause and reason is not much vnlike and in many things worse than that of brute beasts The originall of so many errors foolish opinions and impieties hath it not had passage through the midst of their soules bicause they had no true knowledge of the end of their being nor of his will by whom they liue From thence it commeth that the best aduised among them exercise base handicrafts not being desirous to learne further that some lead a seruile and contemptible life bringing their bodies and soules in subiection to the lusts and wicked desires of the greater sort that others remaine idle and vnprofitable seeking to maintaine their liues by vnlawfull meanes that all through a blockish ignorance depriue themselues of all present and eternall felicitie Now albeit these poore men who haue no great meanes to execure their wicked desires may after a sort seeme tollerable and excuseable to mans iudgement bicause their ignorance doth not greatly hurt any but themselues yet it falleth out far worse with those that haue wealth at will and authoritie to command others who not knowing how to vse their goods well by vertuous deeds abuse them to all vice dissolutenes and pleasure whereby for the most part they cast themselues headlong into infidelitie and Atheisme bicause they neuer had true vnderstanding of the perfect diuinitie nor yet considered the perfection of his works both in heauen earth O pitifull calamity abounding in this our age more than euer it did A thousand millions of Pagans and heathens considering that there was nothing to be misliked in the heauens neither any negligence disorder or confusion in the moouing of the stars nor in the seasons of the yeere nor in their reuolutions nor in the course of the sunne about the earth which causeth the day and the night no not in the nourishing and preseruation of all sorts of liuing creatures nor in the generation of yeerly fruits and for a thousand other good considerations beleeued and worshipped one supreme eternall essence which gouerneth all things And shall they that carie the name of Christians to whom the vnspeakable treasures of the heauens haue been opened and offered with innumerable graces shall they I say doubt yea impudently denie that there is a God But let vs returne to our matter It is most certaine that the higher that ignorant men are aduanced so much without question are their faults greater than those of meaner estate bicause they are hurtfull to many Yea oftentimes it hath come to passe that one onely fault of such a man hath been the losse and destruction of an infinite number of men Nicias the general captain of the Athenians through the feare which he had conceiued of the darkness of an Eclipse of the moone and not knowing the cause thereof staied so long vntill his enimies had inclosed him round about whereupon he was taken aliue of them and put to death besides the losse of fortie thousand Athenians that were taken and slaine Who doubteth but that ignorance draue Caligula Domitian into such pride crueltie that whilst they sought to be worshipped in stead of the true God they were the cause of the death destruction of more than a hundred thousand men In the time of Otho the first there fell a stone from heauen which astonished all Germanie and turned them from prosecuting an enterprise of great waight and importance for the benefit of their countrie If they had knowen it to be a naturall thing and such as had come to passe long before as Aristotle affirmeth they had not been so fearfull nor receiued that dammage to the detriment of the Common-wealth which came to them afterward That speech of Anaxagoras a Greeke philosopher agreeable heerunto is worthie to be remembred when he said that a man ought to driue out of himselfe and to tread vnder his feete all superstitious feare of the heauenly signes and impressions of the aire which worke great terror in them that are ignorant of their causes and that feare the gods with a forlorne and amased feare bicause they want that certaine knowledge that philosophie bringeth which in stead of a trembling and alwaies terrifying superstition engendreth true deuotion accompanied with an assured hope of good Let vs looke a little into our Chronicles and consider what profit our kings receiued by their ignorance when they were called Simple when they stood but for images and were seene of their subiects but once a yeere They suffered their wise maisters of the palace to take knowledge of and to order and rule all things who depriuing them as vnworthie of all authoritie tooke possession in the end of their crowne And surely it is no lesse pernitious for the greater sort to aduance ignorant men to charges and places of honor and to vse their counsell than to be ignorant themselues For as we said ignorance causeth him that is aduanced to forget himselfe and lifteth him vp into all pride There are amongst vs too many examples of the ambition and presumption of many ignorant men who contrarie to Torquatus that refused the Consulship bicause of his diseased eies altogither blind as they are deafe dumbe and destitute of all natural light of prudence and experience to guide themselues are not contented to manage the sailes and tacklings but desire to haue the rudder of the Common-welth in their hands And it is greatly to be feared that such vnskilfull and ambitious men will in the end shew themselues both in will and practise to be imitators of one Cleander an outlandish slaue who being preferred by Commodus the emperor to goodlie offices and great places of honor as to be great maister of his men of war and his chiefe chamberlaine conspired notwithstanding against his Lord seeking to attaine to the imperiall dignitie by feditions which he stirred vp in Rome betweene the people and the soldiers But through good order taken his enterprise tooke no effect except the losse of his owne head and destruction of his house Although oftentimes it falleth out cleane contrarie through the iust punishment of God for the ignorance
with two of his friends and with seuen slaues Cato the elder visiting the prouinces of his gouernment tooke but three seruants with him Nowe a daies we see that the least accounted gentleman amongst vs thinketh it a cracking of his credite to ride so ill furnished And yet the most part euen of the greatest neuer make any great inquirie how their traine defray their charges But howsoeuer they may say that they know not of the excesse and riot committed vnder their authoritie and in their seruice yet they are not thereby excused For we ought carefully to beware that no man abuse our name Now if princes and gouernours of Commonwealths in steede of abridging superfluous charges take delight therein themselues from thence proceedeth the necessitie of charging and ouercharging their people with imposts and subsidies to maintaine their excesse and in the end commeth the ouerthrow and subuersion both of the one and the other But they ought rather both to abstaine from such vanities themselues and also to seeke by all meanes to banish them from their subiects and where their owne example and bodilie punishments are not sufficient for this purpose there ought they to lay great imposts vpon all such things as serue but to spill and corrupt their subiects Such things are all exquisite dainties and prouocations of appetite all sorts of toies and trifles perfumes cloth of gold and siluer silkes sypers networks lace wouen works all works of gold siluer and inammell all kind of superfluous apparel with colours of skarlet crimson and such like the forbidding whereof hitherto hath profited little For the nature of men is such that they find nothing more sweete and acceptable than that which is straightly forbidden them so that the more superfluities are prohibited the more they are desired especially of foolish men of such as are vainely brought vp Therefore it were good to raise the price of these things so high by meanes of imposts that none but rich men and daintie folks may vse them And such subsidies would asmuch set forward the glorie of God the profite of the common wealth the desire of good men and reliefe of the poore as many others now vsed are quite contrary hereunto Then these speeches would no more be so common amongst vs as now we heare them daily vttered by our Courtiers We will say they keep company and be seen amongst the greatest be esteemed thereafter If we spend not freely men will make no account of vs. It is our honor and greatnes and the way to procure glory and renowne to our houses and families But I would gladly tell a great number of them that they would be very much troubled to make answer to a law made by Amasis king of Egypt and after established in Athens by Solon whereby it was enacted that euery one should yeerely make it appeere vnto his Prouost or Bailie how he liued and if he approoued not his maner trade of life to be iust and reasonable he was condemned to die If in like case these great spenders were to giue an account from whence they receiue wherewith to satisfie their pride and vanities a man should find that their purchase as we say is far better vnto thē than their rents that they commit a thousand wrongs and detestable vices to make supply to their lauish expences As for them that haue goods lawfully gotten yet in spending of them wastfully they giue sufficient testimonie that they care seeke for nothing but a vaine and vanishing glory which oftentimes contrary to their expectation is waited vpon with great infamie and with the certaintie of perpetual punishment And in the meane while they neglect that glorie which is eternall and always profitable which they should enioy by well vsing and not by mispending their goods whereof they are but Gardians and Stewards must one day yeeld vp an account of them O witlesse man sayd one of the ancient Sages what will the remembraunce of vaine glory profite thee if thou art tormented and vexed where thou art and praised where thou art not This deserueth a longer continuance of speech but we may hereafter discourse thereof more at large In the meane tyme let vs note an other mischief which commonly followeth superfluitie of expences namely pouertie whereinto many rich men fall before they be aware and are then verie much grieued therewith and not able to beare it But the shame and reproch thereof is yet greater because they fell into it by their own folly and misgouernment Therefore to the end we walke not in such a slipperie way which in the beginning is large and pleasant but yet leadeth the trauailer vnto a down-fall frō which he can neuer escape let vs leaue and forsake the discipline and life of Epicures and beware that our pallate and toong be not more sensible than our hart Let vs lead a life woorthy an honest Academie and beseeming the doctrine of the ancient Sages that is a simple sober and modest life adorned with temperance and continence knowing that diet and decking of the body ought as Cicero saith to be referred to health and strength not to pleasure and delight and that all outward excesse is a witnesse of the incontinencie of the soule And for the perfection of all that lasting and ineuitable miserie which belongeth to them that are giuen to voluptuousnes and superfluitie let vs heare that sentence of scripture and feare least we be comprehended vnder the iudgement thereof Continuall miserie and mourning be vpon you that haue liued in pleasure on the earth and in wantonnesse and haue nourished your harts as in a day of slaughter The ende of the fift daies worke THE SIXT DAIES WORKE Of Ambition Chap. 21. ASER. AS often as I remember the strāge tragedie of the Romane Emperors since the time that the Empire was mounted vp to the verie top height of hir greatnes vntill hir declination according to the vncertaintie of all humane things and how within the space of one hundred yeeres wherein there were three skore and thirteene emperors onely three of them died of sicknesse in their beds all the rest by violent death I cannot sufficiently admire considering the inconstancie and short continuance of so great a gouernment which cannot but be well known to euery one the folly of men which commonly affecteth them with an vnmeasurable desire to rule whereby they are all their life time slaues to ambition which is one point of the vice of intemperance whereof we spake yesterday And thus in my opinion we are to begin our days worke with the description of this pernitious passion AMANA It is natural in man the greater his stomack is the more to labor to excel others which is accompanied with an exceeding desire to rule whereupon he is easily driuen forward to do vniustly if by wisdom he be not moderated ARAM. Ambition and contention for honour saith
was nothing but vertue could tame it and that men furnished therewith behaued themselues constantly and courageously in both kinds of fortune Vertue saith Cicero abideth calme and quiet in the greatest tempest and although she be driuen into exile yet she stirreth not out of hir place and countrey but shineth so alwaies of hir selfe that she cannot be soiled with the spots of an other This excellent Orator and Philosopher giueth vs also wholesome counsell to oppose against the dangerous effects that are to be feared in prosperitie When we are saith he in best estate we must vse the counsell of our friends more than we do commonly and as long as it continueth we are greatly to beware that we open not our eares to flatterers who are the plague destruction of the greater sort bicause all their labor is to propound vnto vs occasions meanes to enioy delights and pleasures and to shew out selues to be proud and arrogant during the time of our prosperitie to the end we should put good men farre from vs and reserue to them onely that authority wherein they are setled Whereas on the contrarie side our true friends would lead vs backe to consider the inconstancie of humane things to the ende that we abuse not our felicitie but behaue our selues as a wise Pilote doth who alwayes feareth a smiling calmnesse in the maine sea Which consideration maketh a mā constant and resolute to beare and indure all sinister chaunces and not so ready and easie to be deceiued bicause he always feareth and distrusteth fortune Let vs now come to examples of that which we haue here alleaged As touching the pernitious effects of ouer great prosperitie they may well be noted in Alexander the great who although he was indued with notable and rare vertues yet could not vse moderately the great good speed and happy successe of all his enterprises but being conquered of the Persian delights gaue himselfe ouer to commit many insolencies and then filled with prefumption and pride would haue been worshipped Iulius Caesar being ascended into the highest degree of fauourable fortune that he could desire and lending his eare ouer freely to flatterers would be called and declared a king which name was most odious to the Romanes since the time that Tarquinius was banished as we mentioned before and retained alwayes to himselfe the authoritie and power of a Dictator which before continued but a certaine time He bestowed the publike offices and places of honor vpon whō he thought good whereof proceeded the ill will of his subiects and in the end his destruction The greatnesse of Pompey was that which afterward ouerthrew him For imploying his credite to fauour others vniustly it fell out to him as to cities that suffer their enemies to enter euen into their strongest places diminishing so much of their own forces as they adde to others that wish them no good Which thing Sylla the Dictator did very notably giue him to vnderstand when he sawe that Pompey by his countenance and fauour had brought Lepidus a wicked man to the dignitie of Confulship I see well quoth Sylla to him thou art very glad bicause thou hast preuailed in this suit and sure thou hast great cause so to be For it is a goodly matter and the point of a noble man to be so gratious with the people that through thy fauour Lepidus the wickeddest man in the world hath caried away the Consulship before Catullus the honestest man in all the citie But I aduise thee to beware of sleeping now and to haue a vigilant eie to thy busines bicause thou hast armed made strong an aduersarie against thy selfe Wherof Pompey had experience afterward in those warres which Lepidus raised against whome he was sent by the Senate and in the end obtained the victorie But the fauour he bare to Caesar entring vpon the gouernment of publike affairs came not to that passe For he was afterward ouerthrowne by the same meanes wherewith he had strengthned Caesar against others Out of which we may draw an excellent doctrine for all that are placed in authoritie or that haue the eares of great men at commandement that they neuer cause the wicked to be aduanced For as the worme that is bred at the foote of a tree groweth with it and in the end destroieth it so a wicked man aduanced by the fauour of one greater than himselfe becommeth afterward vnthankfull and treacherous vnto him This mooued Archidamides the Lacedemonian to answer in this sort one that commended Charilaüs king of Sparta bicause he shewed himselfe alike courteous to all But how deserueth that man praise who sheweth himselfe courteous towards the wicked Now to returne to our speech touching the effects of prosperitie not ruled by the reason of true prudence what is more hatefull or hath at any time beene more hurtfull to men than pride Which as Plato saith dwelleth with solitarines that is to say is so hated that in the end it is forsaken of all the world And whereof is it bred sooner than of prosperitie Which that wise man excellent Romane captaine Paulus Aemilius knowing ful well after the victorie gotten by him against Perses king of Macedonia being desirous to admonish the men of warre that were in his armie and to keepe them within the compasse of their dutie he vsed these or the like speeches vnto them Is there any man now my friends and companions that ought to waxe proud and to glorie in the profperitie of his affaires if he hath lucke to his liking and not rather to feare the ficklenes of fortune who euen at this present setteth before our eies such a notable example of the common frailtie of man subiect to the ordinarie course of fatall destinie which turneth about continually You see how in the moment of an houre we haue beaten downe and put vnder our feete the house of Alexander the Great who was the mightiest and most redoubted Prince in the world You see a King not long since followed and accompanied with so many thousands of fighting men brought to such miserie that being prisoner he must receiue his meate and drinke at the hands of his enemies Ought we to trust more to our good hap and to thinke it more firme and assured Truly no. And therefore let vs learne to humble our selues and to restraine this foolish arrogancie proud insolencie wherewith our youth seemeth to be ouercome by reason of the victorie obtained by vs and let vs expect to what end and issue fortune will guide the enuie of this present prosperitie Marcus Aurelius after he had vanquished Popilion Generall of the Parthians spake thus vnto him I tell thee of a truth that I stand in greater feare of fortune at this present than I did before the battell For she careth not so much to ouertake the conquered as to subdue and vanquish the Conquerors This selfe same consideration caused Philip
a wise man than by promises forasmuch as an vndiscreete man lightly promiseth whatsoeuer you will and oftentimes more than is required of him but a man of good iudgement weigheth his speech with sence and reason before he gage it to any bodie and hauing once giuen his word he reuoketh it not what losse or dammage soeuer may insue thereof as he that esteemeth a great deale more of the honour of truth and fidelitic than of his owne life being touched with vntruth and periurie And if it were lawfull for euery one to alleadge necessitie or constraint thereby to cloake the breach of faith to whome might a man trust in any matter Who doubteth but that all agreements made betweene men whether in time of warre or of peace or in any particular affaires betweene partie and partie are grounded vpon a benefit which euery one supposeth to be necessarie and profitable for himselfe and so consequently that they ought not to be kept Who doubteth but that the breach of them may easily be coloured with the like necessitie and so vnder this goodly pretence of false right and equitie should be allowed But what May we be iudges for our selues and in our owne cause First our aduerse parties to whom we are bound must be called and must agree with vs of Iudges to determine of our promises whether they were lawfull or vnlawfull forced and necessary or no according to the law which releaseth a man of his promise if it be vniust or vnreasonable or if it be too burthensome vnto him or if he were circumuented by deceit fraud error force iust feare or grieuous hurt But when we are both iudge and partie and in stead of iustice seeke after force and violence it is soone seene that all shew of excusing the breach of faith giuen is onely grounded vpon malice and subtiltie This did Lysander admiral of the Lacedemonians vsually practise who made no reckoning of Iustice but when it was profitable accounting onely profit to be honestie and saying that children must be deceiued with the play of cock-all and men with othes Which kind of dealing argueth a man to be in truth worse in behauior towards God than towards his enimies bicause he that beguileth his enimie through the means of fidelitie sworne vnto him doth sufficientlie testifie that he feareth him and dares not discouer vnto him that which lieth hid in his hart and yet in the mean time he hath no reuerence or feare of the diuine maiestie from which nothing is hid but vseth that for a couering and maske of his wickednes We must saith Cicero keepe that promise vnuiolable which we haue made to our enimie albeit the mishaps of warre haue constrained vs to yeeld vnto it How much lesse therfore ought we to breake our faith giuen to our friends and to those of whom we neuer receiued any thing but profite and pleasure Through this neglect of faith we fill our soules with lying nourishing and delighting them therein and separating them far from the truth the fountaine of all goodnes to lie vnto our neighbors to deceiue and beguile them in those things which we are able to performe thereby destroying the bond of humane societie yea of nature it selfe which bindeth vs both to will and to procure their good This is that which Epenetus the Lacedemonian would teach vs when he sayd that liers were the cause of all the sinnes and crimes in the world And therfore Plutarke also saith That to lie is a seruile vice woorthy to be hated of all and not to be pardoned in any no not in slaues themselues All they saith Cicero that speake one thing and meane another ought to be taken for faithlesse wicked and malicious men whereas a good man will neither faine nor dissemble in any sort either to buy better cheape or to sell deerer It is not the point of a plaine open and sincere man or of him that is iust and vertuous to conceale from the buyer the fault of that thing which he selleth but rather of a malicious deceitfull crafty suttle and wicked man And if this be a vice and sinne not to declare the fault of that thing which is sold how shall they be termed who vse a thousand wordes and lies to set foorth their merchandice Whereas good men haue always been very scrupulous precise in keeping the truth from all kind of pollution as that which ought to be as wel in the hart as in the mouth in the works as in the words of euery honest man But if lying procure blame and dishonor to al men it doth much more to kings and princes For seeing they are placed in such authoritie that they may doe what pleaseth them what need they to lie If Machiauell and his followers fauorers of tyrannie had well waighed that which we read in infinite places of scripture that God will ouerthrowe dissemblers and liers with all their lies subtilties hardly could they commend dissimulations deceits trecheries and such like pranks wherewith they seeke to poison the noble minds of good princes to cause thē to degenerate both from their natural disposition from the steps of such vertuous men as haue gone before them And to this purpose I remember a decision of right concerning princes which deserueth to be grauen in letters of gold within their lodgings palaces namely That if the prince go against his promise it ought to be reckoned amongst the cases that fall out by chance neither may any man suppose the contrary For the obligation is double the one in respect of naturall equitie which wil haue couenants and promises kept the other in regard of the Prince his faith which he must obserue inuiolable although he receiue losse thereby bicause he is the formall Warrantie vnto all his subiects of that fidelitie which is amongst themselues so that no fault is more detestable in a Prince than periurie For if he that is debter and pledge for iustice be disloiall there is no more trust to be giuen to him in all his othes but if he be vpright his bare word ought to be vnto him for a lawe and his faith for an Oracle God himselfe saith the master of the sentences is bound by his promise Gather togither saith he all the nations of the earth that they may iudge betweene me and my people if there be any thing which I ought to haue done and haue not performed it What is he then that will call in question whether a Prince is bound to that which he hath sworne to and promised seeing all soueraigne power is no lesse bound to the lawes of God and of nature than the simplest that is subiect thereunto If faith ought not to be kept with enimies it is not to be giuen vnto them and if it be lawful to capitulate with them it is as necessarie to keepe promise Yea we may further adde that periurie is not to be
seeing it lieth so heauy vpon them and the time seemeth vnto them ouer-long to stay for the naturall death of this poore old man whom they hate so extremely And yet Titus shall not obtaine a victory greatly honorable or woorthy the praise of the ancient Romanes who euen then when Pyrrhus their enimy warred against them and had wonne battels of them sent him word to beware of poison that was prepared for him Thus did this great vertuous captaine finish his daies being vtterly ouerthrowen and trode vnder foote by fortune which for a time had placed him in the highest degree of honor that could be Eumenes a Thracian one of Alexanders lieutenants and one that after Alexanders death had great wars and made his partie good against Antigonus king of Macedonia came to that greatnesse and authoritie from a poore Potters sonne afterwards being ouercome and taken prisoner he died of hunger But such preferments of fortune will not seeme very strange vnto vs if we consider how Pertinax came to the Empire ascending from a simple souldier to the degree of a captaine and afterward of Gouernour of Rome being borne of a poore countrywoman And hauing raigned only two moneths he was slaine by the souldiers of his gard Aurelianus from the same place obtained the selfe same dignitie Probus was the sonne of a gardiner and Maximianus of a black-smith Iustinus for his vertue surnamed the Great from a hogheard in Thracia attained to the empire Wil you haue a worthy exāple agreeable to that saying of Iuuenal which we alleaged euen now Gregory the 7. from a poore monke was lift vp to the dignitie of chief bishop of Rome Henry the 4. emperor was brought to that extreme miserie by wars that he asked the said Gregory forgiuenes cast him selfe down at his feete And yet before this miserable monarch could speake with him he stood 3. days fasting and barefoote at the popes palace gate as a poore suppliant waiting whē he might haue entrance accesse to his holynes Lewes the Meeke emperour king of France was constrained to giue ouer his estate to shut himself vp in a monasterie through the conspiracie of his own childrē Valerianus had a harder chaunge of his estate ending his days whilest he was prisoner in the hands of Sapor king of the Parthians who vsed the throte of this miserable emperor whensoeuer he mounted vpō his horse But was not that a wonderful effect of fortune which hapned not long since in Munster principal towne in the country of Westphalia wherin a sillie botcher of Holland being retired as a poore banished man from his country called Iohn of Leiden was proclaimed king was serued obeied of all the people a long time euen vntil the taking subuersion of the said town after he had born out the siege for the space of 3. yeeres Mahomet the first of that name of a very smal and abiect place being enriched by marying his mistres and seruing his own turne very fitly with a mutinie raised by the Sarrasins against Heracleus the emperor made himself their captain tooke Damascus spoiled Egypt finally subdued Arabia discomfited the Persians and became both a monarch a prophet Wil you see a most wōderful effect of fortune Look vpon the procedings of that great Tamburlane who being a pesants son keping cattel corrupted 500. sheepheards his companions These men selling their cattel betook them to armes robbed the merchants of that country watched the high ways Which when the king of Persia vnderstood of he sent a captaine with a 1000. horse to discomfit them But Tamburlane delt so with him that ioining both togither they wrought many incredible feates of armes And when ciuil warre grew betwixt the king and his brother Tamburlane entred into the brothers pay who obtained the victory by his means therupon made him his lieutenant general But he not long after spoiled the new king weakened subdued the whole kingdom of Persia And when he saw himselfe captain of an army of 400000. horsmen 600000. footmē he made warre with Baiazet emperor of the Turkes ouercame him in battel and tooke him prisoner He obtained also a great victorie against the Souldan of Egypt and the king of Arabia This good successe which is most to be maruelled at and very rare accompanied him always vntill his death in so much that he ended his days amongst his children as a peaceable gouernour of innumerable countries From him descended the great Sophy who raigneth at this day and is greatly feared and redoubted of the Turke But that miserable Baiazet who had conquered before so many peoples and subdued innumerable cities ended his dayes in an iron cage wherein being prisoner and ouercome with griefe to see his wife shamefully handled in waiting at Tamburlanes table with hir gowne cut downe to hir Nauell so that hir secrete partes were seene this vnfortunate Turke beate his head so often agaynst the Cage that he ended his lyfe But what neede we drawe out this discourse further to shewe the straunge dealinges and maruellous chaunges of fortune in the particular estates and conditions of men which are to be seene daily amongst vs seeing the soueraign Empires of Babylon of Persia of Graecia and of Rome which in mans iudgement seemed immutable and inexpugnable are fallen from all their glittering shew and greatnes into vtter ruine and subuersion so that of the last of them which surpassed the rest in power there remaineth onely a commandement limited and restrained within the confines of Almaigne which then was not the tenth part of the rich prouinces subiect to this Empire Is there any cause then why we should be astonished if litle kingdoms common-wealths and other ciuill gouernments end when they are come to the vtmost ful point of their greatnes And much lesse if it fal out so with mē who by nature are subiect to change and of themselues desire and seeke for nothing else but alteration Being assured therefore that there is such vncertaintie in all humane things let vs wisely prepare our selues and apply our will to all euents whose causes are altogither incomprehensible in respect of our vnderstandings and quite out of our power For he that is able to say I haue preuented thee O fortune I haue stopped all thy passages and closed vp all thy wayes of entrance that man putteth not all his assurance in barres or locked gates nor yet in high walles but staieth himselfe vpon Phylosophicall sentences and discourses of reason whereof all they are capable that imploy their wils trauell and studie thereupon Neither may we doubt of them or distrust our selues but rather admire and greatly esteeme of them beyng rauished with an affectionate spirite He that taketh least care for to morow saith Epicurus commeth thereunto with greatest ioy And as Plutarke saith riches glory
Philosopher and of the Politician is one and the same bicause they consist all three in knowing how to rule to teach and to iudge well He saith also that the only way to procure true quietnes and most happie felicitie in Common-wealths is when by some diuine prouidence the soueraigne authoritie of Magistracie meeteth with the will of a wise Philosopher in one person that vertue may be superior and vice suppressed And if such a gouernour ouer people is to be accounted very happy they are no lesse happie that may heare the excellent discourses good instructions which proceed from his mouth Besides when they see vertue after a liuely sort imprinted in a visible paterne that the Magistrates life is such an example they become wise of their own accord Then is force constraint or threatning needeles to bring them to their dutie as they that conforme themselues to an'vpright good life in friendship charitie concord one with another So that we may boldly say that he is by nature most worthie of soueraigne authority who is able by his vertue to imprint in mens harts the like disposition affection to liue wel vertuously But forasmuch as few vertuous men are found soueraigne Magistrats are not commonly chosen out of that smal number but come to that authoritie for the most part by succession it is no maruell if there be but fewe such Magistrates as we haue here described nay it is rather greatly to be wondered at if any one amonge a great many become very excellent Notwithstanding as their soueraign is nothing lesse ouer their subiects who owe fidelitie obedience vnto them so are they alwaies bound to do their dutie and office towards them which consisteth in ministring iustice counsel comfort aide and protection Moreouer bicause insolencie and rebellious wickednes is alwaies to be found in some corrupt persons who neither by teaching nor by example of good life will be brought to vertue but perseuer in committing a thousand impious vniust actions for the punishment of such the sword is put into the Magistrates hand both by the law of God man that as the minister of God he should serue his wrath take vengeance of them that do euil This is that which is so expresly cōmanded to Magistrats in infinit places of the scripture vnder these words Do iudgement iustice Iustice in deliuering him that is oppressed by force from the hand of the oppressor in not grieuing strangers widowes and orphanes in offering no iniurie to any in shedding no innocent blood and in dealing vprightly with euery one and Iudgement in resisting the boldnes of the wicked in repressing their impudencie and violence and in punishing their faults It is an abhomination to kings saith the wise man to commit wickednes for the throne is stablished by iustice A king that sitteth in the throne of iudgement chaseth away all euill with his cies A wise king scattereth-the wicked and causeth the wheele to turne ouer them Take the drosse from the siluer and there shall proceede a vessell for the finer Take away the wicked from the king and his throne shall be stablished in righteousnes Aswell he that iustifieth the wicked as he that condemneth the iust is an abhomination vnto God The people and nations curse him that saith to the wicked thou art iust Yea an offence is to be imputed asmuch or more to him that suffereth it to be done when he may is bound to stay it than to him that committeth the same And if it be a point of true iustice in Magistrates to persecute the wicked with drawne sword let not them that will needes forsooth abstaine from all seueritie and keepe their hands pure from blood whilest the swords of the wicked are drawne out to commit murder and violence I say let them not doubt but they them selues shall be iudged guiltie of great iniustice before the diuine Maiestie It is true that gentlenes and clemencie most of all beseeme a great and excellent man and is one principall vertue necessary for a Magistrate Notwithstanding it must so be ruled that for the benefite of the Common-wealth seueritie and rigor be ioined therewith bicause it is vnpossible to rule gouerne a multitude without this And yet it is not the part either of a wise Phisition or of a good gouernor of an Estate to set hand to the iron except in great necessitie when there is no other remedie For if they do otherwise as there is want of discretion in both so most of all in the Magistrate bicause iniustice also is ioined with crueltie So that it is necessarie both in clemencie and rigor to keepe some honest meane by right reason and prudence to the end that the inconueniences of both may be eschewed This is that which Isocrates speaking of the manner of raigning wel teacheth when he sayth that a man must be seuere in searching out of faults and mercifull in imposing punishments that are lesse than the faults gouerning men more by clemencie and prudence than by rigor and crueltie And seeing it falleth out so that an ouer-seuere Magistrate becommeth odious and that he is contemned despised who is too gratious a wise man must be both ciuill and graue grauitie being comely in commanding and ciuilitie necessarie for him that conuerseth with men For the conclusion therefore of our discourse we learne that both by the establishment of euery estate and policie and by a holie heauenly decree we are subiect to the soueraigne Magistrate who is lawfully ordained to rule to teach and to iudge vs in all things that respect this present life and the preseruation of ciuill societie We learne that seeing he is the image of God vpon earth he must conforme himselfe asmuch as he is able to the perfection of all goodnes and iustice that he may bring on them that are committed to his charge to godlines and vertue by his example that it is his dutie to honor the good and to punish the euill declaring thereby that he is the protector and preseruer of publike tranquillitie honestie innocencie and modestie and appointed to maintaine the common safetie and peace of all men Of the Law Chap. 55. ARAM. AS wee note in the vniuersall frame of the world that many vnlike motions are contained within one heauenly motion which is alwaies like to it selfe all causes by the first cause and as in euery liuing creature many sundry members distinct in office are comprised brought into vnion and agreement by the soule hart so in euery Common-wealth compounded of many differing parts necessary for the establishment thereof the law is the blood that giueth vertue and life vnto it the bond that reduceth all the parts therof to vnitie and the firme preseruer of ciuill societie Therefore seeing my Companions we haue discoursed of the first part of euery
desperate estate and that the people through their traffike offices of iudgements and receipts for the prince which they exercised and benefices which they enioyed should not excessiuely enrich themselues to the preiudice of the nobilitie nor get into their hands the lands of the nobles who being impouerished could not sustain the charges of warre nor serue the king in his armies But the neglect of this foresight the great inequalitie of riches among the estates that one part which was woont to be poorest being now become richer than both the other two is the cause of great wounds in the body of this monarchie The poore people being oppressed by both the other estates is fallen vnder the burthen like to Aesops asse And the horse that would cary nothing I mean the nobilitie clergie are constrained some to beare their tenths extraordinary subsidies others to â—ell their liuing to go to war at their own charges But these things deserue a long discourse by it self may hereafter be touched more fitly thaÌ„ at this time Let vs then generally consider of our proposition namely of the duty of al those subiects which liue vnder one estate and policy First it is necessary that they should haue the estate of the magistrate in great estimation acknowledging it to be a commissioÌ„ charge giuen by God therfore they must honor reuereÌ„ce him as one that representeth vnto them the heauenly empire ouer al creatures For as God hath placed the Sun in the heaueÌ„s as an image of his diuine nature which lightneth heateth quickneth norisheth al things created for maÌ„s vse either in heaueÌ„ or earth so the soueraign magistrate is the like representatioÌ„ light in a city or kingdoÌ„ especially so long as the feare of God obseruatioÌ„ of iustice are imprinted in his hart Some are obedieÌ„t enough to their magistrates would not but that there should be some superior vnto whom they might be subiect bicause they know it to be expedient for common benefit yet they haue no other opinion of a magistrate but that he is a necessary euil for mankind But when we know that we are commaÌ„ded to honor the king to feare God and the king which we finde often in the scripture we must vnderstand that this word to honour comprehendeth vnder it a good opinion and estimation which we must haue of the soueraigne magistrate and that the ioining of the king with God must cause vs to attribute great dignitie and reuerence vnto him in respect of that power which is giuen him from his maiestie Likewise when it is said that we must be subiect to the higher powers not bicause of wrath onely but also for conscience sake it is to honour them with an excellent title and to binde vs to obey them for the feare of God and as we wil obey his ordinance bicause their power dependeth of him Of this honour and reuerence it followeth that we must submit our selues vnto them in all obedience whether it be in yeelding to their ordinances or hestes in the paiment of impostes and subsidies or in receiuing such publike charges as it shall please them to commit vnto vs. Briefly euery subiect is bound to serue his prince with goods and life which is the personall seruice of a naturall subiect not as a hireling that serues at will whereas the other seruice is necessarie Leteuery soule saith S. Paul be subiect to the higher powers For whosoeuer resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God He writeth also to Titus in this maner Put them in remembraunce that they be subiect to the principalities and powers and that they be obedient and ready to euery good worke Submit your selues saith S. Peter vnto all maner ordinance of man for the Lordes sake whether it be vnto the king as vnto the superiour or vnto gouernours as vnto them that are sent of him for the punishment of euil doers and for the prayse of theÌ„ that do well Moreouer to the end that subiects should testifie that they obey not dissemblingly but of a free and willing mind S. Paul addeth that they must by prayers to God recommend their preseruation and prosperitie vnder whom they liue I exhort saith he that first of all supplications prayers intercessions and giuing of thanks be made for all men for kings and for all that are in authoritie that we may lead a quiet and a peaceable life in all godlines and honestie Neither let any man deceiue himself herein For seeing no maÌ„ can resist magistrates without resisting God howsoeuer some may think that a weak powerles magistrate may be coÌ„temned without punishment yet God is strong mighty to reuenge the contempt of his ordinance Besides vnder this obedience is contained that moderatioÌ„ which al priuate persons ought to obserue in publike affairs namely that they must not of their own motioÌ„ intermeddle in the gouernment or reformation of them nor take vpon them rashly any part of the magistrates office nor to attempt any publike thing If there be any fault in the common policie that needeth amendment they must not therfore stir at al therin nor take to theÌ„selues authoritie to redres it or once to put too their helping hands which in that respect are as it were bound behind theÌ„ But they are to shew it to the superior who only hath his hand vnbound to dispose order publike matters if he then command them to deal therin they may put it in executioÌ„ as being furnished with publike authoritie For as we vse to call the counsailors of a prince his eies eares bicause they must be vigilant for him so we may also cal those meÌ„ his hands whom he hath appointed to execute such things as are to be don And to these we owe honor obedience seeing the force of the laws consisteth in their coÌ„mandement These are the magistrates officers established by the soueraigne armed with power to coÌ„pel the subiects to obey his laws or els to punish theÌ„ Wherby we see two kinds of coÌ„manding with publike power the one in chief which is absolute indefinite aboue the laws aboue magistrates and priuate men the other is lawful subiect to the lawes to the soueraigne which power properly belongeth to them that haue extraordinary power to command as long as their commission lasteth The soueraign prince acknowledgeth after God none greater thaÌ„ himself the magistrate holdeth his power after God of the soueraign prince and is always subiect to him to his laws Priuate men acknowledge after God who must alwaies be first their soueraign prince his lawes his magistrates euery one in his place of iurisdiction They are bound to obey them euen then which is repeated in many laws when they coÌ„mand any thing coÌ„trary to publike profit or against ciuil iustice so that it be not against
the law of God of nature Now forasmuch as when we intreated of the soueraigne magistrate we described him such a one as he ought to be answering truly to his title that is to say a father of the couÌ„trey which he gouerneth a sheepheard of his people the gardian of peace protector of iustice preseruer of innocencie that man might wel be iudged to be beside himself that would reprehend such a gouernment But bicause it commonly falleth out that most princes wander far out of the right way that some hauing no care to do their duty sleep in their delights pleasures others fixing their harts vpon couetoâ—snes set to sale all lawes priuiledges rights iudgemeÌ„ts some spoil the poore people by ouercharging them with impostes exactions to furnish their prodigalitie vnmeasurable dissolutenes others exercise open robberies in sacking of houses violating of virgins maried women in murdring innocents or suffring such violence to be done vnder theÌ„ by the ministers baudes of their pleasures some also oppres the nobility euen the princes of their bloud to shew fauour to base persons and those strangers despising woorthy meÌ„ that are their natural subiects vassals I say considering these things it will be very hard yea altogither impossible to perswade a great many that such are to be acknowledged for princes and true superiors that we must of necessitie obey theÌ„ so far as we may without offending our conscieÌ„ces confecrated to God onely For this affection is rooted in the harts of men to hate detest tirants no lesse than they loue reuerence iust kings So that wheÌ„ amongst such lothsom vices so far estranged not only froÌ„ the duty of a magistrate but also from all humanity they see in their soueraign no forme of the image of God which ought to shine in him no shew of a minister giuen from aboue for the prayse of good men and execution of vengeance vpon the wicked they are easily driuen forward to hate to contemn him and finally to rebell against him But if we direct our sight to the word of God it will lead vs a great deale farther For it wil make vs obedient not onely to the rule of those princes which execute their office according to iustice but to them also that do nothing lesse than their dutie It telleth vs that whatsoeuer they are they haue their authoritie from God only the good as mirrors of his goodnes the bad as scourges of his wrath to punish the iniquitie of the people but both the one and the other authorized from him with the same dignitie and maiestie in regard of their subiects Therfore in respect of obedience and reuerence we owe as much to the vniust as to the iust prince Which thing bicause it is so hardly beleeued amongst meÌ„ lesse practised now than euer I wil insist a litle longer in the proofe of my saying by testimonies of the scripture than we haue vsed to do in our other discourses First I desire euery one diligently to consider and marke the prouidence of God that special working wherby he vseth to distribute kingdoms to establish such kings as he thinks good wherof mention is ofteÌ„ made in the scripture As it is written in Daniel He changeth the times seasons he taketh away kings he setteth vp kings that liuing men may know that the most high hath power ouer the kingdom of men and giueth it to whomsoeuer he wil appointeth ouer it the most abiect among meÌ„ It is wel known what maner of king Nebuchadnezzer was eueÌ„ he that took IerusaleÌ„ namely a great thief a robber Notwithstanding God affirmeth by the prophet Ezechiel That he gaue him the laÌ„d of Egypt for the reward of his work for the wages of his army wherwith he had serued him in spotling and sacking Tyrus And Daniel said vnto him O king thou art a king of kings for the god of heaueÌ„ hath giueÌ„ thee a kingdom power streÌ„gth glory WheÌ„ we heare that he was appointed king by god we must withal cal to mind the heaueÌ„ly ordinaÌ„ce which coÌ„mandeth vs to feat honor the king then we wil not doubt to yeeld to a wicked tyrant that honour which God hath thought him meet for WheÌ„ Samuel declared to the people of Israel what they should suffer of their kings not onely according to the rights and priuiledges of his maiestie but by tyrannical customs and fashions namely that they would take their sonnes and daughters to serue him their lands vines and gardens to giue them to their seruants contrary to the commandement of the law of God yet he inioined them all obedience leauing them no lawful occasion to resist their king I haue saith the Lord in Ieremy made the earth the man the beast that are vpon the ground by my great power by my out-stretched arme haue giuen it vnto whom it pleased me But now I haue giuen al these lands into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babel my seruant the beasts of the fields haue I also giuen him to serue him And all nations shal serue him and his sonne and his sonnes sonne vntil the very time of his land come also And the nation and kingdom which will not serue the same Nebuchadnezzar king of Babel that wil not put their necke vnder the yoke of the king of Babel the same nation wil I visite saith the Lord with the sword famine pestilence Wherfore serue the king of Babel and liue We know by these words with what great obedience God would haue this peruerse cruel tyrant to be honored only for this reason bicause he was lift vp by his hand vnto that roial maiestie Now if we are bound to beleeue as much of al the kings of the earth these foolish seditious thoughts should neuer come into our mindes that a king must be handled according as he deserueth that it standeth not with reason that we should accouÌ„t our selues his subiects who for his part behaueth not himselfe towards vs as a king There is in the same prophet a coÌ„mandemeÌ„t of god to his people to desire the prosperitie of Babylon wherin they were held captiues to pray for it bicause in the peace therof they should haue peace Behold how the Israelits were commanded to pray for his prosperity who had spoiled theÌ„ of their goods possessions caried theÌ„ into exile brought theÌ„ into miserable boÌ„dage so far off is it that they were permitted to rebel against him Although Dauid already elected king by the wil of God anointed with holy oile was vniustly pursued of Saul yet he said The lord keep me from doing that thing to my master the lords anointed to lay my hand vpon him For who can lay his hand on the Lordes annointed and be guiltles As the Lord liueth either
kings in old time which kind of rule was at the first bestowed vpon most inst men And it hath greatly profited our common-wealth that from the beginning therof it hath been ruled by a kingly gouernment The first name of Empire and rule knowne in the earth saith Salust was the royall Estate but then men liued without couetousnes euery one being content with his own From the beginning as Trogus Pompeius writeth of countries and nations the gouernment was in the hands of kings who were not lift vp to that high degree of maiesâ—ie by popular ambition but for their modestie which was knowne approoued of good men Then the people were not kept in awe by any lawes but the pleasure will of Princes stood for all lawes They were more giuen to keepe the frontiers of their Empire than to inlarge them Kingdomes were bounded by his countrie that raigned therein Ninus king of the Assyrians whome the Scripture calleth Nimrod that is a rebell and a mightie hunter was the first that changed the ancient custome of the nations through greedie desire of ruling and that beganne to warre vpon his neighbours For finding that the people knew not as yet how to resist he subdued them al from his kingdome to the end of Lybia Almost all the ancient nations of greatest renowne liued vnder the royall gouernment as the Scythians Ethiopians Indians Assyrians Medes Egyptians Bactrians Armenians Macedonians Iewes and Romanes after they were wearie of other gouernements Those also that are moste famous at this daie liue after the same sort as the Frenchmen Spaniards Englishmen Polonians Danes Moscouites Tartares Turkes Abissines Moores Agiamesques Zagathians Cathains Yea the sauage people newly discouered are in a manner all vnder kings And they that liue in other kinds of Common-wealths as the Venetians do retaine an outward shewe of a king whome they call a Duke who is electiue and to continue his estate as long as he liueth In other places they haue Gonfalonners as at Lucques the like whereof they were woont to haue at Florence and at Sienna In some places they haue Aduoyers or Bourg-maisters as in the Cantons of Switzerland and in the free townes of Germany which acknowledge an Emperour Vpon which name we will note by the way that it importeth no more than the name of a king although amongst the Lawyers and others there haue beene infinite questions as touching the authoritie and preheminence of both namely that the Emperours haue vsurped ouer other kings vntill this present albeit the power and maiestie of the Empire is greatly diminished so that nothing else remaineth in a manner but the name and shadow of it within Germany As for this title of Emperor which the Romane Monarks tooke to themselues before vsed to call their Generals in warre by that name it was vpon this occasion taken vp After they had depriued Tarquine of the kingdome of Rome by reason of his pride and insolencie this name of king became so odious amongst the Romanes that it was forbidden to be vsed by an edict and solemn oath Whervpon when their popular Estate was changed into a Monarchie they would not call their Monarch by the name of King by reason of their ancient oath but called him Emperour as Appian writeth But to continue the discourse of our principall matter and to answer briefly to the reasons alleadged against a Monarchye we haue first to note that the most part of the dangers mentioned do cease where the Monarchy goeth by succession as it doth in ours For there is no cause of feare in regard of any that might aspire to the Crowne or of the treaties and alliances which are not broken by the Prince his death but renued and confirmed by his successor and heire vnles before they were greatly preiudiciall to the Estate That new Princes seeke after nouelties it may be said of some but it is much more vsuall in Aristocraticall and Popular Estates For Magistrates that are renued so often would be very sorowfull that their yeere should run out before they had done something that might cause men to speake either good or euill of them As for the troubles about the gouernment of a yoong king peraduenture it falleth not out once in a hundreth yeeres whereas if a Gonfalonner of Genes be chosen but onely for two yeeres the Common-wealth will be all on fire To put into the ballance the cruelties and robberies of a tyrant whereby to counterpeaze many good Princes there is no shew of reason in so dooing For we know well enough that a peaceable Aristocratie wisely guided if it may be so is better than a cruell tyrannie But the chiefe matter subiect of our discourse is to knowe whether it be not better to haue one iust and perfect king than many good Lords and by the contrary argument whether the tyrannie of 50. tyrants is not more perillous than of one only tyrant Now if many Maisters Pilots how wise soeuer they are hinder one another when euery one desireth to hold the Rudder then surely many Lords wil do the like when they seeke al togither to gouerne the Common-wealth albeit they are wise and vertuous And truly no Aristocratical or Popular Estate can be named that hath lasted aboue 600. yeeres togither and few haue endured so long but many Monarchies haue continued 1000. and 1200. yeeres in the same estate Moreouer they are agreeable to the vpright lawes of nature which as we haue before discoursed do al lead vs to a Monarchy But there is more to be considered of in our French kingdome which ought to mooue all French harts very much to desire the preseruation therof and to thinke themselues happy that they may liue vnder it I meane that which we touched in the beginning of our speech namely the agreement participation which it hath with all good policies Many Politicks haue giuen this out that no Common-wealth instituted to continue long ought to be simple or of one only kind but that the vertues properties of the other Estates must meete togither in it to the end that nothing grow out of proportion which might cause it to degenerate to the next euill and so consequently ouerthrow it This was first obserued by Lycurgus who in ordaining the Lacedemonian Common-wealth mingled the Senate with the Kings after the Ephories were established aboue the Kings insomuch that they were mingled and weighed so equally togither that a man could not wel discerne vnder what kind of gouernment it was erected The Carthaginian coÌ„monwealth also most florishing for a long time was so instituted in the beginning thereof It had kings the Aristocratical power of Senators the common people who had their preheminence in things belonging vnto them The Romane Common-wealth during the time of hir greatest glorie had these 3. parts so equally proportionably tempered that a man could not tell whether it
the constitutions of lawes aswell in the gathering of their duties and tributes as in their manner of life They vsed the seruice of Noble mens and of Princes children onely who were of the age of twentie yeeres and were instructed in all sciences The reason whereof was that the king being pricked forward with the sight of thē that were about him might beware how he committed any thing woorthie of reproch And truly there is nothing that corrupteth Princes so much as vitious seruants who seeke to please their sensuall desires and affections When the king arose in the morning he was bound first to take and receiue all the letters and requests that were brought vnto him that answering necessarie matters first all his affaires might be guided by order and reason Then he went to the Temple to offer sacrifice to the gods where the Prelate and chiefe Priest after the sacrifice and praiers were ended rehearsed with a loud voice in the presence of the people what vertues were in the king what reuerence and religion towardes the gods was in him and what clemencie and humanitie towards men Moreouer he told that he was continent iust noble-minded true liberall one that brideled his desires and punished malefactors with a more mild and light punishment than the greatnes of their sinne and offence required rewarding also his subiects with graces gifts that were greater than their deserts This done he exhorted the king to a happie life agreeable to the gods and likewise to good manners by following after honor and vertue and therewithall propounded vnto him certaine examples of the excellent deedes of ancient kings thereby to prouoke him the rather therunto These kings liued with simple meates as with veale birds for all dishes they kept very exactly all the lawes and ordinances of their countrie in euery point of their life which was no lesse directed euen in the least things than the simplest of their subiects And truly so long as the kings of Egypt were such zealous obseruers of their lawes and of iustice raigned peaceably among their subiects they brought many strang nations into their subiection gathered togither infinite riches whereby they adorned their countrie with great buildings and sumptuous works and decked their townes with many gifts and benefits The Barbarian kingdomes were the second kinde of Monarchy namely the ancient Monarchies of the Assyrians Medes and Persians whose Princes vsurped Lordlie rule ouer their goods and persons and gouerned their subiects as a father of a familie doth his slaues Which kind of gouernment sauoureth more of a tyrannie than of a kingdome besides it is directly against the law of nature which keepeth euery one in his libertie and in the possession of his owne goods Notwithstanding when by the law of Arms and of iust warre a Prince is made Lord ouer any people they properly belong to him that conquereth and they that are ouercome are made his slaues by the ancient consent of all nations and this maketh the difference betweene the Lord-like Monarchy and a tyrannic which abuseth free subiects as slaues Of this second kinde of Monarchy was the kingdome of Persia as Plato writeth vnder Cambyses Xerxes and other kings vntill the last Darius For vsurping more absolute authoritie to rule than was conuenient they began to contemne their Vassals and to account of them as of slaues and putting no more confidence in them they intertained into their seruice mercenarie souldiors and strangers whereby they made their owne subiects vnfit for warre and so in the end lost their estate when it seemed to haue attained to the top of worldlie prosperitie Such is the estate of the Turke at this day wherein he is sole Lord commanding ouer his subiects in rigorous manner aswell ouer the Musulmans as Christians and Iewes He vseth in his principall affaires which concerne peace and warre and matters of gouernment the seruice of runnagate slaues whom he placeth in authoritie changeth or deposeth as he thinks good without peril and enuie yea he strangleth them vpon the least suspition or dislike conceiued of them not sparing his owne children and others of his blood if they anger him So did Sultan Solyman deale with Hibrahim Bascha who was almost of equall authoritie with him insomuch that he was there called the Seignour king of the Ianitzaries the Bascha and king of the men of Armes Neuertheles in one night wherin he made him stay sup with him lie in his owne chamber he caused him to be slaine and his bodie to be cast into the sea The morrow after he seazed vpon his goods as confiscate and caried them away and yet no man euer knewe the cause of his death except it were this that he was growne too great and consequently suspected of his maister who was a Tyrant rather than a King Likewise he keepeth in his hands all the Lordships of his kingdome which he distributeth to men of warre who are charged to maintaine a certaine number of men of Armes and of horses according to the rate of their reuenew and when it pleaseth him he taketh them away againe Neither is there any man in all the countries vnder his obedience that possesseth Townes Castles and Villages or dwelleth in strong houses or that dare build higher than one storie or than a Dooue-house The great Knes or Duke of Moscouia exceedeth for seueritie and rigour of commanding all the Monarchs in the world hauing obtained such authoritie ouer his subiects both Ecclesiasticall and secular that he may dispose of their goods and liues at his pleasure so that none dare gainesay him in any thing They confesse publikely that the will of their prince is the will of God and that whatsoeuer he doth is done by the will of God The king of Ethiopia is also a Lordlike Monarch hauing as Paulus Iouius affirmeth 50. kings no lesse subiect vnto him than slaues And Frauncis Aluarez writeth that he hath seene the great Chancellour of that countrie scourged starke naked with other Lords as the very slaues of the prince wherein they thinke themselues greatly honoured The Emperour Charles the fift hauing brought vnder his obedience the kingdome of Peru made himselfe soueraigne Lord thereof in regard of goods which the subiects haue not but as they farme them or for terme of life at the most The third kind of Monarchy whereof the Ancients made mention was that of Lacedemonia wherein the king had not absolute power but in time of warre out of the countrie and a certaine preheminence ouer the sacrifices We made mention of their gouernment before The first kings in Rome were sacrificers also and afterward the emperors called themselues Pontifices that is chiefe bishops and those of Constantinople were consecrated as our kings of Frāce are In like maner the Caliphaes of the Sarasins were kings and chiefe bishops in their religion the
passe to the detriment of the realm notwithstanding any letters of commandement whatsoeuer Among other things the king may not alienate his crowne reuenues without some cause knowen to the sayd officers of accounts and to the parliaments And which is more publike treaties with neighbour states edicts and decrees haue no authoritie before they are published in the high courts By which moderation his power is not lessened but made surer more durable and lesse burthensome to his subiects being wholy separated from tiranny which is hated of God and men as we may haue further knowledge by discoursing thereof particularly So that ouer and besides those fiue kindes of monarchies mentioned of vs tiranny may be put for the sixt which we may call that wherein the monarch treading vnder foote the lawes of nature abuseth the libertie of free subiects as if they were slaues and other mens goods as his owne Among the auncients the name of tyrant was honourable and signified nothing else being a Greeke worde but a prince that had gotten the gouernment of the estate with out the consent of his subiects and of a companion had made himselfe a master whether he were a wise and iust prince or cruel and vniust And in deed most of them became wicked to make sure their estate life goods knowing that they were fallen into many mens hatred bicause they had inuaded the soueraigntie In this respect therfore was this dominion rule called tyrannical bicause it gouerned in lord-like maner without right ouer free men compelled and forced to obey But generally we may call that a tirannie when the prince accounteth all his will as a iust law and hath no care either of pietie iustice or faith but doth all things for his owne priuate profite reuenge or pleasure And as a good king conformeth himselfe to the lawes of God and nature so a tyrant treadeth them vnder foote the one striueth to enriche his subiects the other to destroy them the one taketh reuenge of publike iniuries and pardoneth his owne the other cruelly reuengeth iniuries done to himselfe and forgiueth those that are offered to others the one spareth the honour of chaste women the other triumpheth in their shame the one taketh pleasure to be freely admonished and wisely reprooued when he hath done amisse the other misliketh nothing so much as a graue free and vertuous man the one maketh great account of the loue of his people the other of their feare the one is neuer in feare but for his subiects the other standeth in awe of none more than of them the one burtheneth his as little as may be and then vpon publike necessitie the other suppeth vp their bloud gnaweth their bones and sucketh the marrow of his subiectes to satisfie his desires the one giueth estates and offices to meete with briberie and oppression of the people the other selleth them as deare as may bee and careth not for the oppression of his subiectes the one in time of warre hath no recourse but to his subiects the other warreth against none but them the one hath no garde or garrison but of his owne people the other none but of straungers the one reioyceth in assured rest the other languisheth in perpetuall feare the one is honoured in his life tyme and longed for after his death the other is defamed in his lyfe and rent in pieces after his death Examples hereof are in euery mans sight And therefore Diogenes the Sinopian meeting one day in the citie of Corinth with Dionysius the younger tyraunt of Syracusa who was then brought into the estate of a priuate man banished from his countrey and fallen from his dignitie spake thus vnto him Truely Dionysius thou art nowe in an estate vnwoorthie of thee The tyraunt standing still withall made him this answere I like thee well Diogenes bicause thou hast compassion of my miserable fortune What replied the Philosopher doest thou thinke that I pitie thee I am rather grieued to see such a slaue as thou who deseruest to growe olde and to die in that cursed estate of a tyraunt as thy father did to take thy pleasure in suche safetie and to passe away thy tyme freely amongst vs without feare And to say truth tirannie is suche a miserable condition that euen they that practise it and glorie therein are constrained manie tymes to confesse with their owne mouth that no kinde of life is so wretched as theirs This selfe tyrant Dionysius when hee was in the greatest glorye of his estate declared as much to Democles one of his familiar friendes who had sayd that he was most happie Wilt thou quoth Dionysius to him enjoy my felicitie but for one day onely Whereunto when Democles agreed hee caused him to be serued at the table as himselfe was woont to be with all the magnificence that could be deuised hanging in the meane while a sworde right ouer his head which was tied to the roofe aloft onely by one haire of a horse taile When Democles perceiued that he was well contented to make a short dinner and to passe away the rest of the day in his former estate Loe quoth the tyraunt then vnto him how happie our life is which with all our armed garde hangeth but by a little threed Moreouer the raigne of tyraunts beyng without measure and reason and guided onely by violence cannot be of any long continuaunce This is that which Thales the wise man sayde that there was nothing so straunge or rare as an olde tyrant And albeit they liue miserablie in perpetuall distrust of euery one yea of their neerest kindred yet their ende is more wretched For there were fewe of them that died not a cruell and extraordinarie death most of them being slayne and murdered and others persecuted with straunge griefes died like mad and desperate men through the remembraunce of their corrupt life and of the cruelties which they had committed In auncient time tyrannie was so detestable that euen scholers and women sought to winne the reward of honour by killing tyraunts as Aristotle the Logitian did who slew a tyraunt of Sycionia and as Thebe who killed hir husband Alexander tyrannt of the Phereans Thirtie tyraunts were slayne in one day in the Citie of Athens by Theramenes Thrasibulus and Archippus who had but three-score and tenne men to execute that enterprise Leander tyraunt of Cyrena was taken aliue and being sewed into a leather bagge was cast into the sea Aristodemus tyraunt of Cumes tooke Xenocrita by force beyng a wealthie citizens daughter whome he had banished and keeping hir with him as his wife shee stirred vp Thymoteles and others to recouer the libertie of their countrey who beyng safelie let into the tyrants chamber by hir slew Aristodemus Besids the auncientes had appoynted great rewardes and recompences for the murderers of tyrauntes namelie titles of Nobilitie of Prowesse of Chiualrie images and honourable titles to bee shorte the goodes
he communicateth his waightiest affaires as they fall out and determineth with them of such principall matters as were deliberated of before in the priuie councell and in the councell of the treasurie if they be such as deserue to bee brought thither In the secret councell the letters of princes of embassadors of gouernors and captains are opened resolutions and matters agreed vpon are commended to the Secretaries of the estate gifts rewards granted with the rolles and records thereof letters and commaundements signed with the kings hand The priuie councell is compounded of diuers great personages called thereunto by his maiestie either for the nobilitie of their bloud and greatnes of their house or for their woorthines wisedom knowledge and experience who haue places and deliberatiue voyces in the councell as long as it pleaseth him Sometime the king sitteth among them when any great matter is in question in his absence the first prince of the bloud is President The Constable and Chancellour two chiefe officers of the crowne haue great authoritie therein the one being principall of warre the other of iustice They sit on each side in equall degree being alwayes one right before another This councel is held either for matters belonging to the treasurie or for other things concerning state-affaires of the kingdom and then none enter therein but the Secretaries of the estate the Treasurer of the priuie treasure the Ouer-seers of the treasures appointed to take knowledge of the leuying and laying out of money and the Secretaries belonging to the same or else it is held for parties that is for the affaires of iustice depending of the soueraigntie Then the maisters of the Requests seruing in their turns enter therin who bring in requests informations suites called thither by Iniunctiōs and other waightie matters which the king hath reserued to his owne knowledge or such as cannot be decided else where Somtimes also the parties themselues are heard or else they speake by Aduocates This is greatly to be commended therein that euery one that hath entrie into the councell although peraduenture he hath neither deliberatiue voyce nor place may bring in any mans request aduertise the councell of that which is profitable for the Common-wealth that order may be taken for the same And many times their counsell is first demaunded then the aduice of the counsellours of estate so that the greatest lordes giue their opinion last to the end that freedom of speech may not be taken away by the authoritie of the princes especially of factious and ambitious men who neuer suffer any contradictions but against their wils By this means also they that haue consulting voyces onely prepare the way and make it easie for them that haue deliberatiue voyces to conclude of matters and many times furnish the councell with good and forceable reasons and if they erre at any time they are brought backe againe by the residue without ielousie This priuie councel deliberateth finally determineth vnder the soueraigne will of the king of the complaints of priuate men in matters concerning the estate of the suites of towns and prouinces iudgeth of the appeales made from Parliaments considereth vpon extraordinary dayes of the decrees of Parliaments concerning their order discipline how it is kept dealeth with the transporting of wheate of wines also with all marchandises either brought in or caried out of the realme and with the impostes laid vpon them taketh order for the currant and finenesse of money hath regard to the demaines of the crowne to lones and taxes and other reuenues of the king and to the chief customs prolonging their yeeres abating the rentes of Farmers or discharging thē altogither taking knowledge of their cause and of former informations ioyning therewith the aduise of the Treasurers of the Generals of those charges All matters whatsoeuer being agreed vpon appointed to take effect must be signed by one Secretarie at the least and somtimes also by one of the masters of Requests before it be sealed by the Chauncellor who ouerlooketh and examineth narrowly all matters concluded vpon which maketh his authoritie very great somtimes odious The great councell which at the first institution therof was seldom imploied but about state-affairs was made an ordinarie court of 17. counsellors by Charles the 8. and Lewes the 12. made it vp 20. besides the Chancellour who was President of that court but vnder king Francis another President was appointed This coūcell had the knowledge of extraordinarie causes by way of commission sent from the priuie councell and ordinarily of appellations made from the Marshal of the kings house The court of Parliament was the Senate of France in old time and erected by Lewes the yong according to the truest opinion to giue aduise to the king in which twelue Peeres were established so that the name of the court of Peeres remaineth with it to this day But Phillip the faire made it an ordinarie court and granted vnto it iurisdiction and seat at Paris but tooke from it the knowledge of state-affaires For as we haue alreadie declared there are no counsellors of estate amongst all the magistrates of Fraunce but those that are ordinarie of the priuie councel But besides the councels specified by vs Princes haue alwayes had a strict councel of two or three of the dearest and trustiest about them wherin the resolution of the aduises and deliberations of other councels is had yea many times of the greatest affaires of the estate before others haue deliberated of them Neuertheles this auncient custome of calling the general estates of the realme togither when they saw it necessarie hath been always obserued by kings and princes Our first progenitours the Gaules before either Romanes or kings ruled ouer them assembled togither out of Aquitane out of the prouince of Narbone of Lyons and of other quarters about the number of threeskore nations to take aduise and counsell of their generall affaires Since that tyme our ancient kings of France haue vsed oftentimes to hold the estates which is the assemblie of all their subiects or of their deputies For to hold the estates is nothing else but when the king communicateth his greatest affaires with his subiects taketh aduise and counsell of them heareth their complaintes and griefes and prouideth for them according to reason This was called in olde time the holding of a Parliament which name it retaineth yet in England and Scotland But at this day the name of Parliament belongeth onely to priuate and particular courtes of Audience consisting of a certaine number of Iudges established by the king in sundry of his Prouinces and the publike and generall courtes of Audience haue taken the name of estates The estates were assembled for diuers causes according as matters were offred either to demaund succour and money of the people or to take order for iustice and for men of warre or for the reuenues of the
children of Fraunce or to prouide for the gouernement of the kingdome or for other matters The kinges sate amongst them and were Presidentes except at one assemblie wherein was debated the noblest cause that euer was namelie to whome the kingdome of Fraunce belonged after the death of Charles the faire whether to his cosin Phillip de Valois or to Edward king of England his brother in lawe King Phillip was not President not beyng at that time king and besides a partie No doubt but the people receiue great benefit by this assemblie of estates For this good commeth vnto them that they may drawe neere to the kings person to make their complaints vnto him to present him their requests and to obtaine remedie and necessary prouision for redresse Whereby we may easily iudge that many who haue written of the duetie of magistrates and such like treatises are greatly deceiued in maintaining this That the estates of the people are aboue the prince which laieth open a gappe to the rebellions of subiects against their soueraign so that this opinion can haue no reason or good ground to leane vpon For if this were true the commō-wealth would not be a kingdom or monarchy but a pure Aristocratie as we haue declared heretofore Yea what shew of reason is there to maintaine this error seeing euery one in particular al in general bowe their knees before the king vse humbly requests supplications which his maiestie receiueth or reiecteth as it seemeth best vnto him But in this case we except a king that is captiue beside himself or in his infancie For that which is thē decreed by the estates is authorized as from the soueraign power of the prince Moreouer we may see what great good commeth to the king by the assemblie of his estates in the first speech which master Michael de l' Hospital Chauncellor of France made at the last assemblie of estates at Orleans Where he confuteth at large their opinion that say that the king after a sort diminisheth his power by taking aduise and counsell of his subiects seeing he is not bound so to doe as also that he maketh himselfe too familiar with them which breedeth contempt and abaseth his roiall dignitie But we may aunswere them as Theopompus king of Sparta did his wife who obiected this vnto him by way of reproch that by bringing in the Ephories and minglyng their gouernement with his he would leaue his authoritie and power lesse to his children than hee receiued it from his predecessours Nay said this Prince vnto hir I will leaue it greater bicause it shall be more assured The Emperour Aurelius sayd as much to his mother bicause hee freely heard euery one Besides as we see that in any great perill of sea or fire kindled to the daunger of publike profite no mans seruice or succour is reiected how base soeuer his calling is so it cannot but be profitable for the Estate when it is threatned with ruine and the affaires therof are of greatest importance to receiue the counsell of all that haue interest therein laying the opinions in the balance rather than the persons from whom they come And hereby the soueraigne maiestie and prudence of a Prince is knowen when he hath both power and skill to waigh and to iudge of their aduice that giue him counsel and to conclude with the soundest not the greatest side But to go forward with that which remaineth let so many as haue this honour to be ordinarie counsellors to Princes remember the saying of Solon the wise That they are not called thither to please and to speake to their liking but to vtter the truth and to giue them good counsell for common safetie that they must bring with them for an assured and certaine foundation of their conference about state-affaires a good intent mooued with reason and iudgement to profite him not with passions or desires of vain-glory of couetousnesse of emulation of any other imperfection that leadeth them to their priuate profite that they must at the entrie of the councell chamber vnclothe themselues of fauour towardes some of hatred towardes others and of ambition in themselues and aime at no other marke than at the honour of God and safetie of the Common-wealth To this ende they must necessarilie be furnished with wisedome iustice and loyaltie As for skill and knowledge although it be requisite in counsellors of estate namely the knowledge of the lawes of histories and of the estate of Common-wealths yet sound iudgement integritie and prudence are much more necessarie Aboue all things they must hold nothing of other Princes and Seignories that may binde them to their seruice And yet now a dayes to receiue a pension of them is so common a matter but very pernitious in any estate that it is growen to a custome Agesilaus would not so much as receiue a letter which the king of Persia wrote vnto him but sayd to his messenger that if the king were friend to the Lacedemonians he need not write particularly to him bicause he would also remaine his friend but if he were their enimie neyther letter nor any thing else should make him for his part otherwise affected To bee short let counsellors of estate learne of Plutarch that it is necessarie for them to be free from all passions and affections bicause in giuing of counsell the mind hath most force towards that wherunto the will is most enclined As for feare danger or threatnings they must neuer stay them from doyng their duetie but let them constantly propound and maintaine that which they iudge to be good and profitable for the Common-wealth We read that the Thasiens making warre with great vehemencie against the Athenians published a decree that whosoeuer counselled or spake at any time of concluding a peace between them should die the death Within a while after one of the citizens considering what great hurt his countrey receiued by that warre came one day into the assembly of the people with a halter about his necke and cried with a loud voyce that he was come thither to deliuer the Common-wealth by his death that they should put him to death when they would and that for his part he gaue them counsell to abrogate that law and to make peace which was done and he pardoned Considius a Romane Senatour would neuer be from the Senate no not when Caesar ruled all by violence and did what pleased him and when none of the other Senatours came any more through feare of his force And when Caesar asked him how he durst be there alone to stand against him bicause quoth he my age taketh all feare from me For hauing from hence forward such a short time to liue in I am not greatly carefull to saue my life If kings did correct all those that giue them ill counsell as Solyman did one of his Bassaes who was his kinsman they would not so readily
to vsurpe kingdomes empires This reason brought in the Ostracisme amongst the Atheniās which was a banishmēt for a time wherby they brought downe them that seemed to exceed in greatnes This they vsed as Plutarke reherseth against Themistocles Aristides and other excellent men fearing least their authoritie credite and good will of all men should procure them a kingly power with the chaunge of their popular gouernment Many kings and princes that had some of their friends and seruaunts too great were themselues or their children ouerthrowen by them afterward Tyberius making Seian too mightie Commodus Perennius Theodosius the second Eutropus Iustinian Bellisarius Xerxes Artaban were in danger of their estate The vnmeasurable authoritie of the Maiors of the palace and of the Constables chaunged the crowne of France from the race of Clouts to that of Charles Martel and vpon the same occasion it was afterward taken from that line and transferred to another Contempt also is another cause greatly to be feared in euery estate and Monarchie as that which oftentimes breedeth their change and ouerthrow It is very daungerous in two considerations especially first when some are contemned and excluded from publique offices and dignities which they deserue and yet see them wholy in the power and disposition of some particular men Whereupon both the one and the other are mooued to sedition the contemned persones through enuie and desire of reuenge they that haue the great charges in their handes through contempt of the others whome they seeke vtterly to exclude and to driue them further off from all publique honours and authorities Secondly contempt is verie pernitious when inferiours contemne their superiours They are commonly despised that haue neither vertue courage nor fortitude that are not able to profite themselues or others that are not laborious painfull nor any manner of way carefull Where contempt is there no obedience is to be had This maketh the sonne disobedient to the father the wife to the husband the learner to the teacher the seruant to the maister The opinion of prudence iustice constancie knowledge goodnes modestie and of other vertues nourisheth and preserueth the obedience of subiects towards their Princes and the contrarie vices prouoke them to rebellion Therefore as policies prosper when they are gouerned by prudent iust constant valiant and moderate men so they are troubled with seditions through the ignorance cowardlines and intemperancie of Princes or else when they are too familiar with their inferiors or when they are suddenly lift vp from base estate or seem too aged or too yong or poore or miserable all which things breede contempt Wherefore this is set downe as a good rule to preserue the estate of a Monarchy That the Prince must procure to himselfe loue without the contempt or hatred of any if it may be For the obtaining whereof there is no better way than the iust distribution of rewardes The Princes and Lords of France bicause they were contemned by king Lewes the 11. who had none about him nor fauoured any but men of lowe and base estate gaue him battell at Montlhery whereof the battel hath euer since retained the name to the great perill of the Estate and danger of the kings life if he had not appeased the indignation and furie of the said Princes and Lords by his great prudence and policie Moreouer too much encrease and vnproportionable growth is one cause that procureth the change and ruine of Common-wealths For as the bodie is made and compounded of parts and ought to grow by proportion that it may keep a iust measure so euery Common-wealth beeing compounded of orders or estates as it were of parts they must be maintained in concord one with another by equall and due proportion obserued betweene each of them For if one Estate be aduanced too much aboue another dissention ariseth As long as the three Orders and Estats at Rome namely the Senators the Knights the people were caried proportionably their policie flourished but after they dealt one against another through enuie ambition couetousnes diuisions and part-takings began This caused many to commend equalitie so much calling it the nursing mother of peace amitie betweene subiects and contrariwise inequalitie the beginning of all enmities factions hatred part-taking But seeing it is meete that in euery well established policie there should be a difference of rights and priuiledges betwixt euery estate equalitie may continue if carefull prouision be made that one Estate go not too much before the other The impunitie of offences is one cause also from whence seditions and ciuill warres proceede yea it is a matter of very great waight and yet men make least account therof We spake of it before but we must of necessitie often rub vp the remembrance thereof as the wise Hebrew doth by repeating so many times that admonition that we should not be suretie for another not that he forbiddeth charitie towardes the poore but that none should be a meanes to let the wicked escape vnles he will beare the punishment himselfe This is that word which God sent to king Achab after he had saued the life of Benhadad king of Syria that he made himselfe a pledge for another man by suffering the wicked to liue and therefore that it should cost him his life Hitherto we haue seene how the couetousnes of Princes the ambition or desire of honour in priuate men iniurie and reproch feare in the guiltie excesse of authoritie and wealth contempt ouer-great encrease or aduancement without proportion and lastly impunitie of offences procure commonly seditions in Estates and Monarchies Besides all these extreame pouertie and excesse of wealth idlenes and want of feare of the forraine enimie as we haue else-where declared change of Princes and lawes too great licence of seditious Orators and Preachers the naturall disposition of places where men are borne which maketh them more inclined to commotions and seditions as Historiographers haue noted of Genes Florence and Flanders with many other things may be said to be causes of ciuill warres of alterations changes and ruine of Estats and Policies Among which we note that shame is sometime a cause of change in the gouernment of Common-wealths but it is without tumult or sedition Thus it fell out in Herea a towne of Arcadia which was gouerned popularly where men of no account were elected Magistrates by others like themselues whereupon beeing mocked they changed their manner of election into chusing by lot that so they might haue a more lawefull excuse There was seene not long since in the Councell of France such a number of Maisters of Requests and of Secretaries of the Treasure that very shame caused them to be sent away bicause it was not meete to entreat of great and waightie matters before such a multitude Negligence likewise breedeth the change and ouerthrow of a politike Estate There
are two sortes of negligence the one in those that call chuse or receiue into any great office such men as are vnwoorthie and care not for their charges or that suffer such persons to ascend to the chiefest places of Magistracie that are enimies to that forme of Common-wealth as if the chiefe men in Bearne shoulde chuse an Auoyer which office is contrarie to their manner of liuing or if the Venetians should chuse a Duke or the Cardinals a Pope that were not of their religion or if the King of Fraunce should create a Constable or Chancellour that liked not a Royall and Monarchicall Estate The other kinde of negligence which is much more common is in them that are called to a dignitie office or Magistracie and shewe them-selues retchles in that administration and exercise as we see that moste Bishops and Prelats neglect the dutie of their charges to imploie or bestowe their tyme in worldlie affaires for which cause they growe into misliking and contempt From hence haue proceeded great offences and maruellous troubles which may more easilye bee lamented than taken away or reformed being such abuses as haue taken deepe roote Moreouer the alteration of policie is bred by other meanes by little and little as when through dissimulation or otherwise men suffer some part albeit neuer so little of the lawe or politike Estate to be cut off Changes seldome fall out all at one time if they are not very violent but for the most part go on by litle and litle as the seasons of the yeere slide away softly from great heates to hard frosts and from the frost and cold of winter to the heate of sommer A lingring feuer afflicteth the patient so easily that he hardly perceiueth himselfe therin but if it be suffered to continue without redresse in due time it will turne to a hectick feuer and so consequently become incurable So fareth it with an Estate and Policie whose authoritie waxeth contemptible and is lost by little and little when men are negligent in preuenting the same in due time He that will consider the alteration happened in France within these thirtie yeeres shall find it to be very great aswell in regard of religion as of manners and lawes which neuertheles came by little and little and so continueth still greatly threatning a change of the estate Heere therefore I will distinguish betweene the chance of lawes customes religion place which is properly but an alteration and the change of an estate which is when the soueraigntie goeth from one into the power of another Dissimilitude also is the cause many times of sedition and of change in the Common-wealth which commeth to passe when the Inhabitants of a place are not of the same nation but many strangers are receiued into it who perceiuing them-selues to be the stronger part haue many times thrust the naturall Citizens out of their towne whereof Aristotle alleadgeth many examples that fell so out in the Grecian cities At Sienna at Genes at Zurick at Cullen the strangers being multiplied draue out the Lords of those places and slew most of them bicause they were ouer-charged with exactions euill entreated and excluded from bearing of offices They of Lindauia slew the Lords of the countrie and changed the Aristocraty into a popular Estate and so did the Inhabitants of Strausborough who hated the Nobilitie in such sort that they would not suffer any of them to enioy the great estates and publike charges vnles he prooued that his grandfather was one of the baser sort of the people These examples mooue naturall Inhabitants many times to ouer-runne strangers when they see the number of them waxe ouer-great amongst them One example heereof we may note in the citie of Geneua into which when many strangers aswell Frenchmen as others retired for religion the naturall Citizens could neuer brooke them although they were very profitable to the citie making it rich and populous whereas before it was poore and smally inhabited but conspired many times to driue them out as namely that conspiracie of one Perin in the yeere 1556. which began to be put in execution when Caluine ranne into the midst of their naked swords to appease the tumult as Beza writeth in his life The same feare mooued Pharaoh when he sawe the Hebrewes encrease ouer-fast amongst his subiects to decree that the Midwiues should from that time forward kill the male children at their birth Now in receiuing of strangers regard must be had to the number that it be not ouergreat and that their authoritie be not vnmeasurable For otherwise it is necessarie for trafficke sake and for many other publike commodities that some be receiued of others Many other kinds of dissimilitude are found in common-wealths as dissimilitude of linage betweene the Nobilitie and common-Common-people of offices betweene Iudges Treasurers Souldiors Priests of professions betweene Lawyers Phisitions Diuines and Philosophers of occupations betweene Bakers Butchers Shooemakers Painters Smithes Carpenters without which dissimilitudes no Common-wealth can consist Therefore they are not to be taken quite away but onely the disorder that groweth amongst them that so they may be reduced to a conuenient agreement like to that which is betweene the diuers parts that are in the constitution of the world of man We may also call a dissimilitude that difference which is of religions as of the Iewes Christians Mahomists Caphrans Armenians Grecians Latines Iacobites Ethiopians then betweene the Christians themselues as Catholiks Lutherans Zuinglians and Caluinists Many haue said and are yet of this opinion that the chiefe cause of ciuill warres in France proceedeth from this diuersitie of religion And to say truth there is nothing that carieth men away with such vehement passions as zeale of religion for which they fight more willingly thā for their liues goods wiues and children Through the diuersitie heereof they that are neerest of kinne loose their naturall loue they that are of the same country and language persecute one another as mortall enimies and sundry nations abhorre one another for the same These things are too well knowne amongst vs to require proofs thereof And truly in respect of sedition and tumult nothing is more dangerous than for subiects to be diuided in opinion whether it be in matters of estate or of lawes and customs or for religion For if they be of diuers opinions some labour for peace and seeke to make others agree vnto it who wil neuer agree amongst themselues And in truth it is a very hard matter to maintaine publike exercises of any religion whatsoeuer when it is contrary to the religion of the people or of the most of them who many times cannot be kept within compasse neither by lawes nor Magistrats vnlesse the force appointed to keepe them in bee very great For we saw that Thomas Emperour of Constantinople was cruelly slaine by the people amidst a great congregation in the Church bicause he
he hinder publike benefit and hurt the estate it is not to be called right any longer as Appius Claudius said speaking of the authoritie of the Tribunes among the people of Rome And it is a point of true and naturall prudence sometime to giue place to the times but to necessitie always A good Pilote neuer opposeth himselfe wilfully against a tempest but striketh saile and keepeth himselfe still then waighing his anchors he floteth safely vpon the waues which not long before were swollen and lift vp to drowne him If a man striue against a tempest and against heauen doth he not euen blindfold cast himselfe downe headlong and as it were desperately seeke his owne destruction Now if all these things hetherto mentioned by vs be diligently obserued there is no doubt God prospering all but that the preseruation of Estates and Monarchies with good remedies to keepe them from trouble and sedition will follow after Of the Harmonie and agreement that ought to be in the dissimilitude or vnlike callings of subiects by reason of the duetie and office of euery estate Chap. 66. ACHITOB WE saw before my companions that a citie or ciuill company is nothing else but a multitude of men vnlike in estates or conditions which communicate togither in one place their artes occupations workes and exercises that they may liue the better are obedient to the same lawes and magistrates We learned also that of such a dissimilitude an harmonicall agreement ariseth by due proportion of one towards another in their diuers orders estates euen as the harmonie in musicke consisteth of vnequall voyces or sounds agreeing equally togither I am of opinion therefore that to prouoke euery one particularly to seeke after and to practise this apt agreement we are to consider seuerally of all the principall partes that are in a politike body well ordered and to handle the seuerall dutie and office of euery one of them But I leaue the discourse of this matter to you ASER. As there is but one Lord one faith one Baptisme one God and father of all which is aboue all and through all and in vs all so all that beleeue in him ought to be one and to haue but one hart and one soule euery one referring his giftes and graces to the exercise of perfect charitie AMANA Oh how happy a thing is it to see one flock guided vnder one God and one king in one religion and policie Although they be many mēbers yet they make but one bodie of which euery one hath a like care But let vs heare ARAM discourse at large vpō that which is here propounded vnto vs. ARAM. As we see that in the body of this vniuersall frame there is as the Philosophers say matter forme priuation simplicitie mixture substaunce quantitie action and passion and that the whole world being compounded of vnlike elements of earth water ayre and fire is notwithstanding preserued by an Analogie and proportion which they haue togither and as we see in a mans body head hands feete eyes nose eares in a house the husband wife children master seruaunts in a politike body magistrates nobles common people artificers and that euery body mingled with heate cold drie and moyst is preserued by the same reason of analogie and proportion which they haue togither So is it in euery common-wealth well appointed and ordred which consisting of many and sundry subiects is maintained by their vnitie being brought to be of one consent wil and to communicate their works artes and exercises together for common benefit profit For euery one is best in his own arte neither can all men do all things And if it be a very hard matter to bee excellent in any one vocation it is impossible to excel in al to exercise them duly Now we say that sixe things are necessarily required to frame a happy citie ciuil societie namely sacrifices iudgements armes riches artes and Aliments vnto which sixe things and works six sortes of men are answerable Pastors magistrates nobles burgesses artificers and husbandmen Therfore to begin the particular handling of the dutie office of these callings and that as briefly as I can we are first to note that neuer any nation in all the world was so barbarous or so farre estranged from ciuilitie that did not acknowledge and adore some diuine nature and vse some kind of sacrifices and so consequently that had not some priests to exercise them some proper ceremonies Aristotle in his Politikes saith expresly that it is a necessary thing to haue priests in euery city to take care of the worship of the gods and of sacrifices Euery worke that we do saith Augustine to be ioyned neerer to God by a holy societie is a sacrifice There are three general sorts of sacrifices the first is the sacrifice of the soule which we offer to God by contrition deuotion contemplation and prayer the second is of the body which we offer to God by fasting abstinence or by suffring martyrdom to maintain his law iustice and truth The third sacrifice is of outward goods whē we offer them vnto him in the works of charitie according to his holy ordinance So that if sacrifices and priests always took place among the Barbarians much more careful ought they to be to maintaine this diuine mysterie that adore and perfectly know God And as men haue liued vnder three lawes the law of Nature the written law and the law of Grace so there were sacrifices and priests vnder euery one of them Melchizedech liued vnder the law of Nature Aaron vnder the written lawe and vnder the law of Grace vnder which we liue at this present Iesus Christ that great and eternall Priest and Sacrificer who hath offered himselfe a sacrifice for our redemption and hath left vs his disciples and Apostles and their successours to be our pastors in the guiding of our soules vnder his Testament and new couenaunt which is the infallible rule of his holy and iust will Therefore let them that boast that they are called of God to such an excellent charge looke to discharge themselues faithfully by teaching the truth and leading a life agreeable to their doctrine Otherwise if they sit in the chaire of pestilence as Dauid speaketh let them looke for a horrible iudgement of God vpō their soules when he shall say vnto them by way of reproch that in this world they sate in their pōtificall seates as the Scribes and Pharisies did long since in the chaire of Moses Their watchmen saith Esay speaking of euil pastors are all blinde they haue no knowledge they are dumbe dogs they cannot barke they lie and sleepe and delight in sleeping These greedie dogs can neuer haue enough these sheep-heards cannot vnderstand for they all looke to their owne way euery one for his aduantage for his owne purpose But contrarywise A Pastor saith Saint Paule must be
the guiding of them be giuen to good vertuous and expert Captaines ledde onely with a desire to doe their dutie to their King and Countrie this kingdome will be feared of strangers and without feare it selfe of their assaults and enterprises Especially if in the Prince his absence the soueraigne authoritie of commanding absolutely in the armie be committed into the hands of a Captaine woorthy his charge as we haue discoursed who is able to win the harts of men and to prouoke them to their dutie by liuely and learned reasons as namely That all men must die and therefore that it were too great follie in a man to refuse to die for publike profit which bringeth vnto vs immortall glorie seeing he must once of necessitie yeeld vp his life that a glorious death is alwaies to be preferred before a shamefull life stained with reproch briefly if he can ground his exhortations vpon the occasion of taking armes of time place estate and condition of the enimies and of the good that will come to them if they obtaine the victorie But in all these things the iustice and equitie of the cause of war is that which most of all maketh good men courageous who otherwise neuer ought to fight We may read a million of goodly Orations made in time of warre set forth in one volume with which euery wise and prudent Captaine may helpe himselfe according as occasion is offred Now if that ancient order discipline of which we haue hitherto discoursed and which may be learned more at large in their excellent writings were renued imitated by our armies as the late vse and practise of Armes exercised at this day is apt and fit for the same being more terrible than that of the Ancients who had no gun-powder no doubt but great obedience of souldiors towards their Captaines would arise of it whereas now a daies in steede of commanding they haue nothing left but an humble request to be vsed towards their souldiours who neuertheles turne it into contempt and want of courage But if true obedience were ioined with good order the hope of prosperous successe in our enterprises would be farre greater Nowe when our affaires succeede happily so that wee haue our enimies at aduantage or haue gotten some victorie wee must beware least insolencie blind vs in such sort that trusting to our good happe we goe beyond our bounds and loose the occasion of a certaine and sure benefite through hope of some greater good as yet vncertaine Hannibal after the discomfiture of the Romanes at Cannas sent men to Carthage to carie newes of his victorie and withall to demand a newe supplie Whereupon the Senate was long in deliberating what was to be doone Hannon a prudent old man was of opinion that they were to vse the victorie wisely and to make peace with the Romanes which they might obtain of them with honest conditions and not to expect the hazard of another battell He said that the Carthaginians ought to bee satisfied with this declaration alreadie made to the Romanes that they were such men as could stand against them and therfore seeing they had woonne one victorie of them they should not venture the losse of it in hope of a greater This prudent counsell was not followed although afterwarde the Senate did acknowledge it for the best when that occasion was lost Alexander the Great had already conquered all the East when the Common-wealth of Tyrus being great and mightie bicause the Citie was situated in the water as Venice is and astonished at the greatnes fame of that Monarches power sent their Embassadors vnto him to offer what obedience subiection he would require vpon condition that neither he nor his men would enter into the Citie Alexander disdaining that one citie would shut their gates against him to whō the whole world was open sent them backe again without accepting their offer went thither to pitch his Campe against it After he had continued the siege 4. moneths he thought with himself that one onely Towne would shorten his glorie more than all his other conquests had done before wherupon he purposed to try an agreement by offering that vnto them which thēselues had required before But then the Tyrians were waxen so lustie and bold that they did not only refuse his proffers but also executed as many as came to conclude with them Whereupon Alexander being mooued with indignation caused an assault to be made with such heate and violence that he tooke and sacked the towne put some of the Inhabitants to the edge of the swoord and made the residue seruants and slaues Agreement and composition is alwaies to be preferred before continuance of warre And howsoeuer a man may seeme to be assured and as it were certaine of the victorie yet ought he to doubt the vncertaintie of humane things That courageous and valiant Hannibal being called out of Italy by his Countriemen to succour them against the Romaines by whome they were besieged when his armie was yet whole demanded peace of them before he would enter into battel bicause he saw that if he lost it he brought his Countrie into bondage What then ought another to do that hath lesse vertue and experience than he But men fall into the error of vnmeasurable hope vpon which staying them selues without further consideration they are ouerthrowne Sometimes when we contemne our enimie too much and bring him into a desperat estate we make him more venturous to vndertake and violent to execute any dangerous matter Despaire said Tubero is the last but the strongest assault and a most inuincible tower For this cause the ancient Romane Captaines were very diligent and carefull to lay all kind of necessitie to fight vpon their men and to take it from their enimies by opening vnto them passages to escape which they might haue shut vp against them K. Iohn bicause he would not make peace with the English host which desired to escape onely with life was taken and caried prisoner into England and his armie consisting of fortie or fiftie thousand men was discomfited by ten thousand Englishmen some say more some lesse Gaston de Foix hauing woonne the battell at Rauenna and following after a squadron of Spaniards that fled lost his life and made all that a praie vnto the enimie which he had conquered before in Italy Ancient histories are full of such examples and namely of small armies that ouercame those that were great and mightie Darius against Alexander Pompey against Casar Hannibal against Scipio Marcus Antonius against Augustus Mithridates against Sylla had greater forces without comparison than their enimies Therefore good Traian said that to accept of warre to gather a great number of men to put them in order to giue battell appertaineth to men but to giue victorie was the worke of God onely so that great armies preuaile but litle against the wrath of the Highest If
according to his will that he may enioy prosperitie in this world and eternall felicitie in the blessed life to come Let him be taught to loue vertue as the only good and to hate vice as the onely euil let him know that the one is folowed no lesse with shame and dishonor than the other with glory and honor especially in a prince in whom if vertue take place as it were in a high watch-tower it shineth so cleerely that the brightnes thereof remaineth long after his death As for all worldly pompe antiquitie of petigree images and riches they are but meere vanitie and folly not woorthie to be cared for or to be admired by a vertuous prince Let him be perswaded that dignitie greatnes and maiestie are not to be sought after by the helpe of fortune or by humane means but by wisdome integritie of life maners and by vertuous and noble deeds Plato saith not without cause that a Common-wealth will neuer be happie vntill princes play the Philosophers or Philosophers take the rudder of the Empire in hand Now his meaning is not to cal him a Philosopher that is learned in Logike in naturall Philosophie and in the Mathematicks but him who with an vntamed hart despiseth the vaine shadowes of things and followeth after true goods A philosopher and a Christian differ but in name and a prince wel instructed in piety is truly both the one and the other Therefore he ought to learne nothing sooner next to the law of God than the morall philosophie of the auncients which teacheth all vertue Is there any thing more foolish than to esteeme highly of a prince if he vaute well if he play well at tennise if he be stoute and strong briefly if he be cunning in some things which peraduenture a peasant would doe better than he and in the meane while he is puffed vp with pride he polleth his people and sporteth himselfe in all kind of dissolutenesse and pleasure What honor is it for a prince to go farre beyond the common sort in precious stones gold purple traine of seruants and in other ornaments of the body and in euery thing that is falsly called good and in the meane while to be farre inferior in the true goods of the soule to many of his people and those of lowest calling These opinions as holy and inuiolable lawes must bee ingrauen in the hart of a young prince and must bee as it were the first lines that are to be drawen in the voide table of his soule namely that he must striue that none excell him in the goods of the soule in wisdome magnanimitie temperance and iustice Frugalitie modestie and sobrietie in other men may be attributed either to pouertie or to niggardlines but in a prince they cannot but be a note of tēperance I meane when he vseth goods modestly who hath as much as he will Ancient men called that prudence miserable which was gottē by the experience of things bicause it is bought with publike losse calamity But such kind of experience ought to be farthest off from a Prince bicause the longer it is a learning the greater cause is it of many euils vnto al his people If Scipio Africanus had reason to say that this speech I had not thought it did not beseem a wise man how much more vnseemely is it for a Prince who cannot vtter the same without his great harme and greater to the Common-wealth For as in a voiage the fault of a common Mariner saide Agapetus doth but little hurte whereas the slip of a Pilot bringeth shipwracke so in monarchies the offence of a priuate man is more hurtfull to himselfe than to the Common-wealth but if the prince begin to faile he hurteth euery one This is the cause why the mind of a prince must especially be instructed with good resolutions sentences to the end he may be skilfull by reason and not by vse For then the counsel of aged men will supply that experience of things which is wanting in him He must be giuen to vnderstand that his life is in the face of all the world that he can do nothing that will be hid and therfore if he be good it must needs turne to the great benefit of many if wicked to their hurt likewise bicause the prince is always the very portrature after which subiects conforme themselues He must know that the greater honour is giuen vnto him the more he is to striue that he may be woorthie of it looking more to his owne doyngs and actions than to the prayses that men giue him which he must beleeue and receiue according as he behaueth himselfe For if hee rule well they are due vnto him if ill he is honoured and praised either through constraint or of flatterie or els it is to shew him vnder hand what he ought to bee Let him know that as God hath placed the Sunne and the Moone in the heauens for a resemblaunce of his diuinitie so a prince is the like representation and light in a kingdome as long as he hath the feare of GOD and the obseruation of iustice imprinted in him For these two things make their life diuine and celestiall that are placed in high degree of power and authoritie as contrarywise the contempt of pietie and iustice maketh it beast-like and sauage As God the giuer of all things standeth not in neede of any mans seruice to receiue a good turne of him so it is the dutie of a worthie prince who representeth the figure of the eternall king to profite euery one with-out respect of his owne commoditie and glory As God is not touched with any affections or passions but ruleth and gouerneth all thinges perfectly by his prouidence so after his example a prince laying aside the perturbations of his soule must follow reason onely in all his dooings As there is nothing more common than the sunne which imparteth of hir light to all the celestiall bodies so a Prince must be alwaies readye to profite the Common-wealth and haue within him the light of wisedome to the end that if others loose their brightnes yet he may neuer be ouertaken with darknes As the Sunne when it is highest in the Zodiacke mooueth slowest so the higher that a Prince is lift vp in greatnes and authoritie the more gentle and gratious he ought to be keeping himselfe from dooing any thing that beseemeth not a Prince Therefore let him thinke that nothing is more vile and abiect than for him that is called a king and Prince of free men to become a slaue to riot choler couetousnes ambition other vices of like qualitie which are most vile and cruell maisters He must be so affected towards his subiects as a good father of a familie is towards those of his houshold bicause a kingdome is nothing els but a great familie and a king the father of a great many For although he passe them in greatnes and
authoritie yet he is of one and the same kind with them a man commanding men and free ouer those that are free not ouer beasts or slaues as Aristotle saith very well And if he would haue that excellent title which we giue to God the Prince of all men calling him Our father he must procure it not by threatnings and feare but by good deedes by meekenes and humanitie which will stand him in steede of a sure Gard to preserue his estate For the loue and loialtie of his subiects will greatly encrease thereby of which the assurance of Monarchies dependeth When the nobilitie and common-people vse to feare not him but for his sake that commandeth them then he seeth with many eies heareth with many eares and perceiueth a farre off whatsoeuer is done Let the Prince haue this saying of Plutarke alwaies engrauen in his soule That nothing heere below pleaseth God more or draweth neerer to his diuine nature than to rule well in all iustice and equitie which is the chiefest charge of his vocation and that vnto which he is straightly bound in respect of his subiects For as the subiect oweth obedience aide and reuerence to his Lord so the Prince oweth iustice defence and protection to his subiects When a Prince sheweth himselfe vpright indifferent and true of his word to all it is the greatest felicitie that can happen to a Common-wealth and that which crowneth the Monarch thereof with greater glorie and honour And truly a Prince ought to be more carefull to obtaine that praise and reputation which proceedeth of goodnes and vertue than that which commeth of strength and power For as the diuine nature vnto which kings must endeuour to conforme their woorks and actions excelleth all other essences and natures chiefly in three things that is in immortalitie power and goodnes so a Prince must striue to excell his subiects not so much in the immortalitie of his name or in power as in goodnes which vertue is certainly much more venerable and draweth neerest to the diuinitie For to be incorruptible and immortall the fower Elements and the whole frame are indued with that qualitie as naturall Philosophers maintaine And as for strength and power earthquakes lightnings tempestuous whirlewinds flouds and inundations of waters are full of force and might but nothing is partaker of iustice vprightnes and equitie except it be diuine and that by the meanes of reason and vnderstanding So that as the same Plutark saith we only are capeable of that Good of vertue that commeth from God To be short let the Prince be diligently taught whilest he is yoong and labour to knowe how he may adorne his name with works answerable to those excellent Epithits and titles wherewith Iulius Pollux who was gouernour to the Emperour Commodus in his yoong yeeres setteth foorth a good king He calleth him Father gentle acceptable mercifull prudent iust curteouus noble-minded free a contemner of monie not subiect to passions but commanding ouer himselfe one that ouercommeth pleasures and vseth reason quicke of iudgement sharpe prouident good in counselling iust sober godly and full of good religion carefull ouer the welfare of men constant firme no deceiuer minding great things decked with authoritie industrious a quicke dispatcher of affaires carefull ouer those whome he commandeth a Sauiour ready to do good slow to reuenge alwaies one and the same without turning aside inclining greatly to iustice easie to haue accesse vnto curteous in speech gentle to them that haue to deale with him plaine a louer of vertuous and valiant men who neuertheles are not desirous of warre a louer of peace a peace-maker a precise obseruer thereof borne to correct the manners of people skilfull in discharging the dutie of a king and Prince hauing knowledge to make good lawes borne to profit euery one and of a diuine forme A Prince of noble birth shall feele himselfe greatly prouoked to desire and seeke after these excellent gifts and graces through the consideration of examples propounded vnto him concerning the liues deeds of so many famous and woorthy men as are at this day after innumerable ages reuiued againe by meanes of histories And it cannot be but he will be greatly pricked forward to conforme himselfe vnto them thereby to giue like occasion to good wits to write singe and publish his praises What Prince will not burne with a iealous desire of vertue when he heareth that the onely fame thereof in the person of Scipio Africanus allured and rauished theeues and robbers with such an admiration that when they vnderstood that he was in a house far from any towne they did beset it round and as he stood in his defence to driue them away they threw downe their weapons assuring him that they came thither onely to see and to reuerence him as in deed they did What prince will not be possessed with ioy when he heareth that Menander king of the Bactrians was so beloued of his subiects for his iustice and vertue that after his death the cities were in great contention which of them should haue the honor of his buriall for the appeasing of ẇhich strife order was taken that each of them should make a tombe Who wil not be mooued with loue towards the goodnes of Traian Emperour of the Romanes when he heareth his Panegyricall Oration wherein Plinie after he had extolled him to heauen concludeth thus That the greatest happines which could come to the Empire was that the Gods tooke example by the life of Traian Who will not desire the honour that king Agesilaus receiued when he was fined by the Ephoryes bicause he had stolne away the harts and wonne the loue of all his Citizens to himselfe alone Who will not wish to haue the surname of Aristides the iust as diuine and royall a title as euer king could obtaine rather than as many vse to be called Conquerours Besiegers Thunderers Briefly vnto these examples oppose the reprehension and marke of perpetuall infamie which histories set vpon euill Princes and it cannot be but that a Prince well brought vp and exercised in the loue and studie of vertue will be very desirous to shew foorth the fruits and effects thereof especially if he be well instructed in the feare of God and knowledge of his dutie whereof he shall haue perfect vnderstanding in the law of God which he is commanded by the soueraigne king of all to haue with him to read in it all the daies of his life and to obey it to the end he may raigne happily in earth and finally in heauen Of the office and dutie of a King Chap. 60. AMANA AVgustus Caesar hearing some rehearse that Alexander the great after he had finished most of his conquests at two and thirtie yeeres of age said that he tooke great care to know what he should do afterward I woonder said this wise Monarch at the speech of that great