They admonished besides the whole Family of the Alberti Ricci and Medici for ten years except only some few Among those of the Alberti which were not admonished Antonio was one being esteemed a quiet and a peaceable man their jealousie of this plot being not yet out oâ—t their heads a Monk happened to be apprehended who had been observed whilst the conspiracy was on foot to have passed many times betwixt Bologna and Florence and he confessed he had frequently brought Letters to Antonio Antonio being taken into custody denied it obstinately at first but being confronted by the Monk and the charge justified against him he was fined in a sum of mony and banished three hundred miles distance from the City and that they might not always be in danger of the Alberti they decreed that none of that Family above 15 years of age should be suffered to continue in the Town These things happened in the year 1400 two years after Giovan Galezo Duke of Milan died whose death as we have said before put an end to a War that had been prosecuted for twelve years After which the Government having extended its authority and all things at quiet both abroad and at home they undertook the enterprize of Pisa which succeeded so well they took the Town very honourably and enjoyed that and the rest very peaceably till the year 1433. Only in the year 1412 the Alberti having transgress'd against the terms of their banishment a new Balia was erected new provisions made for the security of the State and new impositions inflicted upon that Family About this time the Florentines had War likewise against Ladislaus King of Naples which ended in the year 1416 upon the death of that King During the time of the War finding himself too weak he had given the City of Cortona to the Florentines of which he was Lord but afterwards recovering more strength he renewed his War with them and managed it so that it was much more dangerous than the former and had not his death determined it as the other was by the death of the Duke of Milan doubtless he had brought Florence into as great exigence as the Duke of Milan would have done and endangered if not ruined its liberty Nor did their War with this King conclude with less good fortune than the other for when he had taken Rome Sienna la Marka and Romagna and nothing remained but Florence to hinder his passage with his whole force into Lombardy he died so that death was always a true friend to the Florentines and did more to preserve them than all their own conduct or courage could do From the death of this King this City remained at peace both abroad and at home eight years at the end of that term their Wars with Philip Duke of Milan reviv'd their factions which could never be suppressed but with the subversion of the State which had governed from the year 1371 to 1434 with much honour and maintained many Wars with much advantage having added to their Dominion Arezzo Pisa Cortona Livorno and Monte Pulciano and doubtless would have extended it farther had the City been unanimous and the old humours not been rubb'd up and reviv'd as in the next book shall be more particularly related THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE Book IV. ALL Cities especially such as are not well constituted under the Titles of Common Wealths do sometime or other alter their Government yet not as many think by means of Liberty and Subjection but by occasion of servitude and licentiousness for only the name of Liberty is pretended by popular Persons such as are the instrument of licentiousness and servitude is sought for by those that are Noble neither of them both desiring to be restrain'd either by Laws or any thing else Nevertheless when it does happen as it happens but seldom that a City has the good fortune to produce and advance some Wise Honest and Potent Citizen by whom the Laws may be so order'd that the humors and emulations betwixt the Nobility and the People if not perfectly compos'd may be yet so well circumscrib'd and corrected that they may be check'd from breaking forth to its prejudice Then it is That City may be call'd free and that State pronounce it self durable for being founded upon good Laws and Orders at first it has not that necessity of good Men to maintain it Of such Laws and Principles many Common Wealths were antiently constituted and continued a long time Others have wanted and do still want them which has frequently occasion'd the variation of the Government from Tyranny to licentiousness and from licentiousness to Tyranny for by reason of the powerful animosities in all of them it is not nor can be possible they should be of any duâ—ation one disgusting the Good and the other the Wise. One doing mischief with ease and the other good with difficulty in this the insolent have too much Authority in another the sots and therefore it is convenient that both one and the other be supported and maintained by the fortune and Valour of some Eminent Man though he may be taken from them by Death or made unserviceable by misfortune I say therefore that Government which flourished in Florence from the death of Giorgio Scali which fell out in the year 1381 was supported first by the conduct of Muso di gli Albizi and afterwards by Nicolo Uzano This City from the year 1414 till the end of the 22 remain'd quiet King Ladisâ—ans being dead and Lombardy divided into several Cantons so that neither abroad nor at home had they the least cause of apprehension The next Citizens in Authority to Nicolo Uzano were Bartolmeo Valori Nerone de Nigi Rinaldo de gli Albizi Neri di Gino and Lapo Nicolini The factions which sprung from the animosity betwixt the Albizi and the Ricci which were with so much mischief reviv'd afterward by Salvestro de Medici could never be extinguish'd and although that which was most generally succour'd prevailed but three years and was afterwards depress'd yet the greatest part of the City had imbib'd so much of their humor as could never be wrought out True it is the frequent exprobrations and constant persecutions of the heads of that party from the year 1381 to 1400 had almost brought them to nothing The first Families which were persecuted as the chief of that faction were the Alberti Ricci and Medici who were rob'd of their Men as well as their Money and if any of them continued in the City their imployments and dignities were most certainly taken from them which usage had indeed debas'd that party and almost consum'd it However the memory of the injuries receiv'd and a secret desire of being reveng'd lay close in the Hearts of many of them and having no opportunity to show it they kept it private to themselves Those of the Popular Nobility who govern'd the City so quietly committed two errours which were the ruine of their Government
miles of him The Duke finding the Enemy upon his back quite contrary to his expectation perceived there was no remedy but he must fight or run away so that forced and constrained lest otherwise he should do a thing unworthy of a King's Son he resolved to fight turned upon the Enemy and each of them having put their Army into order according to the discipline of those times they fell to it and the battle continued from morning to noon and was fought with more courage than any in Italy for fifty years before there dying on the one side and the other above a thousand Men the end of which fight was very honorable for the Church for their infantry being numerous so galled the Dukes Horse that they were forced to turn tail and the Duke had been taken had he not been rescued by some Turks which upon the delivery of Otronto took pay under him Roberto having gained so absolute a Victory returned triumphantly to Rome but he enjoyed the pleasure of it but little for in the heat of the battle having drunk a great quantity of cold water he put himself into a flux and died not many days after his body being interred by his Holiness with all imaginable ceremony The Pope having gained this Victory he sent the Count towards Castello to try if he could recover it for Lorenzo and what he could do upon Rimina for after the death of Robert there being only one Child left in the tuition of his Lady he thought it might be no hard matter to get into that Town and doubtless he had succeeded had not that Lady been assisted by the Florentines who opposed him so happily that he could do nothing against Rimino nor Castello Whilst these things were in agitation in Romagna and Rome the Venetians had taken Figarolo and passed the Po with their Army the Duke of Milan's and the Marquess his Army being in no small disorder upon the death of the Count d' Urbino who falling ill was removed to Bologna and died there so that the Marquesses affairs began to decline and the Venetians had great hopes of becoming Masters of Ferrara On the other side the Florentines and King of Naples used all possible art to bring the Pope over to their party but not being able to do it by force they threatned him with a Counsel which the Emperour had pronounced already should be held at Basil. Whereupon by persuasion of his Embassadors at Rome and the chief of the Cardinals who were very desirous of peace the Pope was constrained and began to hearken to the peace and tranquillity of Italy and for fear the Grandeur of the Venetians should be the ruine of that Country he became inclinable to the League and sent his Nuncii to Naples where a peace was concluded for five years betwixt the Pope King of Naples and Florentines reserving a certain time for the Venetians if they pleased to come in Which being done the Pope sent to the Venetians to desist in their War against Ferrara but the Venetians were so far from complying they reinforced their Army and pursued it with more cagerness than before for having defeated the Dukes forces and the Marquesses at Argenta they had advanced in such manner against the City that their Army was encamped in the Marquesses Park So that the League thinking it no dallying any longer resolved to assault them with all the forces they could make and accordingly the Duke of Calabria had orders to march thither with their Army The Florentines likewise sent what Men they could spare and for the better administration of the War a Diet was appointed to be held at Cremona where there met the Popes Legat Count Girolamo the Duke of Calabria the Signore Lodovico and Lorenzo de Medici with many other Princes of Italy in which Council the Method of the future War was debated and having concluded that Ferrara could not any way be relieved more effectually than by a brisk diversion they desired Lodovico's permission to attack the Venetians thorow the Country of Milan but Lodovico would not be persuaded as fearing to pull a War upon his back which he could not be rid off when he pleased whereupon it was determined that they should march with their whole strength for Ferrara and having mustered 4000 Horse and 8000 Foot they advanced against the Venetians who were 2200 Horse and 6000 Foot But the first thing the League thought fit to attempt was a Fleet which the Venetians had upon the Po and they assaulted it so smartly that they broke it at Rondino destroyed 200 of their Vessels and took Antonio Iustiniano the Proveditor of their Navy Prisoner The Venetians seeing all Italy combined against them to give themselves greater reputation they entertained the Duke of Reno into their pay with 200 good Horse and upon news of the defeat of their Fleet they sent him with part of the Army to face the enemy whilst Roberto da San Severino passed the Adda with the rest and approaching to Milan proclaimed the Duke and Madam Bona his Mother hoping that Lodovico and his Government had been so odious in that City that the very name of the other would have begot some commotion This inroad at first produced some kind of terror but the conclusion was quite contrary to what the Venetians had designed for this compelled Lodovico to do what he could not be brought to before and therefore leaving the Marquess of Ferrara to the defence of his own Country with 4000 Horse and 2000 Foot the Duke of Calabria with 12000 Horse and 5000 Foot marched into the Countries of Bergona Brescia and Verona plundering and spoiling all about them before the Venetians could send them any relief for Roberto and his Army had much ado to secure that City on the other side the Marquess of Ferrara had recovered a great part of his losses for the Duke of Reno who was sent to confront him having but 2000 Horse and 1000 Foot was not able to oppose him so that all that year 1483 things went on prosperously for the League The next Spring the Winter having passed without any considerable action both Armies took the field The League for greater expedition in their designs against the Venetians had drawn their whole Army together and had the War been managed as wisely as the year before had easily carried what ever the Venetians were possess'd of in Lombardy for they were reduced to 6000 Horse and 5000 Foot whilst the Enemy consisted of 13000 Horse and 6000 Foot for the Duke of Reno being entertained only for a year when his time was out was retired But as it many times happens where many are in equal authority diffention among the Grandees gives the Victory to the Enemy for Federigo Gonzagua Marquess of Mantona being dead who whilst he was living kept the Duke of Calabria and Signore Lodovico in good correspondence there grew exceptions betwixt them and jealousies by degrees for Giovan
in Puglia with Ladislao and Giovanna two of his children as shall be shewn more fully Carlo possessed himself of Hungary but died shortly after hower his Conquest of that Country was so grateful an exploit to the Florentines that never greater expressions of joy were made for any victory of their own as appeared as well by publick as private magnificence many Families keeping open houses and feasting exceedingly but none with that pomp and extravagance as the Family of the Alberti the provision and ostentation of whose entertainments were fitter for the condition of a Prince than for a private person Which extravagance gained him much envy and that being seconded by a jealousie in the Government that Benedetto had designs against it was the occasion of its destruction for they could not be safe whilst they thought it might fall out every day that he reconciling himself with the people might turn them out of the City as he pleased Things being at this uncertainty it happened that he being Gonfaloniere delle Compagnie his Son in Law Philippo Magalotti was made Gonfaloniere di Giustitia which accident redoubled the apprehension of the Governors as thinking Benedetto grew upon them so fast their authority must of necessity decline but desirous to remedy it what they could and if possible without a tumult they encouraged Bese Magalotte his enemy and competitor to acquaint the Senate that Philippo not being of age for the execution of that Office he could not nor ought not enjoy it and the cause being heard in the Senate Philippo was adjudged incapable of that Dignity and Bardo Mancini succeeded in his place a person fiercely against the faction of the people and a perfect enemy to Benedetto Having entred upon his Office he called a Balia for reformation of the State which Balia inprisoned Benedetto Alberti and banished all the rest of his Family only Antonio was excepted Before he was carried away Benedetto called all his friends together to take his leave of them and finding them sad and the tears in their eyes he spake to them as follows You see Gentlemen in what manner fortune has ruin'd me and threatned you I do not wonder at it nor indeed ought it to be strange to you seeing it so happens always to them who among ill men are studious of being good or sollicitous of sustaining that which all people are desirous to pull down The love to my Country associated me first with Salvestro de Medici and the same love divided me afterwards from Giorgio Scali it is nothing but that and the injustice of their proceedings which have made me hate those who are now at the Stern who as they have had no-body that could punish them so they are desirous to leave no-body to reprehend them I am content with my banishment to free them of the fear they have conceived not only of me but of all that are sensible of their Tyranny and injustice For my self I am not so much concern'd the honours conferred upon me when my Country was free I can quietly relinquish whilst it is in servitude and bondage and the memory of my past condition will give me more pleasure than the infelicity of my present can give me regret My greatest affliction will be to consider my Country is become a prey to particular men and exposed to their insolence and rapine it troubles me likewise for you lest those evils which this day are consummated in me and but commencing in you should prove greater detriment to you than they have done to me however comfort your selves bear up against any misfortune and carry your selves so that if things happen adversly as doubtless they will it may appear to all people that you were innocent and that they succeeded without the least fault or contribution of yours Afterwards to give as great testimony of his virtue abroad as he had done at home he went to the Sepulchre of our Saviour and in his return back died at Rhodes His bones were brought back to Florence and buried with great solemnity by those very people who pursued him whilst he was living with all the calumny and injustice imaginable nor were the Alberti the only sufferers in these distractions many Families beside that were admonished and imprisoned Among the rest there were Piero Benini Matteo Alderotti Giovanni e Francesco del Bene Giovanni Benchi Andrea Adimari and with them several of the lesser Artificers Among them which were admonished were the Covoni the Benini the Rinucoi the Formiconi the Corbizi the Manelli and the Alderotti The Balia was by custom created for a precise time and being now in the execution of these Citizens who were fairly elected having done what they could for the satisfaction of the State they desired to lay down though their time was not critically expir'd which the people understanding many of them ran with their Arms to the Palace crying out there were several more to be admonished and several more to be imprisoned before they renounced The Senate was much displeased but entertained them with fair promises till they had fortified themselves so as they were able to make them lay by those Arms for fear which in their rage they had taken up nevertheless to comply in some proportion with the fierceness of the humour and lessen the Authority of the Plebeian Artificers it was ordered that whereas the third part of the Offices of the City were in their hands before they should now be reduced to a fourth part only and that there might always be two of the most trusty and faithful persons to the State in the Senate authority was given to the Gonfaloniere di Giustitia and four other Citizens to put a certain number of select mens names into a purse out of which at every meeting of the Senate two were to be drawn Affairs thus setled in the year 1381 the City continued quiet within till 1393 in which year Giovan Galeazzo Visconti called the Comte di Vertu took his Uncle Barnabo prisoner and made himself by that Master of all Lombardy This Comte di Vertu had an opinion he could make himself King of Italy by force as easily as he had made himself Duke of Milan by fraud so that in the year 1390 he began a War upon the Florentines which though prosecuted with variety of fortune on both sides yet the Duke was many times in danger to have ruined Florence and doubtless had ruined it had not it been prevented by his death However their defence was couragious as might be expected from a Republick and the end of the War less unhappy than the course of it had been dreadful for when the Duke had taken Bologna Pisa Perugia and Siena and prepared a Crown to be crowned King of Italy in Florence he died in the nick and his death permitted him not to taste the pleasures of his past Victories nor the Florentines to feel the calamities which would have followed
him they proposed it to their brethren who were all of opinion that innovations are not to be attempted where the success is doubtful and the danger inevitable Whereupon Donato having tryed all ways in vain in his passion caused it to be told them that seeing they would not permit the City to be reformed by fair means it should be done by foul which words being highly resented the Senate communicating the whole business with the principal Governors cited Donato who upon his appearance being confronted and convicted by the person to whom he dilivered his message he was committed to custody and confined to Barlette With him were imprisoned Alamanno and Antonio de Medici with all which were descended of Alamanno's Family and several others of the more inferior Arts that were in reputation with the people All these things happened within two years after Maso had reassumed the Government The City remaining in this posture many discontents at home and many exiles abroad there chanc'd to be at Bologna among the banished men Piccho Cavicciulli Tomaso de Ricci Antonio de Medici Benedetto de gli Spini Antonio Girolami Christofano di Carlone with two more of inferior condition all of them young brisk and disposed to encounter any difficulty that hindred their return to their Country To these it was privately signified by Piggiello and Baroccio Cavicciulli who at the same time were admonished in Florence that if they would come into the Town they would convey them into an house from whence they might kill Maso de gli Albizi and call the people to Arms who being discontented would be easily provoked and the rather because they would be headed by the Ricci Adimari Medici Menelli and several other considerable Families Allured by these hopes on the fourth of August 1397 they arrived privately in Florence and being disposed of according to agreement they sent out to observe the motions of Maso by whose death they presumed they should raise a tumult among the people Maso was gone out and by accident in an Apothecary's shop not far from San Piero Maggiore the messenger that was to set him seeing of him there repaired immediately to his Comrades to give them information who taking their swords ran directly to the place but he was gone Not at all discouraged with their first miscarriage they turned towards the old Market where they killed one of their adversaries Upon which a great noise being raised and a clamor of the people crying out Arm Liberty Arm let the Tyrants die they marched towards the new Market where near the Calimara they slew another and so going forward with the same shout and out-cry no-body taking Arms they stopped in the Loggia della Nighitosa and mounting there upon the highest place they could find the multitude being round about them but come rather to stare than assist they exhorted them to take Arms and free themselves from a bondage which so highly they abhorr'd they assured them the complaints and lamentations of such as were oppressed in the City had moved them to endeavour their liberty and not any private injury to themselves that they were sensible they had the prayers of many good people that God would give opportunity to their designs Had they had an Head to have commanded them it was believed they would have succeeded at any time but now occasion was offered and they had Captains enough to conduct them they stood gaping upon one another expecting like sots till those persons who endeavoured their freedom were knock'd on the head and their slavery redoubled They could not likewise but marvel that they who upon the least injury were heretofore ready to take Arms should not stir now upon so great and numerous provocations but suffer so many of their Citizens to be banished and admonished when it was in their power to restore the one to their Country and the other to their Offices These words how true soever moved not the multitude in the least either because they were affraid or else because the death of the two persons which were killed had made the murderers odious so that the founders of the tumult perceiving that neither words nor actions would work any thing understanding too late how dangerous it is to enterprize the liberty of a people that are resolved to be slaves and despairing of success they retreated into the Church of S. Reparata not to secure their lives but to protract their deaths Upon the first noise of this tumult the Senate had arm'd and caused the Palace to be shut up but when they heard what the business was who were the Authors and what was become of them they took courage and commanded the Captain with what Fortes he could get to go and apprehend them which was no hard matter to perform for the Church-doors being broken open and part of them slain the rest were taken prisoners who upon examination confessed nothing but that Baroccio and Piggiello Cavicciulli were the only incendiaries and they were both of them killed After this accident there happened another of greater importance About this time as we said before the City had Wars with the Duke of Milan who finding open force was not like to prevail applyed himself to artifice and by the help of the Florentine exiles of which Lombardy was full he procured a treaty with several in the Town in which it was concluded that at a certain day from the nearest places to Florence they could contrive the greatest part of the Exiles which were able to bear Arms should pass by the river Arnus into the City and then joyning suddenly with their friends within should run to the Palace of the Senate and other houses of the chief Officers and having slain them model and reform afterwards as they pleased Among the Conspirators in the Town there was one of the Ricci called Samminiato who as it falls out in most plots where few are not sufficient and many not secure seeking for a companion found an informer for imparting the business to Salvestro Cavicciulli whose own injuries as well as his relations might have made him more faithful he post-poning his future hopes to his present fear discovered all to the Senate Whereupon Samminiato being seized they extorted the whole process of the Conspiracy but of his accomplices no-body was taken but one Tomaso Davisi who coming from Bologna not knowing what was happened in Florence was apprehended by the way before he got thither all the rest upon the imprisonment of Samminiato fled away in great fear and dispersed Samminiato and Tomaso being punished according to the quality of their offence a new Balia was made of several Citizens and authority given them to inquire farther after delinquents and to secure the State This Balia proclaimed Rebels 6 of the Family of the Ricci 6 of the Alberti 2 of the Medici 3 of the Scali 2 of the Strozzi Bindo Altoviti Bernardo Adimari and several others of meaner condition
which were banished and sent many new ones into banishment after them The Citizens were questioned and molested not only for their inclinations to the parties but for their wealth their relations and private correspondencies And had this proscription proceeded to blood it had been as bad as Octaviano's or Silla's nor was it altogether without for Antonio di Bernardo was beheaded and four other Cizens of which Zanobi Bel Fratelli and Cosimo Barbadori were two who having escaped out of their Dominions and being gotten to Venice the Venetians valuing Cosimo's friend ship before their own honour and reputation caused them to be secured sent them prisoners home where they were most unworthily put to death However that example gave great advantage to Cosimo's party and great terror to the adverse when it was considered that so potent a Republick should sell its liberty to the Florentines which was supposed to be done not so much in kindness to Cosimo as to revive and incense the factions in Florence and by engaging them in blood to render the animosities in that City irreconcilable the Venetians being jealous of no other obstruction to their greatness but the Union of those parties Having pillaged and banished all such as were enemies or suspected to be so to the State they applied themselves to charess and oblige new persons to corroborate their party restored the Family of the Alberti and who-ever else had been proclaimed Rebel to his Country All the Grandees except some few were reduced into the popular rank the Estates of the Rebels they sold to one another for a song After which they fortified themselves with new Laws new Magistrates and new Elections pulling out such as they thought their enemies and filling the purses with the names of their friends But admonished by the ruine of their friends and thinking not enough for the security of their Government to make the imborsation as they pleas'd they contrived that all Officers of life and death should be created out of the chief of their party and that the Persons who were to oversee the imborsations and the new Squittini should with the Senators have power to create them To the Eight of the Guards they gave authority of life and death They decreed that the banished Persons should not return though the time of their banishment was expired till leave given them by four and thirty of the Senate and the Colledges when their whole number amounted but to thirty and seven They made it criminal to write or receive Letters from them every word every sign every motion that was unpleasing to the Governors was punished severely and if any one remained suspected who had escaped these injuries they loaded him with new duties and impositions till in a short time they had cleared the City of their Enemies and secur'd the Government to themselves However that they might want no assistance from abroad and intercept it from such as should design against them they enter'd into League with the Pope the Venetians and the Duke of Milan Things being in this posture in Floreâ—ce Giovanna Queen of Naples died and by will made Rinieri dâ— Angio her heir Alphonso King of Aragon was at that time in Sicily and having good interest with many of the Nobility of that Kingdom he prepared to possess it The Neapolitans and several others of the Lords were favourers of Rinieri The Pope had no mind that either the one or the other should have it but would willingly have governed by a Deputy of his own In the mean time Alphonso arrived out of Sicily and was received by the Duke of Sessa where he entertained certain Princes into his pay with design having Capua in his possession which was governed at that time in his name by the Prince of Taranto to force the Neapolitans to his will Wherefore he sent his Army against Caietta which was defended by a Garison of Neapolitans Upon this Invasion the Neapolitans demanded assistance of Philip who recommended the Enterprize to the people of Genoa the Genoeses not only to gratifie the Duke who was their Prince but to preserve the goods and effects which they had at that time both in Naples and Caietta rigg'd out a strong fleet immediately Alphonso having news of their preparations reinforc'd himself went in Person against the Genoeses and coming to an engagement with them of the Island of Pontus he was beaten taken Prisoner with several other Princes and presented by the Genoeses into the hands of Duke Philip. This Victory astonished all the Princes of Italy who had any apprehension of the power of Philip beleiving it would give him opportunity to make himself Master of all but he so different are the judgments of men took his measures quite contrary Alphonso was a wise and prudent Prince and as soon as he had convenience of discoursing with Philip remonstrated to him how much he was mistaken in siding with Rinieri for that assuredly having made himself King of Naples he would endeavour with all his Power to bring Milan in subjection to the French that his assistance might be near him and that upon any distress he might not be put to it to force a way for his supplies nor was there any way to do it so effectuall as by ruining him and introducing the French That the contrary would happen by making Alphonso Prince for then having no-body to fear but the French he should be obliged to love and charess the Duke above any body in whose power it would be to give his enemies a passage by which means Alponso should have the title but the power and authority would remain in Duke Philip insomuch that it imported the Duke much more than himself to consider the dangers of one side with the advantages of the other unless he desired more to satisfie his passion than to secure his State For as by that way he would continue free and independent by the other lying betwixt two powerful Princes he would lose his State quite or living in perpetual apprehension be a slave to them both These words wrought so much upon the Duke that changing his designs he set Alphonso at liberty sent him back to Genoa and from thence into the Kingdom of Naples where he landed at Caietta which upon the news of his enlargement had been seized by some Lords of his party The Genoeses understanding how without any regard to them the Duke had discharged the King and considering with themselves that of all their danger and expence he had ingrossed the honour impropriated the thanks of the Kings inlargement and left them nothing but his regrate and indignation for having defeated and taken him prisoner were highly dissatisfied with the Duke In the City of Genoa when it has the free exercise of its liberty by the free suffrages of the people a chief is chosen which they call their Doge not with the absolute power of a Prince to determine arbitrarily of any thing but
gave him two deep wounds upon his shoulders his blows were so sudden and thick he was cut down and dead before almost any body perceived it Nor had he time to do or say more than to call upon the name of our Lady and that but once as he fell The Duke being slain great hubub was rais'd many Swords drawn and as it happens frequently in such cases many people ran in great confusion about the streets without any certain knowledge of what had passed However those who were about the Duke had seen him killed and knew who they were that did it pressed hard upon them to revenge it Giovanandrea being willing to have disengagedhimself got out of the church thrust himself among the women who were there in great numbers upon their knees but being intangled and stopped by their coats a Moor who was one of the Dukes foot-men got up to him and killed him Carlo was slain also by those who were by but Girolamo Oligato got out of the Church among the crowd for seeing his companions dead and not knowing whither to betake himself he went to his own house but was refused by his Father and his Brothers his Mother having more commiseration recommended him to a Priest who had been an ancient friend of that family which Priest changed habits with him and conveyed him to his house where he remained two days in hopes some tumult or other would fall out and he might have opportunity to save himself But finding he was mistaken in that and fearing to be found out where he was he disguised himself and endeavoured to get off but was discover'd secur'd and delivered up to the Magistrate to whom he confessed the whole process of the Conspiracy This Girolamo was about twenty three years old no less couragious and resolute at his death than at the perpetration of the fact Being strip'd and the Executioner with his knife in hand ready to give the stroke he spake these words in Latine Mors acerba fama perpetua stabit vetus memoria facâ—s This Plot was carried on with strange secrecy and executed with prodigious courage by these unhappy young gentlemen but being neither follow'd nor defended by those whom they expected they miscarried and were slain Let Princes by this example live so as to make themselves honor'd and belov'd that no body may hope to kill then and escape and let other People have care of relying upon the multitude too far how discontented soever for in their distress they will be sure to forsake them This accident put all Italy into an amaze but much more what happen'd in Florence not long after for that brake the Peace of all Italy which had continued for 12 years as shall be shown in the next Book whose end will be no less sad and deplorable than the beginning is bloody and terrible THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE Book VIII THe beginning of this eight Book falling betwixt two Conspiracies the one Executed at Milan and already described the other at Florence and remaining to be related it would have been convenient according to my custom to have said something of the quality and importance of Conspiracies and I should willingly have undertaken it had it not been done in another place and the subject too copious to be passed over with brevity Waving therefore a matter which would require so much consideration and is else where amply discoursed I shall tell how the Family of the Medici having subbued the adversaries which openly opposed them to make themselves absolute in the City and reduce the rest to a civil submission were necessiated to disable those who were privatly their Enemies For whilst the Medici were but equal in authority and as it were but in competition with other great Families the Citizens which emulated their greatness might oppose them publickly without danger because the Magistrats being free and independent neither party was afraid till one of them was suppress'd But after the Victory in 66 the Government devolving wholly upon the Medici they exercised it with so much rigor that those who were discontented were forced to comport themselves patiently under it or by private and clandestine machinations to endeavour to remove it which seldom and with great difficulty succeeding they most commonly ruined the Conspirators and augmented their Grandeur against whom they were contrived So that a Prince according to that method to be deposed if he be not killed dead as the Duke of Milan which happens but rarely he breaks forth into greater authority and how good so ever before becomes bad any tyrannical For the practices of those Men give him occasion to fear fear to secure himself security to be insolent and from thence springs such aversions and hatred as is commonly his ruine so that in conclusion treason does usually destroy the contrivers and ruine them in time against whom they conspired Italy as we said before was divided into two factions the Pope and the King of Naples made one the Venetians the Duke of Milan and the Florentines made the other and though betwixt them War was not solemnly declared yet daily provocations were given on both sides and the Pope very busie in his designs against Florence Philippo di Medici the Archbishop of Pisa being dead in crossnes to that Family his holiness invested Francesco Salviati in that Bishoprick as knowing him to be their Enemy and the Senate of Florence refusing him possession new quarrels arose which created much trouble Hereupon the family of the Pazzi was encouraged at Rome and the Family of the Medici affronted in every thing The Family of the Pazzi for quality and estate was the most illustrious in Florence The chief of them was Messer Giacopo who for his wealth and Nobility was mad a knight by the People this Giacopo had only one natural Daughter living but several Nephews by Piero and Antâ—nio his Brothers the chief of them were Guilielmo Francesco Rinato Giovanni and after them Andrea Galeotto and Nicolo Cosimo di Medici observing the Grandeur of that Family had married Bianca his Niece to the eldest Guilielmo in hopes by that alliance to remove the jealousie and animosity which was then betwixt the families But so uncertain and fallacious are all humane designs it proved quite contrary For those who were of Lorenzo's cabal persuaded him it was dangerous and a diminution to his authority to advance such Citizens as were wealthy and potent whereupon Giacopo and his Nephews were not preferred to those dignities which in the opinion of other People they deserved This gave occasion of disgust to the Pazzi and apprehension to the Medici and the increase of the one gave matter for the augmentation of the other So that in all things where other Citizens were entertained the Pazzi were rejected by the Magistrats The Counsel of eight upon a trivial occasion without respect and difference usually shown to Persons of his quality recalled Francesco de Pazzi from Rome and required
Senate and People in prejudice to the liberty and of Appius chief of the Decem-viri against that tyranny which he design'd to erect The Romans therefore after a long debate betwixt the Nobility and People about the Constitution of such Laws as might settle and establish the liberty of their State by common consent sent to Athens Spurius Posthumus with two other persons for exemplifications of such Laws as Solon had made there that thereby they might model their own As soon as they were returned they chose certain learned and grave men to peruse the said Laws and select such as they thought convenient for the Romans The persons created for this office were ten of the principal Citizens with Commission for a year among whom Appius Claudius was one a witty but a turbulent man And that they might act freely without any awe or impediment in their affairs they laid aside all the other Magistrates in particular the Tribunes and Consuls and forbad all appeal to the people so that this Magistracy were compleat Soveraigns in Rome Not long after Appius assumed the whole authority of the ten his Companions paying a reverence as their Superior by reason of his interest with the people for he had made himself so popular on a sudden it was almost a miracle to consider how soon his nature was changed and he of their only cruel and fierce adversary become their greatest Courtier and Favourite The first year all went very well and he who presided marched only with twelve Lictors before him when any Citizen was to be tried for murder they framed the Process but appointing a day left it to be judged by the people though their jurisdiction was Soveraign and without any appeal They writ their Laws in ten Tables but before they were ratified they exposed them to the people that every man might see them at his pleasure and approve or object as he saw occasion When Appius perceived the end of his Commission approaching he caused it to be rumoured among the people that to compleat all and give perfection to their designs it would be convenient to add two Tables more to their Ten in order to which the common people consented that the Decem-virat should be continued for a year and they did it with the more readiness that neither the Consuls nor Tribunes might be restored but Causes be left to their own judgment as is said before A day being appointed for a new creation 't is not to be imagined how all the Nobility stickled and endeavoured to gain that honour which they had so stifly impugned by their applications to the people whom they had so highly provoked But among them all none was so solicitous for the continuation of the Decem-virat as Appius Claudius who pressed it of the people with so much instance and humanity that he began to be suspected by his associates Credebant enim haud gratuitam in tanta superbia Comitatem fore They could not imagine a person of his pride would stoop to such flatterry without some great design that they might defeat neatly and with cunning what they could not do by force though he was the youngest of them all they committed the nomination of the next ten to him supposing he would have observed ancient rules and not named himself which was a practice of no use nor reputation in Rome Ille verb impedimentum pro occasione arripuit he spoil'd their Plot made advantage of their impediment and named himself among the foremost to the amazement and displeasure of all the Nobility This Creation was no sooner over but both Nobility and People began to be sensible of their error for as was said of him Finem fecit ferendae alienae personae Appius began to shew himself and lay aside the disguise he had put on he began to act according to his own natural pride and in a little time had made his Collegues as bad as himself To terrifie the Senate and people both the first day of their Magistracy they multiplied their Lictors to 120 whereas formerly they had but 12 which were carried before every one of them by turns but now every one of them had as many This terror for some time was equally diffused but afterwards they began to favour the Nobility and insult upon the people only and if any of the people that had been injured by any of the Decem-viri and had no right done him by the first to whom he addressed if he appeal'd to another he was sure to be worse insomuch as the people finding their error began in their affliction to look upon the Nobility Et inde libertatis captari auram unde servitutem timendo in eum statum rempublicam adduxerant and from thence hope for their liberty from where their apprehension of servitude had brought their Commonwealth into the condition in which it was And this affliction in the people was no little satisfaction to the Nobility Ut ipsi taedio praesentium Consules desiderarent that the tediousness of their sufferings might make them restore their Consuls By this time their years was expired and the two Tables to be added to the ten both ready and wanted nothing but publication the Decem-viri had no mind to lay down but began to think of continuing their authority by force to which end they raised themselves Guards out of the young Nobility and paid them out of the Estates of those who were condemned Quibus donis juventus corrumpebatur malebat licentiam suam quam omnium libertatem by which preferment the youth were debauched and chose rather to be licentious themselves than that their Country should be free Whilst things were in this posture the Sabini and the Volsci made War upon the Romans and invaded them with a great Army The Romans were in great consternation and the Decem-viri began to find the weakness of their Government for without a Senate they were at a loss to manage their War and with it their authority would be supplanted But being necessitated at last they came to a resolution and resembled the Senate Many speeches were made against the Decem-viri in particular by Valerius and Horatius and doubtless their authority had been utterly exploded but that the Senate in spight to the people chose rather to continue them lest if they were deposed the people should set up their Tribunes and the Consuls be quite laid aside whereas if afterwards the Decem-viri could be brought fairly to lay down by degrees the Consuls might be restored and the Tribunes be cashiered Hereupon the Senate silently without further prosecution of them prepared for the War and sent forth two Armies under the Command of several of the Ten but Appius Claudius was left behind for the Government of the City Whilst his Collegues were abroad it was his fortune to fall in love with a Plebeian's daughter called Virginia and not being able to persuade he would take her away by force Virginius the Father of
people they were denyed that liberty and could not have the benefit of that Law which was greater diminution to the reputation of the Frier than any thing that had ever hapned before For if that Law was of such importance as he had pretended it ought to have been observed if nor why was it solicited so earnestly And it was the more remarkable in the Frier because in his many Sermons and Discourses afterwards to the people he neither blamed the breaking of that Law nor went about to excuse it for being to his purpose he would not condemn it and excuse it he could not having nothing to say which action having discovered the ambition and partiality of his mind took much off from his repute and loaded him with scandal It is of great inconvenience likewise in a State to revive and ferment the humours in the minds of the Citizens by a daily renovation of their injuries upon one person or other as it hapned in Rome after the Decem-virat was dissolved and the Tribunitial authority re-established by the people For all the Decem-viri and several other considerable Citizens were Accused and Condemned in so much as there was a General consternation among the Nobility who thought there would be no end of their condemnation till they were utterly extinct Which proceeding and apprehension would doubtless have produced great troubles in the State had not they been prevented by Marcus Duellius the Tribune who published an Edict That for a twelve-month it should not be lawful either to cite or accuse any man that was Citizen of Rome by which act of Moderation he secured the Nobility From whence we may discern how unsafe it is for any Prince or Commonwealth to keep the minds of their Subjects in perpetual fear and suspence and without doubt nothing can be more pernicious for men being insecure and jealous of being questioned for some Capital offence will look out for protection and not only so but are provoked to more boldness and become less scrupulous of doing great mischiefs If therefore such Commotions happen it is better if possible to compose them without blood but if Example must be made it is to be done at once that afterwards the people may be reassured and recover their old security and tranquility of mind CHAP. XLVI How men leap from one passion to another and how they who at first aim at nothing but self-preservation when secured of that grow oppressors of other People AFter the people of Rome had recovered their liberty and had by so much improved their former condition by how much they had made many new Laws to fortifie their power one would have expected they should have been quiet and after so much trouble and embroilment enjoyed some time of repose but it fell out quite contrary they were more perplexed than before every day producing some new Sedition or Disturbance Of which Livy giving the reasons so clearly I do not think it amiss to insert them in this place These two Orders says he were in perpetual opposition when the people were humble the Nobility was proud when the populace was quiet and content with their bounds the young Nobility took their time to be insolent and when the Tribunes interposed in their behalf they made little progress at first and at length were as much injur'd themselves The graver sort of the Nobility on the other side though they thought their own youth to be too furious and insolent yet they had rather if one side must transgress that it should be their own than the peoples So that their immoderate desire of preserving their priviledge was the cause that when either party was prevalent it employed its whole power in oppressing the other It is common among men when they would secure themselves to injure other people they begin first to do mischief to revile or to beat or what other outrage they are able as if the injury they would avoid themselves was to be thrown upon their Neighbour and there was no Medium betwixt doing and suffering of wrong From hence we may see after what manner among other things Commonwealths are dissolved and how suddenly men pass from one ambition to another according to that true saying which Salust put into the mouth of Caesar. Omnia mala exempla bonis initiis Orta sunt All disorders and abuses are good in their beginnings The first thing an ambitious Citizen endeavours is so to fortifie that he may defend himself not only against his private adversary but against the publick Magistrate if at any time he would offend him to which end he makes what friends he can by furnishing them with Mony or supporting them against their Oppressors and this seeming very honest in appearance people are easily deluded and no body goes about to prevent it so that no obstacle being given he grows insensibly so great that not only the private Citizens but the Magistrate begins to apprehend him and then there is no resisting him without manifest danger for the reasons which I have mention'd before of the dangerous contending with inconvenience that has got that growth and maturity in a City What is then to be done Let him alone in his prosperity and he enslaves you for ever unless death or some other kind accident delivers you If you think to remove him on a sudden you do but add to his power and hasten your own ruine for finding himself in such a posture that his Friends his Enemies the Magistrates and all people are afraid of him he will then begin to domineer and dispose of all things according to his own judgment and pleasure If there be any way to prevent it it is by watching in time by having a diligent eye over your Citizens that under colour of doing good they may not be able to do mischief and that they may have as much reputation as may serve not ruine their liberty but of this more hereafter CHAP. XLVII Though the people in things that are discours'd in general are many times mistaken yet when they are reduced to particulars they are more sensible and judicious THe Name of consul as we said before being grown odious to the people of Rome they resolved to have them created for the future out of the Populace or else to limit and circumscribe their authority with such rulers as they should think fit The Nobility to prevent both inconveniences took a way betwixt both and was contented that they should create four Tribunes with consular authority to be chosen indifferently out of the people and Senate The people were well enough satisfied as thinking by that means the Consulship would extinguish and that they should have a share of the supream dignity themselves But observe what followed when they came to the creation of their Tribunes and it was not only in their power but expected that they should have been all made out of the people they chose them all out of the Nobility which gave
them to make a Dictator by whom the State might be reformed and their differences composed which had hitherto hindered the reformation But the Consuls how contrary so ever in other things consented not to do it the Senate having no other remedy addressed to the Tribunes who by the Authority of the Senate required and compelled the Consuls to the Creation of a Dictator In which place it is remarkable how beneficial the assistance of the Tribunitial power was not only to defend the people against the insolence of the Nobility but to controul and restrain the emulation and difference among themselves And here it is carefully to be provided in the settlement of a Commonwealth that it be not in the power of a few persons to whom the Government is entrusted to quash or obstruct any Customs or Acts that are necessary to its subsistance For Example If you authorize a Council or any other persons to distribute Honours dispose of Offices or execute any other of your commands you must either lay a strict injunction or necessity upon them to do as you appoint or provide so that if it be neglected by them it may be done by some body else otherwise things are ill managed and the order is defective as is manifest by that example in Rome it the perversness of the Consuls had not been opposed by the Authority of the Tribunes In the Republick of Venice the grand Council or Senate has the distribution of Honours and the Election of Magistrates both abroad and at home and it hapning one time that the Senate either upon some disgust or false suggestion omitted to creat Successors to the Magistrates at home or to their Officers abroad there followed great disorders immediately the Territory and City wanting their lawful judges could have no justice in any thing till the Senate was appeased And this inconvenience would in time have brought the City into an ill condition had it not been prevented by the wisdom of some Citizens who taking the opportunity obtained a Law That there should be no vacancy of Offices either within the City or without but the old Offices should be continued till their Successors were chosen by which Law they deprived that great Council of a power to interrupt the course of Justice which could not have been suffered without hazard to the State CHAP. LI. A Prince or Commonwealth that is constrained to do a thing is to seem to do it frankly and without any compulsion A Wise man orders his affairs so that whatever he does seems rather voluntary and gracious than done by force and compulsion be his necessity of doing it never so great which point of wisdom being well observed by the Romans got them great reputation among the people especially when they decreed stipends to the Soldiers out of the publick Treasury who before were obliged to serve at their own proper charges for seeing their Wars were like to be tedious and their Armies to be carried into far Countries before they could be finished they found neither the first could be continued nor the latter perform'd but at the publick expence wherefore the Senate was forced and necessitated to pay the Soldiers out of the publick stock yet they did it so slyly and with that artifice that though compelled by necessity it was received as a grace and gain'd them exceedingly the affections of the people who had never so much as mention'd it by their Tribunes or thought of it themselves So that never any thing was received with more demonstration of joy But the Tribunes were not so well satisfied but endeavoured to possess the people that it was not an act of that grace as they imagined and that if they looked closely into it it would appear rather a grievance than a benevolence for how was this Mony to be rais'd but by Taxes and Impositions upon the people so that if the Senators were bountiful it was out of other mens purses But all would not do let the Tribunes say as they pleased the people believed themselves highly obliged and then the manner of raising the Mony made it much the more grateful for it was done with more than ordinary equity the greatest part of it being levyed upon the greatest men and the poor favoured as much as was possible CHAP. LII The best and most secure way to repress the insolence of an ambitious and powerful State is to preclude and stop up those ways by which he would come to his greatness BY what has been said before it appears what affection the Senate conciliated among the people not only by the frankness of their bounty but by their kindness in collecting it which order if continued to the people would have prevented all the tumults which hapned afterward in that City and deprived the Tribunes of their great credit and authority And indeed there is not a better or more secure way to suppress the insolence or cross-bite the designs of an ambitious Citizen than to take the same ways to prevent which he takes to advance them which course if it had been followed by the adversaries of Cosimo de Medici would have been much more for their advantage than to have forced him out of the Town For had they applyed themselves to caressing and insinuating with the people which was the way he took to fortifie himself they had disarm'd him without any tumult or violence and taken from him the only arms upon which he depended for his defence About the same time Piero Soderini by his extraordinary beneficence got him self a great interest and reputation among the people and was publickly esteemed the great Champion and Protector of their liberties and doubtless his adversaries who began to grow jealous of his greatness had done much more wisely and honourably and safely to have gone the same way to work and countermined him by their indulgence to the people than to oppose themselves downright and ruine him and their whole Country together for could they by any art or insinuation have gained the affections of the City they had taken from him the only thing upon which he relyed without noise or confusion and they might have opposed in all his counsels without fear of the people if he be urged here that if the Citizens which were enemies to Piero committed an error in not taking the same course to retain as he had done to debauch the people Peter committed the same fault by not making use of the same instruments which his adversaries employed against him it is answered that Soderini indeed might have tryed but he could have done it neither with honour or case for the way that his adversaries took was to set up the Medici by whose assistance they bearded him exceedingly and ruined him at last and it had been dishonourable for Soderini to have deserted the liberties of the people which he had undertaken to defend and gone over to the party of the Medici nor could he have done it so
distress how much more are they effectual in a free Prince magnificently adorn'd and as nobly attended Certainly such a sight is able to strike terror into the boldest person and work compassion in the most cruel miscreant Some there were who conspired against Sitalcis King of Thrace The day was appointed for the execution they met at the place where the Prince was but when the stroke was to be given no body durst venture they departed as they came every body blamed one another but no body knew what was the impediment and having attempted it often with the same intimidation they were discovered at last and received punishment for an offence which they might but would not put in execution Alfonso Duke of Ferrara had two Brothers who conspired against him and employed Giannes a Priest and Chantor in the said Dukes Chappel to bring the Duke to them which he did many times and it was in their power to to have killed him but yet not any of them durst strike him so that at length they also were discovered and received their reward This remorse can proceed from nothing but the terror of his presence or the influence of his behaviour and humanity which compels them to mercy But the defects and disappointments in these kind of executions proceed either from imprudence or terror with either of which the minds of the Conspirators being disturbed they become so confused and distracted they can neither say nor do any thing as they should And that men are subject to those confusions and surprizes cannot be better demonstrated than by Livy's description of Alexamenus the Aetolian of whom we have spoken before For when the time was come for the execution of his design against Nabis the Spartan having imparted it to his friends Livy tells us Collegit ipse animum confusum tantae cogitatione rei He recollected his mind which was in some measure confounded with the contemplation of the Enterprize For there is no man how resolute and bloody soever he be but must be surprized and discomposed in such cases as those wherefore for such Exploits experienced men and such as have been used to those kind of affairs are to be chosen and no other though never so stout for he that has had no tryal of himself in that nature ought not to presume barely upon his courage nor can he promise himself any certain success by reason that the terror and perturbation of his mind is many times so strong that it makes his Weapon fall out of his hand or words fall from his Mouth which discover the whole Plot. Lucilla the Sister of Commodus ordered Quintianus to kill her Brother Quintianus waited for Commodus as he came into the Amphitheater and meeting him when he came he ran at him with his naked Sword crying aloud Questo ti mando il Senato The Senate sends you this but those words gave an alarm and he was seized before he could lift up his arm to give the blow Messer Antonio da Volterra deputed as is said before to kill Lorenzo de Medici when he advanced to assault him cryed out Ah Traytor but that exclamation was the preservation of Lorenzo and the ruine of the Conspirators But these Enterprizes are difficult when directed only against one person for the reasons abovesaid yet when they are bent against two they are much more because in several places it is impossible any design should be well executed at once so that to conspire against a Prince in that way is a doubtful dangerous and imprudent thing Were it not for the reverence I bear to the Author I should scarce believe what Herodian says of Plautianus that he committed to one single Centurion called Saturninus the killing of Severus and Antoninus who lived in several places for 't is so irrational a thing that nothing but his Authority could have persuaded me to it Certain young Gentlemen of Athens conspired against Diocles and Hippias two Tyrants in that City They killed Diocles but Hippias escaped and revenged his death Chiones and Leonides of Heraclea two of Plato's Disciples conspired against Clearchus and Satirus two Tyrants of that place Clearchus was murthered but Satirus survived and revenged it The Pazzi whom we have so often mentioned killed only Iulian de Medici his brother escaping so that from these Conspiracies against several persons all wise people will abstain as things that are fatal to themselves their Country and every body else for those who escape are thereby render'd the more cruel and Tyrannical as appears by the aforesaid examples in Florence Athens and Heraclea And therefore the Conspiracy of Pelopidas against the Tyrants of Thebes was admirable in respect of the success seeing not only one but ten of them were to be murthered and that he was neither a favourite nor had easie access to them but was a Rebel and in banishment yet he overcame all these difficulties got into Thebes killed the Tyrants and delivered his Country but with the assistance of Caron one of the Tyrants great Counsellors who gave him admission and contributed much to his success But let no man presume upon this example for it is looked upon not only as a rare thing but as a miracle The execution of such a design may be interruped likewise by a false imagination or some unexpected accident happening in the very act The very morning that Brutus and his Confederates were to murther Caesar it hapned that he had a long discourse with Cn. Popilius Lenas one of the Conspirators which the rest of the accomplices observing concluded that Popilius had discovered all to Caesar and was giving him an account whereupon it was proposed to kill Caesar presently and not to defer it till he was in the Senate and doubtless they had done it but that their discourse broke off and Caesar went away without any Commotion These imaginations are sometimes very considerable and to be regarded with a great deal of prudence and the rather because they are easily taken up for he who is conscious to himself is always apt to suspect that they are talking of him and it may so fall out that a word spoken to another intent may gaul and disturb you as much as if it were spoken on purpose and either force you to fly or so hasten and precipitate the execution that you run your self upon many inconveniences especially where many are privy to the Plot. As to the accidents because they are unexpected and occasional no directions can be given against them but examples by which men are to regulate and be cautious Iulius Belanti of Siena whom we have mentioned before being incensed against Pandolfus who had given him his Daughter in Marriage and taken her from him again conspired his death and laid his design thus Pandolfus went almost every day to visit one of his Relations that was sick and in his passage went commonly by Iulius his house upon this consideration Iulius got all his
French at the Seige of Novarra where they were attacht and beaten by the Swizzers CHAP. XI One person that has many Enemies upon his hands though he be inferiour to them yet if he can sustain their first impression carries commonly the Victory THe power of the Tribunes of the people was great and necessary in the City of Rome to correct the ambition of the Nobility who otherwise would have debauch'd the said City much sooner than they did But as it happens in other things so it happened in this in the best and most beneficial thing to the Commonwealth there was an occult and remote evil that lay snug which required new Laws and new methods to suppress For the insolence of the Tribunitial authority grew so great that it became terrible both to the Senate and people and had doubtlesly produced some great mischief to the Commonwealth had not Appius Claudius by his great wisdom found out a way to temper and ballance their fury by the intercession of their Colleagues and the way was by choosing out some person among the Tribunes whom either out of fear or corruption or love to his Country they could dispose to withstand the designs of his Brethren and oppose himself against them whenever their resolutions were tending to the diminution of the Nobility or prejudice of the State Which way of restraining the petulancy of the Tribunes was for a long time of great advantage to the Romans and may give us occasion to consider whether a combination of several great persons against one less powerful than they whilst united is like to be successful against him that is alone or whether the single person has the advantage against the Confederacy I answer That those whose Forces are united are many times stronger but their performances are seldom so great as the single persons though he be nothing so strong for committing an infinite number of other things in which the single person has the advantage he will be able with a little industry to break and divide and enfeeble them To this purpose there is no need of going to antiquity for examples where there is plenty enough the passages of our own times will furnish us sufficiently In the year 1484 all Italy confederated against the Venetian who when they were so over-powr'd and distress'd that they were unable to keep the field found a way to work off Count Lodavic Governor of Milan from their League by which means they not only obtained a Peace and restitution of what they had lost but they got a good part of the Dutchy of Ferrara so that they whose Forces were too weak to appear before the Enemy when they came to treat were the greatest gainers by the War Not many years since the whole Christian world seemed to conspire against France yet before the end of the War the Spaniard fell off from the League made his Peace with the French and forced the rest of the Confederates one after one to do the same And from hence we may easily collect that as often as many Princes or States are confederated together against any single Prince or Commonwealth if the single Prince and Commonwealth be strong enough to withstand their first impression and spin out the War he will certainly prevail but if his force be not sufficient to do that he is in extraordinary danger as it happen'd to the Venetians for had they been able to have sustained their first shock and protracted the War till they had debauched some of the Confederates the French had never done them so much mischief and they had preserv'd themselves from ruine But their Army being too weak to confront them and their time too little to divide them they were undone and this is evident by what happen'd afterward for as soon as the Pope had recovered what he had lost he reconciled himself and became their friend the Spaniard did the same and both of them would have been glad to have continued Lombardy to the Venetians rather than the French should have got it and made himself so considerable in Italy The Venetians at that time might have prevented a great part of their calamities had they given some small part of their Territory to the Enemy and thereby have secured the rest but then they must have given it in time and so as it might not have appeared to have been done by necessity as they might well have done before the War was commenced when that was begun it would have been dishonourable and perhaps ineffectual But before those troubles there were few of the Venetian Citizens that could foresee a danger fewer that could remedy it and none at all that could advise To conclude therefore this Chapter I do pronounce that as the Roman remedy against the ambition of their Tribunes was the multitude of them out of which they always found some or other that they could make for the interest of the Publick so it is a ready remedy for any Prince that is engaged against a confederate Enemy when he can break their League and work any of the Confederates to a separation CHAP. XII A wise General is to put a necessity of fighting upon his own Army but to prevent it to his Enemies WE have formerly discoursed of what use and importance necessity is in humane Exploits and shown how many men compelled by necessity have done glorious things and made their memories immortal Moral Philosophers have told us That the Tongue and the Hands are noble Instruments of themselves yet they had never brought things to that exactness and perfection had not necessity impelled them The Generals therefore of old understanding well the virtue of this necessity and how much more desperate and obstinate their Soldiers were rendered thereby made it their care to bring their Soldiers into a necessity of fighting and to keep it from their Enemies to which end they many times opened a passage for the Enemies Army which they might easily have obstructed and precluded it to their own when they might as easily have passed Whoever therefore desires to make his Garrison stout and couragious and obstinate for the defence of a Town or to render his Army pertinacious in the Field is above all things to reduce them into such a necessity or at least to make them believe it So that a wise General who designs the besieging of a Town judges of the easiness or difficulty of the expugnation from the necessity which lies upon the Citizens to defend themselves If the necessity of their defence be great his enterprize is the more difficult because the courage and obstinacy of the besieged is like to be the greater but where there is no such necessity there is no such danger Hence it is that revolted Towns are much harder to be recovered than they were to be taken at first for at first having committed no fault they were in fear of no punishment and therefore surrendered more easily But in the other case
command Valerius Corvinus on the other side might exercise his gentleness without inconvenience because he commanded nothing extraordinary or contrary to the customs of the Romans at that time which custom being good was sufficient to honour him and not very troublesom to observe whereby it hapned that Valerius was not necessitated to punish offenders because there were but very few of that sort and when there were any their punishment as is said before was imputed to the Laws and not to the cruelty of the Prince by which it fell out that Valerius had an opportunity by his gentleness to gain both affection and authority in the Army which was the cause that the Souldiers being equally obedient to one as well as the other though their humours and discipline were different yet they might do the same things and their actions have the same effects If any are desirous to imitate either of them they will do well to have a care of running into the same errors as Scipio and Hanibal did before which is not to be prevented any other way but by singular virtue and industry These things being so it remains now that we enquire which of those two ways are most laudable to follow and it is the harder to resolve because I find Authors are strangely divided some for one way and others for the other Nevertheless they who pretened to write how a Prince is to govern are more inclinable to Valerius than Manliâ—s and Xenophon in his character of Cyrus jumps exactly with Livy's description of Valerius especially in his expedition against the Samnites when he was Consul for the morning before the Fight he made a speech to his Souldiers with that mildness and humanity that the Historian tells us Non aliâs militi familiarior dux fuit inter infimos militum omnia haud gravate munia obeundo In ludo praeterea militari cum velocitatis viriumque inter se aequales cort amina ineunt comiter facilis vincere ac vinci vultu eodem nec quenquam aspernari parem qui se offerret factis benig nus prore dictis haud minus libertatis alienae quam suae dignitatis memor quo nihil popularius est quibus artibus petierat Magistratum iisdem Gerebat No General was ever more familiar with his Soldiers no Soldier too mean for him to converse with no office too base for him to undertake In their Military recreations when they ran or wrestled for a prize he would not only run or wrestle but win or lose be overcome or conquer with the same evenness and unconcernment nor did he ever disdain or refuse any man that challenged him In his actions he was bountiful as occasion was offered in his words he was as mindful of other peoples liberty as of his own dignity and which is the most grateful thing to the people in the world the same arts which he used in the obtaining the same he exercised in the management of his Magistracy Livy speaks likewise very honorably of Manlius acknowledging that his severity upon his Son made the whole Army so obedient and diligent that it was the occasion of their victory against the Latins and he goes so far in his praise that after he has given an exact account of the Battel and victory and described all the dangers and difficulties to which the Romans were exposed he concludes that it was only the Conduct and courage of Manlius that got the victory that day and afterwards comparing the strength of both Armies he does not scruple to say that on which side soever Manlius had been that side would certainly have had the day Which being so makes my question very hard to determine nevertheless that it may not be altogether unresolved I conceive that in a Citizen brought up under the strictness of a Commonwealth the way of Manlius would be best and least subject to danger because it seems most for the interest of the publick and not at all proceeding from private ambition besides to carry ones self severely to every body and pursue nothing but the benefit of the Publick is not a way to make parties or friends without which there can be no troubles in a State So that he who proceeds in that manner must needs be very useful and not at all suspicious to the State But the way of Valerius is quite contrary for though the Commonwealth reaps the same fruits as in the other yet jealousies will arise and people will be fearful that in the end his great favour among the Souldiers will be employed to set up himself with very ill consequences upon their liberty And if in Publicola's time these ill effects did not happen it was because as then the minds of the Romans were not corrupt nor had he been long enough in authority But if we consider a Prince as Xenophon did in that case we must leave Manlius and follow Valerius clearly because a Prince is by all means to endeavour the obedience of his Subjects and Soldiers by ways of amity and kindness They will be obedient if they find him virtuous and a strict observer of his Laws they will love him if they see him courteous and affable and merciful and endued with all the good qualities which were in Valerius and which Xenophon attributes to Cyrus For to be particularly beloved and have an Army true to his interest is instar omnium and answers to all other policies of State But it is otherwise when an Army is commanded by one who is a Citizen of the same City with the rest of his Army for he is subject to the same Laws and Magistrates as well as they In the Annals of Venice we read that in former times the Venetian Galleys returning from some expedition and lying near the Town there happened a quarrel betwixt the Citizens and the Seamen which proceeded so far that it came to a tumult both sides betook themselves to their Arms and neither the power of their Officers the reverence of the Citizens nor the authority of the Magistrate was able to quiet them But as soon as a certain Gentleman appeared who had commanded them the year before remembring with what courtesie he had behaved himself their kindness to him prevail'd above all other courses and they gave over the combat and retir'd but that affection and ready obedience to his commands cost the poor Gentleman very dear for thereby he became so obnoxious to the Senate that not long after they secured themselves against him either by imprisonment or death I conclude then that a Prince may better follow the example of Valerius but to a Citizen it is dangerous both to himself and the State to the State because that way leads directly to Tyranny to himself because let his intentions be never so innocent he will certainly be suspected and bring himself in danger So on the other side the severity of Manlius is as pernicious in a Prince but in a Citizen it is
of the one Nation and the other I would have therefore the Trumpets placed by the Lieutenant-General as Instruments not only proper to excite and enflame your Army but fitter to be heard and by consequence apter to derive your Commands than any of the other The rest of those kind of Instruments I would have placed about the Captains and Colonels of the Battalions I would have also a smaller sort of Drums and Flutes which should be beaten and played upon not as we do now in our fights but as our Tabours and Flagelets do in our Feasts The General with his Trumpets should signifie when his Army is to make a stand when to advance when to wheel when to retire when to make use of the Artillery when the Velites extraordinary are to move and by the variation of the sounds to direct his Army in all the Marches and Counter-marches that are generally used and I would have the Trumpets followed afterwards by the Drums And because this exercise is of great consequence in an Army it imports very much that it be frequently taught As to the Horse they should have Trumpets too but of a lesser and different sound from those about the Lieutenant-General And this is all that has occurred to my memory in the ordering and exercising of an Army Luigi I beseech you Sir let me not trouble you too much if I desire to be satisfied in one thing more and that is for what reason you caused your light Horse and Velites extraordinary to advance against the Enemy with great shouts and clamours and cries and when afterwards the Body and remainder of the Army came to charge they did it with extraordinary silence I confess I cannot comprehend the reason and therefore I beg your explanation Fabr. The opinions of the Ancient Generals have been different in that point whether an Enemy was to be charged silently and without noise or with all the clamour could be made The silent way is best to keep your men firm in their orders and to signifie the Commands of the General but the obstreperous way is best to excite the courage of your Soldiers and dismay the Enemy and because I thought in both cases there was something of advantage I made use of them both and caused those to advance with clamour and these with silence for I cannot think that an universal and perpetual noise can be any advantage because it hinders orders from being derived which is a most pernicious thing nor is it likely that the Romans used those shouts after the first shock for History tells us that many times by the exhortation and encouragement of their Officers the Souldiers which were flying were stopped and rallyed and disposed immediately into new Orders which could not be where the Officers could not have been heard THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. The considerations and subtleties to be used in the drawing up an Army to fight Luigi SEeing the Victory has been so honourably obtained under my Conduct I think it discretion to tempt fortune no farther knowing how much she is variable and inconstant Wherefore my desire is to resign my Authority and that Zanobi may take it upon him according to the Order proposed of transferring it to the youngest and I know he will not refuse that honour or rather trouble both in complacency to me and as being naturally the more couragious of the two for he fears not to engage in these kind of conflicts though there be as much likelihood of his miscarriage as conquest Zanobi I shall refuse no Office into which you shall put me though I must needs say I could more willingly have been an auditor for your scruples and demands have hitherto given me more satisfaction than any thing I could have objected my self But I think Seignor Fabritio it would be better if you proceed provided your patience will serve and that we do not tire you with our Ceremonies Fabritio You rather oblige me Sir for this variety of Interrogators gives me to understand the vanity of your judgments and appetites But is there any thing behind that you would have added to what has been spoken before Zanobi There are two things of which I would willingly be satisfied before we pass any farther One is whether you have any other way of drawing up an Army The other is what reflections or considerations a General is to have before he comes to a Battel and when any accident intervenes how it is to be avoided Fabr. I shall endeavour to satisfie you but not by answering distinctly to your demands for whilst I answer to one it happens many times that I seem to answer to the other I have told you how I would have my Army drawn up that according to that model any other figure may be taken as the number of the Enemy and the nature of your ground does require for in that case one is to act according to the condition both of the one and the other But take notice of this That there is no way more dangerous than to extend the front of your Army too much unless it be very numerous and strong Otherwise you are to draw it up close and thick rather than wide and thin For when your Forces are few in respect of the Enemy you must look out for other remedies as by drawing your Army up so as it may be fortified by some River or Fen that may secure you behind or fortified in the flanks by some Ditch or Entrenchment as Caesar's was in France and this ought to be a general rule to you that you extend or contract your front according both to your own number and the number of your Enemy If the Enemy be not so numerous and your men as well disciplin'd as they you are to make choice of an open place where you may not only encompass the Enemy but distend your own ranks For in streight and narrow places not being able to make use of your orders you cannot make use of your advantage For this reason the Romans did most commonly make choice of open and clear places and avoided such as were difficult and close But if your Army be small or your men inexperienced you must do quite contrary as I said before and must find out some place where your few men may defend themselves or where their inexperience may do you no hurt In that case you are to choose some hill or eminence from whence you may come down upon the Enemy with more force yet must you have this caution not to draw up your Army upon any Strand or Sea-coast nor under the command of any Hill of which the Enemy may possess himself because you will be exposed thereby to the Enemies Cannon without remedy and be unable to do them mischief with any convenience In the drawing up an Army for Battel great regard is likewise to be had to the Sun and the Wind that neither the one nor the other be in your face for
Lieutenant in Florence The King granted their request sent the Conte to them forthwith and the adverse party though the Signori also were Enemies to the King had not the Courage to oppose him But the Conte for all that had not much Authority confer'd because the Signori and Gonfalonieri of the Companies were favourers of Laudo and his accomplices During these troubles in Florence the daughter of Alberto coming out of Germany pass'd by the City in her way to her husband Charles Son to King Robert She was very honourably received by such as were friends to the King who complaining to her of the sad Condition of their City and the Tyranny of Laudo and his party she promis'd her assistance and by the help of her interposition and such as were sent thither from the King the Citizens were reconcil'd Laudo depos'd from his Authority and sent home to Agobbio full of treasure and blood Laudo being gone they fell to Reform and the Signoria was confirm'd by the King for three years longer and because before there were VII in the Senate of Laudo's party VI new were chosen of the Kings and they continu'd XIII for sometime but they were reduced afterwards to VII their old number About this time Ugucciene was driven out of Lucca and Pisa and Castruccio Castracani a Citizen of Lucca succeeded him in the Government and being a brave and Couragious young Gentleman and Fortunate in all his Undertakings in a short time he made himself Chief of the Ghibilin faction in Tuscany For this cause laying aside their private discords the Florentines for several years made it their business first to obstruct the growth of Castruccio's Power and afterwards in case he should grow powerful against their will to consider which way they were to defend themselves against him and that the Signori might deliberate with more Counsel and Execute with more Authority they Created XII Citizens which they call'd Buonhuomini without whose advice and concurrence the Signori were not to do any thing of importance In the mean time the Authority of King Robert expir'd the Government devolv'd once more upon the City which set up the old Rectori and Magistrates as formerly and their fear of Castruccio kept them Friends and united Castruccio after many brave things performed against the Lord's of Lunigiana sat down before Prato The Florentines alarm'd at the news resolv'd to relieve it and shutting up their Shops they got together in a confus'd and tumultuous manner about 20000 Foot and 1500 Horse and to lessen the force of Castruccio and add to their own Proclamation was made by the Signori that what ever Rebel of the Guelfs should come in to the relief of Prato should be restor'd afterwards to his Country upon which Proclamation more than 4000 of the Guelfs came in and joyned with them by which accession their Army being become formidable they march'd with all speed towards Prato but Castruccio having no mind to hazard a Battail against to considerable a force drew off and retreated to Lucca Upon his retreat great Controversie arose in the Army betwixt the Nobility and the people The people would have pursued and fought in hopes to have overcome and destroyed him the Nobility would return alledging they had done enough already in exposing Florence for the relief of Prato That there being a necessity for that it was well enough done but now no necessity being upon them little to be gotten and much to be lost fortune was not to be tempted nor the Enemy to be follow'd Not being able to accord among themselves the business was referred to the Signori which consisting of Nobility and Commons they fell into the same difference of opinion which being known to the City they assembled in great multitudes in the Piazza threatning the Nobility highly till at last they condescended But their resolution coming too late and many constrain'd to joyn in it against their persuasions the Enemy had time and drew safely off to Lucca This difference put the people into such a huff against the Nobility the Signori refus'd to perform the Promise they made to the Rebels which came in upon Proclamation which the Rebels perceiving they resolv'd to be before hand if possible and accordingly presented themselves at the Gates of the City to be admitted before the Army came up but their design being suspected miscarryed and they were beaten back by those who were left in the Town To try if they could obtain that by treaty which they could not compass by force they sent eight Embassadors to the Signori to commemorate to them the Faith they had given the dangers they had run thereupon and that it could not be unreasonable they should have their promised reward The Nobility thought themselves obliged having promis'd them particularly as well as the Signori and therefore imploy'd all their interest for the advantage of the Rebels but the Commons being inrag'd that the Enterprize against Castruccio was not prosecuted as it might have been would not consent which turn'd afterwards to the great shame and dishonour of the City The Nobility being many of them disgusted thereat endeavoured that by force which was denyed them upon applications and agreed with the Guelfs that if they would attempt their entrance without they would take up Arms in their assistance within but their Plot being discover'd the Day before it was to be Executed when the banish'd Guelfs came to make their attack they found the City in Arms and all things so well dispos'd to repell them without and suppress those within that none of them durst venture and so the Enterprize was given over without any effort The Rebels being departed it was thought fit those Persons should be punish'd who invited them thither nevertheless though every Body could point at the delinquents yet no Body durst Name them much more accuse them That the truth might impartially be known it was ordered that the Names of the Offendors should be written down and deliver'd privately to the Captain which being done the Persons accused were Amerigo Donati Teghiaio Frescobaldi and Loteringo Gherardini whose Judges being now more favourable than perhaps their crime deserv'd they were only condemn'd to pay a Sum of Money and came off The tumults in Florence upon the alarm by the Rebels demonstrated clearly that to the Company of the People one Captain was not sufficient and therefore it was ordered for the future that every Company should have three or four and every Gonfalonier two or three join'd to them which should be call'd Pennonieri that in case of necessity where the whole Company could not be drawn out part of it might appear under one of the said Officers And as it happens in all Common-wealths after any great accident some or other of the old Laws are abrogated and others reviv'd to supply them so the Signoria being at first but occasional and temporary the Senators and Collegi then in being having the
power in their hands took Authority upon themselves to make a Council of the Signori which should sit forty Months for the future their Names being to be put into a purse and drawn out every two Months But for as much as many of the Citizens were jealous their Names were not in the purse there was a new Imborsation before the forty Months began Hence it was the custom of the purse had its Original and was us'd in the Creation of their Magistrats both at home and abroad whereas formerly they were chosen by a Council of the Successors as the term of the Office began to expire At first this way of election was call'd Imborsationi and afterwards Squittini And because every three or at most five years this custom was to be us'd it was thought they had prevented great mischiefs to the City occasion'd by multitude of Competitors and tumults at every election of Magistrats which tumults being to be corrected no way in their Judgments so readily they pitched upon this not discerning the evils which they conceal'd under so small a convenience It was now in the year 1325. when Castruccio having seiz'd on Pistoia was grown so considerable that the Florentines jealous of his greatness resolv'd before he had setled his new conquest to fall upon him and recover it if possible out of his hands Whereupon of Citizens and their Friends they assembled 20000 Foot and 3000 Horse and encamp'd before Alto Pascio by taking it to render the relief of Pistoia the more difficult The Florentines took that pass and when they had done they march'd towards Lucca forraging and wasting the Countrey But by the Imprudence and Treachery of their Commander little progress was made This Person call'd Ramondo da Cardona observing the Florentines to have been very liberal of their liberty and to have confer'd the Government sometimes upon Kings sometimes upon Legats and sometimes upon more inferiour Persons he thought with himself that if he could bring them into any exigence or distress it might easily fall out that they would make him their Prince to this purpose he frequently desir'd and press'd to have the same Authority invested in him in the City as he had in the Army otherwise he could not require nor expect that Obedience which was necessary for a General The Florentines not hearing on that Ear their Captain proceeded but slowly neglecting his time as much as Castruccio improv'd it for Castruccio having procur'd supplies from the Visconti and other Princes of Lombardy and made himself strong Ramondo who before lost his opportunity of conquering for want of fidelity now lost the possibility of preserving himself for want of discretion for marching up and down lazily with his Army he was overtaken by Castruccio near Alto Pascio assaulted and after a long fight broken to pieces in which Action many Florentines were taken Prisoners and Kill'd and their General among the rest who receiv'd the reward of his infidelity and ill Counsel from Fortune her self which had been more properly bestow'd by the hands of the Florentines The calamities which Castruccio introduced upon the Florentines after his Victory the Depradations Imprisonments Ruin's and Burnings are not to be express'd having no Body to oppose him for several Months together he went where and did what he had a mind to and the Florentines thought themselves happy after such a defeat if they could save the City Nevertheless they were not so desperatly low but they made great provisions of Money rais'd what Soldiers was possible and sent to their Friends for assistance but no providence was sufficient against such an Enemy they were forc'd therefore to make choice of Carlo Duke of Calabria the Son of King Robert to be their Soveraign If it would please him to undertake their defence for that Family having been us'd to the Supremacy of that City they promis'd him rather their Obedience than Friendship But Carlo being personally imploy'd in the Wars of Sicily he sent Gualtieri a French Man and Duke of Athens to take possession in his behalf He as his Masters Leiutenant took possession of the Government and created Magistrats as he plea'sd Notwithstanding his behaviour was so modest and in a manner so contrary to his own Nature every one lov'd him Having finish'd his War in Sicily Charles came with a thousand Horse to Florence and made his entry in Iuly 1326. His arrival gave some impediment to Castruccio kept him from rummaging up and down the Country with that freedom and security which he had formerly done But what the City gain'd abroad it lost at home and when their Enemies were restrain'd they became expos'd to the insolence and oppression of their Friends for the Signori acting nothing without the consent of the Duke in a years time he drain'd the City of four hundred thousand Florins though in the Articles of agreement it was expresly provided he should not exceed 200000. So great were the Impositions which he or his Father laid upon the Town and yet as if these were too few their miseries were increas'd by an accumulation of new jealousies and new Enemies For the Ghibilines of Lombardy were so fearful of Carlos advance into Tuscany that Galiazzo Visconti and the rest of the princes of Lombardy with Money and fair Promises persuaded Lewis of Bavaria who had been Elected Emperour against the Popes will to pass into Italy with an Army Being arriv'd in Lombardy he pass'd forward into Tuscany made himself Master of Pisa by the assistance of Castruccio and having receiv'd a considerable supply of Money there he march'd on towards Rome Whereupon Charles being fearful of his Kingdom and leaving Philippo da Saginitto his Lieutenant in Florence went Home with the Force he brought with him Upon his departure Castruccio seiz'd upon Pisa and the Florentines got Pistoia by stratagem Castruccio march'd immediatly to recover it sat down before it and manag'd his business with so much Conduct and resolution that though the Florentines made many attempts to relieve it both by Insults upon his Army and incursions into his Country their Attacks and their diligences were all ineffectual they could not possibly remove him for so firmly was he resolv'd to chastise the Pistoians and weaken the Florentines that the Pistoians were constrain'd to surrender and receive him once more for their Lord by which Action as he contracted much Honour and Renown so he thereby contracted so much Sickness and Infirmity that he died shortly after upon his return to Lucca And because one ill or good accident goes seldome alone Charles Duke of Calabria and Lord of Florence died at Naples much about the same time so that in a very small space the Florentines were freed from the oppression of the one and the apprehension of the other They were no sooner free but they fell to reforming null'd all the Laws and Ordinances of the ancient Councils and created two new