Army 51. Subdued for the Romans above eight hundred Cities 65. The laudable way and art by which he brought people to obey the Romans and facilitated his enterprises 163 The People of Rome of what authority in the Commonwealth 5. How from the beginning it was of great power and increased it more and more 15 Loving liberty how it came to lose it 51. Sought by seditions to obtain from the Senate all things though never so unjust 52 The People That to curb it Severity prevails more then Meekness 16. That out of its natural fickleness it useth to favour a Forein Prince and by seditions and violent attempts to plot against the present Power 170 A Prince shall do well and wisely to have a care that no Subject of his grow to be suspected for his greatness 106. Must not for his own relief make use of Forein aids that he may be too strong for his Native forces 103 Princes what sort of Militia it is best for them to make use of in their expeditions and other matters of War 155. Sage advice to them in points of War and the choice of Commanders 145. Those of Italy have used to imploy foreign Commanders and foreign mercenary Soldiers 122 See more in States R. REpublicks how their divers Forms may be known 6. How their continuance may be known 18. How at last they grow to be Tyrannies 54. That a State deserves not the name of a Commonwealth or Republick where the Decrees of the People and not the Laws carry all the command 6. For the long preservation and quietness of them nothing more necessary then a Parity 104. A poor one cannot enlarge its Dominion 112 Rome was a mixt but imperfect Commonwealth and why 3-11 Was too Popular 3. Why it could not free it self from many disorders 14 How long it held its greatness 68. When and how she might have freed herself from her many bad qualities and defects ibid. How she abounded in Soldiers and Commanders 39-64-74-80 How she made way for Monarchy 39. She scatter'd her corruptions amongst the Nobles and the Communalty 50. That those Citizens proved worst oppressors to her whom for the meer conservation of her Liberty she had too much exalted 51 Her first second and third Age 59. Her first seven Kings of what considerable benefit they were to her 60. At what time she deserved the praise of good Government 61 Romans why they refused the Carthaginians aid against Pyrrhus 26. Refused to have peace with Pyrrhus ibid. For what causes chiefly they had the better of the Carthaginians 39. They regarded not so much present dangers as future 45. Out of one War they still framed another 46 Why they were invincible according to Polybius 78. The two pretences under which they made their most notorious acquisitions 161. How by Colonies they kept their new Subjects in loyalty and obedience 173 Romulus a man fierce ambitious and desirous to enlarge his Estate train'd up the People according to his genius 113 S. SCipio Africanus his worth and actions 29-33 Why he took a course differing from that of Fabius 33. His passage into Sicily of what benefit it was 35 Scipio Nafica when Carthage was taken disswaded the Senate from destroying that City 46. Whether that counsel of his were founded upon good reason ibid. The Senate of Rome what number it consisted of and when first instituted 14 Its authority 4. The generous answer she gave to the Ambassadors of Pyrrhus 26-89 Little esteemed of by Julius Caesar 46. Subject to corruptions 50. Severity in what sort of Commonwealth it doth good 57. Was very great in Cato ibid. Sylla brought into Rome licentious living 51. Increased the Order of the Senators to counterpoise the Communalty Gave honors and riches to his Favorites ibid. Soldan of Caire how and why he lost all his Kingdom in a short time 160 Solyman parallel'd with Charls the Fifth 22. His endowments of mind and fortune 157. His great atchievements 158. Why he made no great progress in Hungary 159. nor at Corfu against the Venetians ibid. Why he made that expedition into Hungary 195. Had under his command four Empires and eighteen Kingdoms 196 Sparta a mixt Republick very excellent 5. Her Laws not written 11 That authority which the Kings had there not prejudicial to it 48. Many worthy men flourished in it by reason of the form of its government 58 For want of money could not enlarge her Empire 82 Spartans when and why of great power in Greece 96. By what people followed and favour'd ibid. Stronger then the rest in Land forces ibid. Why they would not have their Cities begirt with walls 171 States whence their divers changes come 53. How men grow desirous of their change 72. Are augmented and preserved by the same things which gave them their beginning and corrupted by the contrary 73. Where they have been ruin'd by intestine discords the over-great height of some of their own hath been the cause 105. That they have their beginning increase stay declination and ruine 86 Sâ—ilico a Barbarian and by nation a Hun called to the command of the Roman Army betrays the Empire 89 T. THebans much esteemed of for the discipline of their Soldiers called the Sacred Band 94. Pelopidas and Epaminondas famous Commanders of theirs ibid. Themistocles what his advice was and his Naval victory against the Persians 99 Tiberius Gracchus slain by the Nobles of Rome without any revenge from the People 17 Tribuneship in Rome of how great power and its insolence 6. Called Sacrosanctus 52 Triumph in Rome when first instituted and to whom first granted 62 Turks their assistance refused by the Venetians and yet sued for by other Christian Princes 136. Why they cannot so suddenly nor easily do any signal enterprises by Land 161. Are accustomed for their own security to destroy the inhabitants of such places as they take in especially those of the better and richer sort 172. Their chiefest strength consists in their Cavalry 187 Their Law promiseth everlasting reward in heaven to every one that loseth his life in their Soveraigns quarrel 194 V. VAlerius Publicola why in reforming the government of Rome he yielded many things to the People 14-15 That he might have order'd the City better ibid. Venice in time brought her Government to perfection 12. How she hath been able to preserve her Liberty thus long 54. What her Government is ibid. When it began 77-116 Her Founders lovers of Peace and of an intent and end differing from that of the Founders of Rome ibid. Her greatest and most difficult attempts have been either in their own Defence or for Religion or in Assistance of others 115. What wars and efforts of fierce Nations she at her first beginning underwent 117. Why she made use of Foreign Soldiers and Commanders 121. That for having accustomed to imploy Foreign Commanders she hath not been able by reason of their disloyalty to prosecute such Enterprises of hers as had been
Mithridates Iugurth and so many others where the then almost lost name of the Carthaginians did not concur But if it had proved true that the Commonwealth of Rome when Carthage should be destroyed should have remained in idleness so harmful to her liberty if Scipio's counsel had proved successful and those evils had been taken away which be feared would befall the Commonwealth Carthage was not only not to have been undone but her power should have been suffered to increase for it is seen by what hath been said that War of it self was not able to keep the Citizens united but was rather that which did divide them But this peradventure might have been done by War wherein their own defence had been only conceined and the keeping of themselves from danger And yet it is an absurd thing to say that an Enemy must be preserved and men must be continually in trouble and danger of War for the conservation of a City But say I beseech you was thâ—re not forty three years between the first and second Carthaginian war And yet though Rome was free from dangers and from being troubled by the Carthaginians nay for some years every where more quiet then she ever was at any other time yet fell she not upon those great mischiefs of civil contentions which she afterwards incurr'd in the greatest heat of her â—orest Wars This was occasioned because the City was not as yet corrupted as it was afterwards because it grew old and because there was not any that knew by correcting her disorders to return her to her first principles What danger can ensue unto or can harm the common liberty or authority of Citizens either in War or in Peace whilst the Laws are observed And when the Laws are trampled under foot what State can be free from the snares of the Enemy The Spartan Kings had not supreme authority in War but War being governed by good Laws could never injure them Power intrusted in Citizens with due measure and temper was never prejudicial And behold an example thereof On the one side Agesilam King of Sparta being Commander in chief of the Army against Farâ—â—bassus and being entred Asia with great hopes of signal victories when he was called home by the Magistracie of the Ephori readily obeyed On the oâ—her side Caesar being already returned into Italy from the French enterprise will contrary to the will of the Senate keep the Army together and despiseth the authority thereof Cato's counsel of destroying Carthage might then have proved good not of it self but when the Romans being safe for these Enemies and setled in a condition of not being to fear any Forein forces could have ordered unto themselves a firm and quiet Civil State It was known by experience that the other agreement made with the Carthaginians had done but little good For they keeping still the same mind though not the same fortune did not let slip any occasion of throwing off the yoke of slavery which the Romans had put upon them So as the only means to rest secure from their Forces since their words were not to be trusted was to put them out of their antient nest and to make them live far from the Sea as they were commanded to do after that their Country was destroyed so to bereave them of the opportunity of the Sea by means whereof that Commonwealth was grown great and powerful But wherein was the quiet of Rome bettered by the ruine of Carthage if they would have to do with more barbarous Nations and Nations further off not moved thereunto through fear nor provoked by any injury thinking their Empire was only to be bounded by the Confines of the Earth What had the Parthians of common with the Commonwealth of Rome what injury had they then done her to make the Romans take up arms against them yet Crassus had a mind to find them out in those far distant parts whereby to draw upon himself and the Roman Armies so many great losses and ruines as they were to undergo in that War The overthrow of Carthage should peradventure have taken from the Citizens of Rome their desire of continual warfaring as it took from them the occasion of being in Arms but it did not so for the cause which produced and nourish'd these thoughts was internal not external So as they were not provoked to Arms but did rather provoke others and when they fought not for the welfare they fought for the glory of the Empire For all the Orders of that City consisted only in the exercise of the Militia But how could a City be long preserved which was wholly bent upon those things which were the means to bring her to her end how could she enjoy true civil felicity if she knew not what it was and did not value it but did abhor that peace and quiet which begers civil felicity Therefore if that Commonwealth had been well instituted in civil Orders and that when Carthage was destroyed she had known which she did not how to lay down Arms this had been the way to bring her to much good nay to the true and chief good of civil felicity not to the ruine and perdition thereof So as if Scipio doubted that the introducing of Idleness into Rome might bring with it such notable disadvantage it was perhaps because knowing the imperfections of that Government he feared not that Idleness which the laying down of Arms is wont to produce but that which is born and doth increase with the corrupt customs of Cities by which contrary but wholly pestiferous effects are begot en as the making of some Citizens love pleasures and hate labor and toil and others strangely proud lovers of brawls and novelty The Athenians endeavoring to banish this sort of Idleness from out their City committed the care thereof to the chief and most severe Magistrate called Areopagus But that true and vertuous Quiet which is opposed unto Toil and which as a thing to be desired ought to be sought for in a City doth not banish but doth nourish true generosity of mind which makes men willingly enter when need requires into the dangers of War for honesty sake and for the defence of their Country not out of ambition and desire of self-greatness And to free the City from the fear of her powerful and bitter enemies the Carthaginians was not contrary to this So as I may conclude That it was not the destruction of Carthage but the ill Government of Rome which wrought her ruine The Eighth DISCOURSE Why Rome could not regain her Liberty after the death of Julius Caesar as she had formerly done by driving the Tarquins first out and then Appius Claudius and the other Decemviri MAny do not without reason wonder why the City of Rome which after having droven the Tarquins out who had reigned for above Two hundred and forty years And which having afterwards made Appâ—us Clandius and the other Decemvirl lay down their Magistracy who usurpâ—d
easiness wherewith they were done can walk hand in hand with those of the Antients amongst whom we see one only Alexander one Pompey one Caesar to have subjugated many entire Provinces and conquered many Nations And not to go further in search of the like examples since one Age alone very neer this of ours can easily furnish us with them Were not the Emperor Charls the Fifth Francis the First King of France and if will pass by the errors of Religion Sultan Solyman Emperor of the Turks Princes great and valiant in all acceptations in whom so many endowments both of Nature and Fortune did concur as hardly any thing remained to be desired in any of them to make and constitute a potent Prince and an excellent Commander fit to undertake any action how great or difficult soever What was it that Charls with his undaunted and dreadless spirit did not undertake Who was ever known to be more ambitious of praise and military honor then Francis never weary nor satisfied with toiling in Arms and in leading Armies Solyman was so fervently bent upon purchasing glory in the Waâ—s as his age though very great was not able to asswage it for he dyed in the Field amongst Soldiers when he was eighty four years old These great Princes were so puissant and so remarkable for the number to Soldiers which they led to Battel for military Discipline and for all that belonged to War as their Age had no cause to wonder at nor to envy any preceding times which were famousest for such affairs Yet he who shall particularly examine their actions will find they come far short of the famous acts of the Antients and that they correspond not with the fame and opinion of such Princes and of such Forces For if we we shall consider the deeds of those few aforesaid not to mention so many others what and how many were the things done by Alexander the Great who having in so short time vanquish'd the powerful Persian Empire victoriously overran the whole East and made the terror of his wâ—apons known to People almost unknown till then and yet died whilst he was very young How many Cities and Provinces did Pompey and Caesar bring under the Roman Empire The first conquered and subjugated Pontus Armenia Cappadocia Media Hiberia Syria Cylicia Mesopotamia Arabia and Iudaea things which though done seem incredible And the other though he did not overrun so great a space of Land did no less admired things if we will regard the condition of the conquered He quell'd the warlike Switzers French and Dutch and made so many and so fortunate expeditions as by his means only above eight hundred Cities were brought under the Government of Rome What can be alleadged on the behalf of these modern Princes which may compare with these for military glory Charls the Emperor led sundry times puissant Armies upon several undertakings but what was the fruit that he reaped by his most famous Expeditions The greatest and most victorious Army which he ever put together was that wherewith he withstood Solyman when he came to assault â—ustria yet he never departed with it from before the walls of Vienna so as all the Trophy of Victory which he got there for so much expence and labor was only not being overcome for his Army never saw the Enemies face The Wars of Germany were very difficult in this behalf yet therein he contended not with any Prince whose Forces were of themselves equal to his nor were they made out of election or hope of glory by new acquirements but out of necessity and for the defence as well of his own person as of the Empire and all the good he got thereby was only the restoring the affairs of the Crown to the former condition so as the Empires authority might not be lessened The Wars made so long between Charls the Emperor and Francis King of France with no less hatred then force did oftentimes weary both their Armies but though Caesar had several times the better yet at last the power of France was not diminished nor the greatness of Charls his command made any whit the larger so as he was master of so many and so ample States rather by his right of inheritance then by means of War thâ— enterprises of Tunis and Algier in Africa might have some greater appearance of generosity the business being very difficult and attempted with great courage and much danger and wherein the glory appeared to be more then the advantage yet the unhappy success of the one did much lessen the honor and praise won by the other and these undertakings did finally produce no greater effects then the acquisition of one or two Cities and those none of the chiefest of Africa whereas one onely Scipio subdued Carthage the Head of so great an Empire and brought all those Regions under the Roman Eagles The Acts done by Solyman were somewhat greater then these but not to be compared to those of old nor peradventure will they appear to be very famous if we shall consider his power and the long time that he lived Emperor He consumed much time and many men in Hungaria making many expeditions against it and yet got but one part thereof which was none of the greatest Provinces neither He wan the Island of Rhodes but what glory could redound to so mighty a Prince by overcoming a few Knights who were weak of themselves and who were not succoured by others And yet he was therein assisted more by fraud then by force He past with his Army into Persia but though he might say with Caesar venâ— vidi yet could he not add vici for as he with great celerity over ran a great part of the Persian Empire and came to the City of Taâ—ris so not being able to fix in any place or establish any conquest he retreated to within his own Confines having lest the greatest part and the best of his men in the Enemies Country routed and defeated by divers accidents These things then and many other the like give just occasion of wonder and incite curious wits to search out the truest causes of such diversity of successes Amongst which nay in the primary place the different means of warfaring in those times and in these may come into consideration wherein if we come to more particulars we shall meet with the use of Forts and Strong Holds which are become more frequent in these our Ages then they were in former times the art of building being doubtlesly in greater perfection with us then it was with them There is hardly any State or Country now adaies wherein there are not many Towns and Cities either assisted by natural situation or else by art reduced to much safety by many inventions found out by modern Professors of Fortification so as almost every place is so fortified as it is able to hold out with a few men against many and he who will in these times enter into another
well begun ibid. Venetians what course they took to free themselves from the danger they were in of the Genoa-forces 43. That the practice of Merchandising is not to be blamed in them 116. Some of their illustrious and famous Princes ibid. What title their Dukes assumed for the taking in of Constantinople 118 How prejudicial to them the Ottoman Empire hath been ibid. That had it not been for the treachery of their Commanders the State of Milan had been theirs 121. Their weighty and glorious enterprises by Sea and Land against the Saracens for the Emperors of Constantinople and against the Genoeses 129. Why they called Lewis King of France into Italy 130 Why almost all Christian Princes entred into a League against them 132-180 How discreetly they have continued Neutrals in the discords of Princes that thereupon Peace might follow in these latter times 167. Why they sent into Candy new Colonies of their own Gentry 172 Vertue what two vertues are necessary for him that proposeth great matters to himself and aspireth after glory 88 Vertuous To make men vertuous three things are needful 11 W. WAR brought home to the Enemies own doors how advantagious 28 When it ought to be carried on with protracting of time 31. War and not Peace was the cause of Romes ruine 46. It is subject to divers successes and chances more then any other action of ours 31-183-185 Wars made by the Romans after the subduing of Carthage 48. Made and maintained by them in many places at once 65. Particulars most necessary for them 149. The manner of Wars now used is the chiefest cause why the enterprises of modern Princes prove not equal to those of the Antients 148 The end of the second Table ERRATA Pag. lin 4-45 AFter not read only 5-7 Dele not 8-17 For licence read licentiousness 10-27 For temperance read temper 11-38 For them read those 15-25 Before what insert do ib. 48 Dele more 19-19 For of read and for and read of 25-38 Dele only 26 ult After obedience insert iâ— 35-26 After â—ighting read they 37-43 After these insert rather 38-14 After of Insert all this 39-12 Before the insert to 43 pen. After as insert if 53-12 After 〈◊〉 insert the less 55-31 After not insert only 60-3 After not insert only 73-17 Dele and the first Pag. lin 74-27 Before Goths insert great valor of the ibid. 31 For Commanders read Soldiers 82-50 For Rhodosius read Rhodanus 89-30 For Soldiers read Commanders 112-30 For where read were 113-48 Dele then by 116-20 For a read the. 124-7 For them into his read him into thâ—â— 126-34 After mens insert thoughts 152-25 Before Pope insert with Francis King of France 157-5 After if insert we 158-45 For sadly read easily 159-26 For Corâ—â—r read Corfâ— ibid. 29 For Corfee read Corfâ— 176-47 After thereof insert more 199-2 Before not insert it ibid. 3 Dele it 20â— 19 Dele be THE FIRST BOOK The First DISCOURSE What was the true and proper Form of Government observed in the Commonwealth of Rome and whether she could be better ordered in Civil affairs having Armed people on foot THere are many who reflecting upon the Greatness of the Commonwealth of Rome wonder at her so many prosperities by which she flourished a long time and at last obtained the mastery of all other Monarchies And thinking that it is enough to admire her feats of Arms and management in Peace do not care for enquiring into the reason thereof so as ballancing thereby every of her several operations they may know what they were that were truly worth praise and imitation and what blame-worthy and to be avoided But certainly these men seem not to know to how many and how great and various accidents all humane works are subject and what the true rule and measure is whereby the perfection of States is comprehended For that is not simply the greatness of an Empire to which she at the beginning riseth by Fortune and which is increased by Injustice but that may well be said to be the true Form of Government by which people living in peace and union may work righteously and obtain Civil felicity He therefore who will judge aright of the actions of that Commonwealth without suffering his eyes to be dazeled wiâ—h the splendor of the Roman greatness let him consider them nakedly as void of that reputation which Antiquity and the power of Empire purchased them and he will find some things peradventure amongst the many for which she worthily deserved to be cryed up by all men which are more to be observed for the amendment of present Governments by their example then for imitation out of hopes of attaining any true praise or apparent good But as there is nothing of greater importance in a City then the Form of Government by which as by the soul thereof every good act is produced so of all other observations which may be had of the City of Rome there is not any more worthy or of more use then to examine what was the truest Form of her Government that we may afterwards see whether she might have been beâ—ter ordered in Civil affairs then she was without disordering her Militia and whether she could keep together the People armed and obedient to the Laws To know then what the condition of her Government was and thence to comprehend whether that supreme excellencie were in it as hath been thought by some men following the Rule which Philosophy teacheth us which says that every Form of Republick is not convenient for every City but that they must be varied according to the divers natures of the people and according to other accidents we must examine what that State was in it self and then what proportion it held with that City But because it would be too difficult a business to assign any certain condition unto her which may equally correspond to all times she not having so punctually observed one and the same Form continually but varied it somewhat accordingly as it inclined more or less to a Popular State we must have our eys most fixt upon that Age wheâ—ein the glory of that Commonwealth did most flourish not so bearing notwithstanding to touch upon such things in other times as may conduce to our purpose He who would diligently consider all the parts of the Republick will find not only so much diversity but even contrariety in them as he will not be able easily to resolve which was her properest Form of Government For if respect be had to the great Authority of Consuls especially in Armies we may not without reason believe that that City under the name of a Commonwealth was governed with Laws befitting a Kingdom since that Form of Magistracie did use such Authoâ—ity in managing of Arms in concluding Peace and in agreeing differences between potent Kings as one onely Prince could hardly have treated of those thing with more absolute power differing from Monarchy only in this that they kept this Authority but for a
Commonwealth of Venice hath gotten an excellent Government but was not at first governed by those Laws which she now is But diversity of Occasions have opened the way to the wisdom of many of her Citizens who adding new Orders to the old have brought her to such a height of perfection Which might the easilier be done because that City was free-born and was from the very beginning ordered according to the true Civil end to wit to Peace and Concord and to the Union of her Citizens But on the contrary other modern Republicks the Cities wherein such Governments were formed having been formerly long accustomed to obey Emperors since they got their Liberty by many Accidents they knew not as not being well acquainted therewith how to use it by reason of the Citizens various dispositions of mind So as wheeling often about with an uncertain Form of Government they in process of time return'd under the command of one These Considerations being applied to the City of Rome will prove that the prudence of her Citizens though they were very wise and valiant men was not sufficient to reduce her to a perfect Form of Commonwealth but they might have amended many great disorders in her which did much shorten her life For he who will consider the conditions of the people of Rome will find them to be such as no Form of Government could better agree with them then a Popular State for they were all warlike men bred up even from the very first foundation of the City in the exercise of Arms. And though a Commonwealth may be formed amongst these which may have a certain similitude to an Aristocratical State when the Citizens being governed by certain Laws partake every man more or less of that Government according to their worth For Military discipline hath a certain species of Vertue though it be none of those that do immediately serve to purchase the ultimate end of a City yet this Government is very seldom met with and though it want the true and proper Form is commonly called by the usual name of a Commonwealth So as though at first the City of Rome leaned much thereunto in a short time the People had a great share therein who not knowing how to moderate themselves made it grow licentious But he who will look back even to her first beginning will find that the Peoples authority did thereby ever increase together with the City For the Peoples power and liberty was great not only after the driving out of the Tarquins but even when it was commanded by Kings that City seeming even from that time to be naturally more disposed to the Form of a Commonwealth then of a Kingdom For after the death of Romulus the People being powerful as having the weapons in their hand and as being the first Founders of that City usurped the authority of choosing Kings who on the contrary side that they might the better confirm themselves in their new Kingdom endeavoured to accommodate themselves to the nature of the People and to purchase their love by granting them many considerable things So as even under the Kingly government it had the power of Appeals as appeared in Horatius his case who being condemned by the Magistrates for his Sisters death appealed to the People and was by them freed In favor of them likewise the City was divided into Centuries with a certain Order of a very small Tax according to which the Degrees of the Militia and the Authority of the Publick Courts things which did all of them appertain to a Popular State were to be distributed To boot with these Laws the great number of Citizens which did even then arise to One hundred and thirty thousand made the Peoples party very powerful as also their having been so ready and so successful in engaging themselves in so many enterprises for the Commonwealth without receiving any pay for their pains But the Nobility was a long time very weak and in but little esteem For the first Founders of the City being Shepherds and all of the same condition there was no distinction of degree amongst them save what was soon after brought in 〈◊〉 Romulus who choosing the Senate out of all that former number that they might be assistant to the King in providing for things requisite for the State by this order he divided some of the worthiest of the People in this new City from the rest who gave the rise to the Roman Nobility But even this Order was very weak for it was at first instituted by Romulus but of a small number of men and though others were afterwards added thereunto yet till such time as the City got her liberty 〈◊〉 never exceeded the number of Two hundred Senators nay even these were much lessened by the cruelty of Tarquinius Superbus and their Authority narrowly bounded by the Counterpoise of Regal power So as when the City put herself into Liberty there were not Noblemen enough to form a State of Optimati in this case did Publius Valerius find the City of Rome after the driving out of the Tarquins when he through Brutus his death remaâ—ning sole Consul was to constitute Laws and new mould the Commonwealth Wherefore desirous to introduce a State differing from the former under the name of Liberty it behoved him not to lessen but to encrease the Authority of the People For else they would not have indured it and by fiding with the Tarquins they might easily have confounded that Government and reduced the City again under the power of Kings For which reason also Brutus though he was first created Consul not willing to lose the favor and assistance of the people without which he thought the new Orders of the City could not be well established perswaded his Colleague Tarquinius Collatinus that to give satisfaction to the People to whom the name of Tarquin was become odious and suspitious to lay down his Consulship By these Reasons it appears that Valerius was compelled to ordain many things in favour of the People as were the Appeals from the Consuls The order that upon pain of death no man should enter into any place of Magistracy without the Peoples approbation the petty punishment appointed for them who should not obey the Consuls commands which was no more but to pay five Oxen and two Sheep Moreover he eased the poor of many grievances and made many other very Popular Laws whence he purchased the name of Publicola But which 't is understood that in ordering of the Commonwealth respect was to be had in many things to necessity and to the condition of those times yet if we shall consider other Accidents we shall find them much contrary to such a necessity for the new Legislator was not Prince as was Licurgus but possest a place of Magistracy for a short time the Authority whereof was hardly yet well known and not much valued So as he could not use force to withdraw the people from a Popular
State as it would have been needful finding the People so disposed as hath been said Therefore the City being after a while to be reformed again the Magistracy of Ten was chosen with greater Authority then was that of the Consuls which took away all Appeals to the end that being more feared and reverenced by all it might without any respect constitute new Laws with great firmness And if Appius his ambition had not ruined the business that Commonwealth might perhaps have been reduced to some better condition but yet not to any very perfect one it being too hard a thing to order Cities well which are already much augmented just as we see it falls out in every particular man who in his tender years may be easily made to undertake any manner of life but when by practise he is settled in as it were a certain proper nature of his own he cannot easily be altered from it And if there have been any one who hath been able to order a City already well grown yet we shall find that that City was not so great nor potent as was the City of Rome at this time of the new Reformation and therefore the difficulties were much less it being a very hard thing and which as saith the Philosopher 〈◊〉 almost exceed humane power to dispose of a great multitude in an excellent 〈◊〉 of Government Then as these things were the reason why this Common-wealth was not well ordered at first so did they in time bring her to great disorders and seditions and finally to her destruction For it is usual that the further he advanceth that is once out of the way so much doth he return backwards is so much the more pusled and the further from the place he intended to go to So the Authority of the people being by these new Institutions alwaies to increase together with the greatness of the City she swarved the further from the end true Liberty to which she seemed to address her self And because this Common-wealth was born with this infirmity the worth of none of her Citizens though it were never so great was sufficient to cure her thereof or to prolong her life As it happens in our humane bodies which contracting some ill disposition of humours at their first entring into the World are soon thereby opprest and brought to death no natural vertue though of force for other things being able to afford any cure 'T is notwithstanding very true that though such like accidents rendred the City uncapable of any excellent Government by inclining her to a Popular State yet had they not so determinately disposed of her but that she might have freed her self of many of her bad qualities had not the ambition of her Citizens by increasing these her natural imperfections made her fall into greater disorders Let us begin to consider what Publicola's actions were from the very beginning of the Commonwealth and we shall easily discover his ambitious thoughts by which he was moved to study so over-much how to please the peoples appetite in every thing These his intentions were apparently seen by taking his being refused in the Election of the Consuls so heinously as that he kept a good while from the Republick as if he had put his hand to the Government for his own Greatness not for the common Good But much more for that having compast that Degree and finding the People jealous of him for having built his house in a high and strong scituation fearing lest together with the Peoples Love he might loose his own Authority and Power he chose so to humble himself as forgetting the dignity which belonged to the Supreme Magistrate of so great a City he made the Fasces the ensigns of Consulship be held in a posture of Homage whilst he made his Oration to shew as he himself said That the Authority of the Consuls was subject to the Authority and Dignity of the People This his desire of being esteemed Popular was the reason why in this new Reformation he went not about to what was very necessary to amend in part those defects which could not totally be taken away to wit to give a just counterpoise to the Authority of the people tempering it with that of the Senate by very much increasing the number of the Senators and by apropriating the weightiest affairs of State to that Order which how necessary it was was afterwards seen but too late put in execution to wit in Sylla's time by whom the first number of Senators was doubled yet but to little purpose the Peoples Authority being already too mightily increased and many seeds of corruption being by this means sown abroad in the minds of the people But Valerius added but one hundred to the uumbea of the Senate neither did make any Law in savour of them both of which he might at that time easily have done For being at the time of the new Reformation to chuse new Senators of the Equestral Order or of some other of the people he would not onely have been content but would have wone much honour by exalting many of his Friends to that Dignity as it was seen he did by those few that were chosen And the People would have had sufficient power in the Commonwealth if without communicating the weightiest Affairs of the Kingdom unto them the indemptnity of chusing and of correcting Magistrates had been reserved to them And then that Appeals might have been granted them by which means they would not onely have had a hand in the City Affairs but likewise they might have secured themselves from being injured by the Nobility a thing much desired by the People and from danger of loosing their Liberties And the Authority and Reputation of the Senate being by this means augmented the Peoples Insolency might the more easily have been moderated in those accidents which afterward happened Which though it seemed as hath been said more harder to have been done in that City for another respect yet the revolutions of Government in the first birth of this Republick did a little lessen ordinary Difficulties For passing from Monarchy which in the Tarquins time was almost become Tyranny to a new condition the Lâ—gislator might have made it an Aristocracie it being as it were natural in the change of States that the Government which had wont to be in the power of a Tyrant passes into the hands of the Nobility who are usually the first who lay hold in pulling down Tyranny as in Rome where Tarquin and Brutus were the first Founders of Liberty Therefore if the People deserved to be made partaker in the new Government for having assisted herein much more ought the Nobility to have their dignities and priviledges increased this common benefit of the City having had its chief rise from them nor would the People have had any reason to complain thereof But Publicola in stead of increasing the honor of the Senate introduced by a very pernicious example small respect to
as depended on him which was that which made his faction so potent And truly he who will consider it well will finde that as long as Rome retained any Form of a Commonwealth Cato's power was no less then was Caesars for he oftentimes bore it even against Caesar As when the business of those that were Complices with Câ—iline in his conspiracy was in hand in the Senate they being accused by Cato and defended by Caesar were condemned to be put to death And also another time when he opposed the publishing of the Law proposed and favoured by Caesar touching the division of Lands in Latium wherein Cato's authority appeared to be the greater by making Caesars amâ—â—tious designs fail of success is so popular things as were the Agrarian Laws The same success had the things maintained by Caesar against Poâ—â—pey though he was more powerful then any other Citizen for having stoutly opposed Metellus who moved at the time of Cataline's conspiracy that Pompey should together with his Army be recalled back to Rome he carried the business which was the cause why these two prime Citizens endeavored the friendship and good will of Cato for they doubted of compassing what they desired without his good will so great was his Authority Caesar when Cato appeared to be his bitterest enemy procured Cato's releasement when he was imprisoned by order from the Senate And Pompey that he might be fastened to him by the bond of Alliance endevored to have his Neece for Wife Whence it is conceived that Cato's austere behaviour had purchased him more Authority though unarmed in the management of the Commonwealth then the reputation of having commanded Armies and their so much obsequiousness to the people had done to Pompey and Caesar. A just occasion then offers it self here of consideration whether was the better and safer course taken to arrive at Glory and Civil Greatness or that which Caesar or that which Cato took Caesars comportments seem to have been more noble and better defitting a Civil life as also more easie to be imitated and what indeed is of more importance for the happiness of a City then quietness and concord amongst Citizens What more proper to produce and preserve this then Magnificence Grace and Affability all which vertues were proper to Caesar and which by a straight and speedy way guided him to the height of greatness and glory He who desires to obtain this favour from Citizens must abstain from doing any injury must seek out all occasions of doing good must attribute much to others must speak moderately of himself must do good things and make them appear to be so so as he may help not onely by his actions but by his example Rigor Severity the neglect of all other respects where there is onely an upright mind to do well things which are sufficiently commendable in Cato may of themselves peradventure border nearer upon true vertue but bear a less proportion with civil vertue if respect be had to that which is found not to that which is desired Who does not value the love of his Citizens or will not endeavor the acquisition thereof save by very upright ways which are not always possible meets with continual occasion of contention from whence great and open enmities do often arise which do at last put the City into confusion So as such men do first ruine themselves and then the Commonwealth When laws are observed with such extremity of rigor it seems to be done to oppress Citizens not to preserve Justice Wherefore such a Government is but little acceptable and therefore easier to receive alteration upon any accident that shall happen This was seen in Cato's actions for his way of proceeding got him many enemies who that they might make themselves able to bulk with his Authority made themselves strong by Alliances and Friendships and became not onely formidable to him but even to the Commonwealth If Cato had not despised the Parentage offered him by Pompey Caesar had not joyned alliance with him by giving him his Daughter Iulia for Wife which was the occasion of both their too excessive greatness by which they ruined the Commonwealth The people were not pleased with Cato's severe way of proceeding which made them the more easily adhere to Caesar and his Associats and so not perceiving it became enemles to the Commonwealth Therefore Caesar might still continue in the peoples good opinion and long preserve his Authority and Power But Cato though his counsels did sometimes prevail yet was not his Dignity and Power grounded upon so sound foundations as that he could alwaies keep himself in the â—â—me condition Nay sometimes things were born against him in the choyce of Consuls when people much more unworthy then he were Corrivals with him The little pleasingness of his proceedings was also cause though under pretence of honor and publick imployment why he was sent from the City and in a manner banished being sent by Sea to Cyprus for some concernments of that Kingdom so as the Common-wealth suffered by his absence and particularly Cicero who was formerly upheld by Cato's authority and held for a Defender of the publick Liberty was banished By these things the question seems cleerly enough decided that Caesars way of proceeding is much more easie and certain to bring a man to dignity and greatness then the way which Cato took Yet he who on the other side shall examine Cato's manners and actions as he will find them more praise-worthy so will he think that they may lead by a righter and more direct way to true Honor and to that greatness which is to be desired by him that lives in a Commonwealth For he takes a safer and a more noble way to arrive at Dignity who walks by the way of true Vertue of Justice Modesty and Temperance then he who endeavors the like by Popular Favor For that Favor which is won by a good repute and by vertuous actions is easily preserved by herself and of herself nay the cry'd-up Honor which ariseth from publick Imployments and Places if it be not grounded upon true worth soon vanisheth and leaves that in obscurity which did before shine forth so bright But he who deals uprightly doth always advance as it were by a certain natural motion and confirms himself more and more in the habit of well-doing So that Favor which hath so good a leaning-stock is more firm and stable whereas that which is purchased by extrinsecal appearances as it is easilier gotten so is it upon any slight occasion more easily lost For those who are moved to favor for such reasons are incited so to do rather out of their own humor or for their own advantage then out of any true affection that they bear to such persons And therefore growing either glutted of the same things they did so like at first or thinking that they may receive them in a larger proportion from others they change their minds and turn their liking
that Authority which Roman Armies held of making Emperors whom by reason of the said Armies all Provinces were to obey there being no Militia like to that of the Romans or which could resist them or withdraw themselves from their yoke But great was the diversity in all things almost in all Ages for the height of Empire was arrived at by several ways Some got it by Inheritance as Tiberius Caligula Nero and in the following Constantinus Constantius and many others some though very few were câ—â—sen by the Senate many by the Emperors themselves who in their life-time chose some one for their Companions and Successor in the Empire calling him Caesar to whom after the former Emperors death the Title of Emperor and of Augustus was given But their number were most who got the Empire through favor of the Solâ—iery wherein one and the same respect did not always prevail but many much different considerations regard sometimes being had to the birth and affinity that any one had to the former Emperors sometimes to worth and to some singular action of War sometimes to favor which Commanders knew some way or other how to come by from their Armies and sometimes to some other such like things Whence it was that persons not onely of much differing condition but even of divers Nations were made Emperors of Rome Trajan and Theodotius were Spainards â—robus Giovinianus and Valentinus Hungariaâ—s Dicclesian a Dalmarian Cato a Slavonian and some others But that which made the difference greater was that this Empire as it was diversly gotten so was it diversly administred By some so tyrannically as there is no so infamous and wicked vice whereof you find not shameful examples in the lives of Tibeâ—us Caligula Nero Commodus Caracalla Heliogabolus and other of those Emperors whereas the Empire was governed by some others with such Wisdom and Justice as no more perfect Regal Government can almost be imagined And what excellent vertue not to speak of Augustus was there to be desired in Vespatian Titus Trajan Adrian Antoninus Marcus Aurelius Alexander Severus and such like Whence it was that there having been good and bad Emperors in divers Ages as much of Dignity Authority and Power as this Empire lost through the bad Government of those wicked Princes it recovered as much by the valor and good Government of these good and vertuous Princes And this may be alledged for the first reason why the Empire was able to preserve it self for so long a space of years For being for a while run into many disorders sâ—ch as were introduced by the baseness and negligence of other their Predecessors were by the worth of generous Princes amended and returned to their first channel The Romans antient and confirmed use of good military orders did likewise help well towards this Wherefore though the Empire were in the hands of unworthy persons yet finding the usual Armies already raised and ready for any enterprise they were able by means of their Commanders to wage war successfully and to quiet such rising and rebellions as continually arose in so great an Empire Thus Tiberius did not onely return France which had rebelled to obedience but subjugated Comagena and Cappadocia and driving out their Kings reduced them to Provinces Nero drove the Parthians out of Armenia and placed King Tigranes there making that Kingdom Tributory to the Empire Claudius did not onely reduce Mauritania which by means of her Commanders made insurrection against the Empire but did himself in person pass with his Army into England to appease the Risings of that Island and yet these Princes were not thought to have of themselves any great worth in them These and some other such like causes may perhaps be alleadged why this Empire could maintain it self in that greatness to which it was arrived But to come to that which men are more curious in inquiring after as a thing very strange of it self as also for many other notable consequences to wit to the causes of its declining and ruine Three may in my opinion be chiefly alleadged The immeasurable greatness of the Empire the simplicity and wickedness of those who governed it and the corruption of customs which were far different from those with which it was first founded and wherein it grew great Humane imperfection is the cause why mans vertue as it is not onely finite and bounded but weak â—â—d brittle so hath it to do with things not onely finite and bounded but circumscribed within no very large limits which were it otherwise it would loose it self in an Ocean from whence it would not know how to escape safe And of this to omit the examples of many other of our actions we will onely consider for as much as appertains to what we have now in hand That his worth must be exceeding great who is to rule and command over others Phylosophers have affirmed That such a one ought to exceed others as far in Wit and Worth as he doth in Dignity and Power nay that his worth and vertue ought to weâ—gh against that of all those that he will rule over But let us pass by these supreme Eminences which are rather to be desired then ever hoped to be found 'T is very certain that it is very hard to govern an Empire well and the greater it is the greater is the difficulty of governing it Wherefore Lycurgus a very wise Legislator knowing that the quiet of a City and the long preservation thereof in one and the same condition and with a certain Form of Government ought to be the true cause of ordaining good Laws would of his own election so dispose of his Spartans and of the orders of that Commonwealth as she should not be able much to enlarge her Confines But on the contrary Rome as all the constitutions of the City and the Cities Armies aimed chiefly at the enlarging the power of the Common-wealth so did she never know what belonged to the enjoyment of Peace not onely by reason of foreign Forces but not by occasion of discord between the Citizens The bounds of her Empire grew to be almost immense and she marcht with her Forces to the utmost parts of the Earth subjugating the farthest distant and most barbarous Nations But at last not having almost any foreign Enemies to fight with her Citizens begun to make use of their Armies which had conquered other Nations in long and deadly contentions amongst themselves till at last the worth and fortune of Caesar prevailed so as Augustus remained sole Lord of the World and Tiberius who succeeded him entered peaceably into so great an Empire wherein were an infinite number of Soldiers train'd up in a perpetual Militia and by reason of Civil Wars accustomed to live very licentiously The greatest acquisitions of the largest and farthest distant Provinces were very lately made there having been above 1700 Cities taken by two onely Commanders Caesar and Pompey and powerful Nations vanquished So as it behoved to
and the power of some Citizens to increase too much Who having made themselves so great by the continuation of military Commands and for having many ways whereby to purchase popular favor as the Commonwealth could not keep them within any bounds nor could the Laws curb them did totally subvert that Government insomuch as it was said of Caesar that he would not have any Superior to him in the City and of Pompey that he would have no Equal And Cato had wont to say that Caesars immoderate greatness had enforc'd Pompey likewise to exalt himself above what otherwise became the publick service to the end that the one might counterpoise the other So grant one inconveâ—ience others will easily follow And as too great eminencie in any Citizen although he be not ill-minded towards the Publick ought to be suspected so it is hard to rid ones self thereof when it is once brought in and tolerated where those usual means and institutions are wanting which the Carthaginians had without falling upon violent courses which in stead of Physick proves poison to that State The House of Medici began to lay sound foundations for its greatness in Florence by means of old Cosmo's great wealth it afterwards increased very much by the vertue and wisdom of Lorenzo and so by little and little getting to a great height of power which exceeded the ordinary condition of a Civil State it was no longer able to live under the Laws of the Country but would assume unto it self the superiority of that Government So as when the Florentines were too late aware thereof they could not moderate that too immease greatness for the continued power of that Family wherein there had been excellent men for worth and eminent degrees and dignities purchased by them both in their own Country and elswhere had got them so many to side partially with them as their own Faction was able upon any occasion to sustain them The like happens also in some States wherein there is not so express a form of a Commonwealth but a supreme Prince yet also many particular Lords of great authority In such States the too much greatness of Bâ—rons hath oft-times proved too pernicious For there being in all men naturally a desire of growing greater and they having means to do so where their power is not limited by the Laws and Customs of the State they are easily induced to mount higher then stands with their degree to equal their authority to that of the King himself and to put for innovations prejudicial to the State Amongst many others we have a notable example hereof in the present troubles of France which were occasioned by having suffered some prime Lords to grow too great in power whence civil discords have risen in the Kingdom and the better to foment and sustain their parties and to perfect their designs they had recourse to forein forces and kindled that fire which is not well quenched yet It hath therefore been thought a very wary and well advised course which hath been used by some Prinâ—es to have an eye upon such whose greatness and eminencie above others may render them suspected and to allay thâ—s their greatness by not admitting them into chief imployments by taking away or lessening their Priviledges and Immunities and by lessening their authority and universal favor by other means according as occasions have counselled Consalvâ— a great and famous Commander in the former age had done excellent service to King Ferdinandâ— and when in all other respects he was to have looked for great rewards as having by his own worth gotten and preserved the Kingdom of Naples he was taken off from all imployment and brought back into Spain to spend the remainder of his years in a private condition That prudent Prince was moved thereunto as knowing that such a man who was so generally cried up and who was so followed and applaâ—ded both by the common people and the Nobility could not but be to be suspected So as he knew it was requisite for his own security and the like of his Dominions not to suffer him to grow greater to his Masters prejudice and therefore to take from him all Command and Imployment The Instructions given to this purpose in a figurative way first by Periander to Thrasybalus and after by Tarquiâ— the proud to his Son Sâ—xtâ—â— are very observable to wit to cut off the tops of the highest Poppies oâ— ears of corn whereby they would infer that he who will rule in safety must not suffer men to grow more eminent then others for what concerns any Civil Power which though it appear to be a thing proper to onely tyrannical Siâ—es yet wheâ— it is used with discretion and wisdom hath another aspect for all particular interests ought to give way where the publick good and the preservation of universal Peace and Quiet of the State which is of aâ—much greater concornment is in question But when this may be done by any ordinary way as by Law and Custom as it was among the Athenians and other antient people then this remedie proved the more just and secure There is not any mischief in the City which stands in more need to be cured by the physick of the Law then Ambition for Ambition is such a sickness in the mind of man as where once it takes root it never leaves the mind free and healthful till it be torn out by main force but rather the maladie increasing by length of time it makes men as it were franticâ— so as the ambitious man covets all things and is not satisfied with any thing having neither mean nor bridle Honors Dignities Preferments how great soever they be serve rather for tinder to make this inward fire flame the higher then for water to quench it insomuch as some of these vain-glorious men thought it a small matter to command the whole world when they heard it disputed that there were more worlds then one Now to this almost natural and ordinary defect of humanity and altogether as harmful to the quiet of all States as it is of it self incorrigible 〈◊〉 will prove a wholesome cure and which the Atheniâ—ns in particular 〈◊〉 their Commonwealth stood in need of For as Greece did in that Age abound 〈◊〉 men who were really valiant so ambition seemed to have set up its rest amongst them Wherefore miraculous things are written of that Nation in those times But such as wherein it may be found that true worth was greatly conâ—â—â—isnated by an immoderate desire of glory and haughtinesâ— The Laws of canvassing and all other provisions thereunto tending have alwaies proved fruitless for every little sparkle that remains of this fire though it be covered over with ashes may cause great Combustions It seems therefore that no other remedy is sufficient for those evils which proceed from pride and ambition then totally to rid the City or State of such men as are desirous to exceed all others Plato said that men
Province it so fell out that aspiring either wholly or chiefly thereat they minded not the annoying of other Nations by their Forces In Africa the Carthaginians were very strong the power of Carthage being almost at the same times as much increased as was the like of Rome in Italy So as she had the Dominion of many provinces of Europe and did possess the greatest part of Spain but this power did not any waies molest the Romans first designs not did it hinder them from making qcquisitions in Italy not from confirming therein those Forces with which she afterwards did subdue the World For the Carthaginians came not near the Romans for little less then Five hundred years till such time as both the Commonwealths inlarging their Confines they grew to be neighbors Whereupon at last they commenced War out of the envy and jealousie that each 〈◊〉 of other This was the condition and 〈◊〉 of times wherein the Commonwealth of Rom◠had 〈◊〉 rise and encrease Whence it may be observed that though there might be some great 〈◊〉 then yet was there none which might compare with the Roman Emperors who had a greater Monarchy then all the rest besides they were so far off as their greatness could not impede Romes increasing though she were as yet but a new-begun City But she met with the like prosperous condition both of affairs and times in relation to her neerest neighbors For Rome had not only not any great contestation with any powerlike Prince in her first and weakest beginning but for the space of three hundred and sixty years till the first French war she had no occasion of making trial of her Forces against any powerful people for then Italy was not only not subject to any one Prince alone who might be greater by other Forces and other States as it happened afterwards in the Venetians times but being divided into many parts as well in respect of dominion as of other separations each Country contained many people of differing government and power So as Latium alone of herself which is now called Campagna di Roma contained four Nations or rather Communalties the Hernici Latini Volsci and Equi with whom the People of Rome did for a long time make war I mention not the Cecinensi the Crustumeni Antinati Sabini Albani and other Nations of less esteem against which in her beginning she exercised her Forces whilst she learned as a man may say the first rudiments of her Militia Tuscany though being taken all together she were very powerful and whose Confines were then much larger yet was she divided into so many Signories or Lordships as the Forces of every People apart by themselves must needs be weak and of small moment which may easily be known by this that bare Three hundred men of the Family of the Fabli were able to wage War with the Veienti who were the chief of that Region with whom they oft times fought with display'd Banners and with dubious event and were at last supprest more by the fraud then force of their Enemies So likewise the other parts of Italy which were neerer Rome were so weakly inhabited as it is not much that a new City but yet well instructed in weapons might get unto herself State and Dominion Nay he who shall consider what the increase of that Commonwealth was from time to time will wonder how that People who got afterwards the dominion of the whole World was so late in enlarging the Confines of her Territories upon her Neighbors when they were to contend in War with those that were weaker then they and that the bounds of their Empire did extend to beyond Italy For for above the space of four hundred years when the City was so much increased in Citizens as she raised Armies of Forty thousand Foot besides Horse the affairs of Rome were notwithstanding in such condition as they made War even under the Walls of Rome with the Equi Volsci and Veientes her first Enemies And this wonder is not a little increased when you shall consider that Military discipline did flourish even from the very first in Rome and was ever afterwards held in great esteem by her Citizens who were bent with all their might to augment the power of their City not being content as were the Venetians to enjoy peace and security Wherefore the Romans gave easily way for friendship to all Foreiners that they might by the multitude of their Citizens render their City more powerful and fitter to worst Adversaries And their first King Romulus set up a Sanctuary where all sorts of men whether free or slaves good or guilty might have receptacle But that Commonwealth had also her imperfections whereby being troubled with perpetual civil discords she found many impediments and much difficulty in effecting her Citizens generous designs But being gotten to a great height of power the Counterpoise of forein Forces ceasing by her own greatness she was able for a time to bear with her so many discorders till at last she was brought to her final ruine We must now be permitted to take some other things into consideration which appertain to particular order of this Commonwealth A City which aspires unto Empire must above all things else be well provided of Arms so as she want not any thing that is requisite for War but she stand◠no less in need of good Laws which are for many respects of great importance in all Governments as also for that when the licentiousness of Arms intrusted in the hands of Citizens is not corrected by the authority of Law that which was destin'd for the good and preservation thereof it turns at last to her ruine Therefore it is requisite that a City be constituted with such Laws as may result both to safety from foreign Enemies and to union between her own Citizens by which civil agreement the strength and reputation of a Commonwealth is much increased Of these two conditions which ought to make a City powerful and so as that power may continue long the Commonwealth of Rome had the first in perfection but was very faulty in the second On the contrary excellent provision was made by the Founders of Venice for the second but much remains to be wish'd for in the former Thus then had Rome a naturally warlike people which she kept continually exercised in Arms observing exactly Military discipline and orders But she was much disorderly and confused in Civil affairs nor knew she how to keep any setled from of Government leaving too much authority in the People and wanting usual means to suppress the immoderate power of Citizens Whereas in Venice the form and order of Civil Government is in every particular well disposed of and excellently well understood so as she is the only example which in so many Ages and so many accidents both of good and bad fortune hath never been troubled with any important domestick discords But then as for Military orders they are
Italy grew unlucky 138. Why they have not been able to make great atchievements in Italy nor to stay long there 166 Francesco Foscari Duke of Venice said That the Republick could not much increase in power unless she made some enterprises by Land 115 Francis the First King of France how he palter'd in the League with the Italian Princes 152. For endowments of the mind and other qualities most eminent ibid. Though his fortune gave way to that of Charls the Fifth whom yet he put to much trouble 157. Why his furious endeavor to assault Spain prov'd bootless 159. and as much in vain his enterprises in Italy 161 G. GEnoeses conquer'd by the Venetians 41. Whereupon it was that at first they entred into competition and afterwards into a deadly fewd with the Venetians 118 The Goths famous for the destruction of the Empire and of many Provinces 76 Their original and why they fell down into Italy ibid. Other actions of theirs under divers Commanders 77. They also took pay under the Emperors ibid. Government how the quality of every one may be known 1-2 What the right Form of it is ibid. What it was in Rome 2. What in Sparta ibid. What in Venice 54. Every Form is not convenient for every State 2 The Form of the Government is as it were the soul of the State 131 From a Popular government men come to Tyrannie 54. The Change thereof in Rome occasioned so much the sooner the end of her Empire 90 and of the corruption of her Militia 92 Greece why the Romans strove to keep her from falling into Philips hands 45 Had a general Council called the Amphictiones like the Diets of Germany 94 In many of her Cities had men of eminence for all manner of worth 93 Not being at unity in herself could not compass any great atchievements abroad 95. By reason of her dissentions could not make use of her victories against the Persians 97. minded Arts more then Arms ibid. Whence her victories against the Persians proceeded 98. How she came to fall into the hands of the Macedonians 100. then of another Philip 101 lastly of the Romans ibid. Why after the death of Alexander she could not recover her liberty 100. For the same reasons having afterwards the Empire of Constantinople she could not preserve herself in that dignity 103 How highly her Soldiers were esteemed by Philip of Macedon and Alexander the Great ibid. 104 Guido Ubeldo Duke of Urbin why he would allow of no Forts in his Dominions 170-171 H. HAnnibal upon what ground he made war upon the Romans in Italy 34 What reasons should have removed him from that resolution 35 Honorius the Emperor his cowardise and simple saying 77 Hungary whence so called 77. The occasion of the Wars for her between the House of Austria and the Turks 195 I. ITaly how much she abounded in Soldiers 84. The Romans meetly out of their own Citizens and of their other Territories in Italy were furnish'd with Commanders and Soldiers for all their Armies 62. Was long obedient to the Western Emperors yet withdrew herself from under their command and submitted to Lords of her own 184 Italy through her own Princes fault at present under the Command of Strangers 140. Her late Quietness and Peace and from what causes 164 When it began 165. How it may be continued 167. Before the times of Pope Leo the Teath in great misery for thirty years 182 Italian Princes whether they were well advised in setting upon Charls the Eight King of France at his departing out of Italy 140 Iugurth with a bitter saying taxed the extreme grippleness and avarice of the Romans 13 Iulius Caesar what fierce people he conquer'd in France 91. Why it was difficult and troublesome for him to tame them 159. He would always charge his Enemy first 187 K. KIngdoms large and ample why apt and subject to Insurrections 72 L. LAws what benefit they bring 17. They ought to be confirmed by good Customs 11. Their aim ought to be to take away the abuse of things not the things themselves 109 Leagues or Confederacies why they are made their force and power 146 Made by the Christians against the Infidels 147-151-156-191 Which are the firmest 147. The defects which they may and use to have 148 For what causes they are made 154. How and when men may with reason expect benefit by them 154. Why they are no better esteemed ibid. That famous one of Cambray against the Venetians why made how soon dissolved and how unjust it was 154-155 Leonidas his famous victory against the Persians 98 Lewis the Twelfth King of France his nature and qualities of minde 135 Why he conspired against the Venetians and how injuriously 132 135 Lodowick Sforza Duke of Milain how fearful he shewed himself upon the League between the French and the Venetians 139. He calls Charls the Eight King of France into Italy and then to his own great damage repents himself of it 140 Lycurgus why his Laws proved good 11. Had many means to help him in the setling of his Laws 12. Ordered his Republick so that it should not much increase its Dominions 47 M. MAgistracies the confirming of them proved very dangerous in Rome 3 They ought to be of limited authority and for a short time 5 Malta why it preserved it self against the assaults of Bolyman 175 Marius by what ways he began his greatness 8. By his ambition he much endamaged the Commonwealth 10-47 His discreet carriage in the enterprise against the Cimbri which were come down into Italy 194 Medici how that Family got the superiority in Florence and kept it 105 The Militia of the Greeks or Macedonians what it was 21. Of the Carthaginians mercenary and incommodious 39. Of the Romans proved very profitable to the Commonwealth by being in the hands of many ibid. Well understood and practised by the Romans 38-49-61-80 Afterward grew corrupted and abject 69-73-74-75 Of the Turks how numerous well order'd and in continual Pay 186-193-195-196 Of the Christians much inferior to that of the Turks 186. Naval cannot of it self much enlarge the Dominion of a State 113. The Forces thereof are increased and maintained by those of the Land 114 N. NAtural inclination ought to be followed in the choise of our actions 58 Nicolo Orsino Count of Pitioliano like Fabius Maximus and not like him 135 Nobles why aâ— first of little authority in Rome 2. Opposing the Communalty and hated by it 4. Authors of the destruction of Tyrannies 12 O. OCtavianus why easily entertained by the Army after Caesars death 52 P. PEace how it remains of it self being brought into States 164. How in these last times it is established in the minds of the Italian Potentates 165 How Peace Concord and Unity amongst Citizens ought to be preserved by Laws 121 Plutarch prefers Lycurgus before Numa 11 Pompey set up by the Senate to take down Caesar 47. His triumphs ibid. After the war with Mithridates quitted the
short time and did acknowledg it to proceed from the will and favor of the People But he who will consider what a share of the most important resolutions of the Commonwealth the Senate had as that which governed the publick Treasury the chief foundation of a State and to which the priviledg did belong first to treat of and then to resolve of such things as were to be propounded to the people will be of opinion that such a Commonwealth did lean more towards Aristocracie then any other Government Yet passing on to further Considerations and finding the Authority of Consuls Senate and Tribunes to be so often baffled and nullified and the Supreme Magistracies oftentimes contaminated by the meanness of popular men who have had the exercise thereof will vote otherwise and think the Government to have been meerly Popular Wherefore â—olybius being willing in the sixth Book of his Histories to assign some certain Form of Government to the City of Rome would not restrain it under any one particular Form but called it a mixt Republick as was that of Sparta Which opinion is sithence followed by some modern Writers who treating of the differing Forms of Commonwealths and particularly of that of Rome do punctually agree with Polybius And certainly they were thus far all in the right to wit That the divers manners of Rule by which that City was governed could not be expressed by any one name For what gives the true Form to a City but the communication of Government which as it is participated by Citizens makes such alteration or mutation in a State as the Philosopher was of opinion that though the City did totally remain the same the variation of this only was able so to metamorphose it as it cannot be said to be what it was before For it is not the Walls nor the Inhabitants but the Form of Government which makes it be so Therefore he who will determine the Form of a City must have respect to whatsoever doth therein help to the attaining of Magistracie that he may infold all parts that belong to the managing of a Commonwealth So as since men of all conditions according to the divers respects either of Liberty Nobility Wealth or Worth were admitted into Government these divers communications will not admit the ascription of any peculiar or particular form Agreeing therefore herein with Polybius we will now endeavour to find out what is more hard to know and is better worth knowledg to wit what sort of mixture this was For though a mixt Commonwealth may be perfect it follows not that all mixtures may make her so nay rather where several differing parts are wound up together so as a third kind of nature is produced by their connexion such a composition will rather increase the imperfection of the State and be the reason why it cannot long continue under such a disproportionate mixture And as it falls out in our bodies which being compounded of four Elements continue so long in life as that proportion is maintained which when it is destroyed they are likewise wasted and corrupted For that part which becomes too prevalent changeth the rest into its self and dissolves the form which they made when all together So that Commonwealth which is composed of divers parts may continue in one and the same State as long as the Authority of Government is proportioned with equal temperament as it ought to be to each part But as soon as any one part begins to domineer too much it is apparent that she grows towards corruption For the prevalent part by consuming the rest doth by little and little reduce them all into its self and alters the aspect of the City Therefore such a disposition is required to this Form of Government as no disorder may be therein found whereby that mixture may be broken or confused Wherefore as divers Faculties concur together to the forming of Man but are notwithstanding so well ordered in that union as all of them partaking of some office or other they have their several degrees of dignity so divers Citizens reduced to live together in one City though all of them may in some sort participate of Government yet the â—mployments must be diversly disposed of so as some of them may hold the first place and as certain primary Causes must give motion to other things which are done in the Commonwealth These considerations being applied to the City of Rome will make it appear clearly that there was no such equality nor order in her as is to be desired in a mixt Commonwealth to render it excellent and long lived For the immoderate Authority which was by the Laws granted to divers Magistrates but much more the extraordinary power which was intrusted in many Citizens shews how ill that so necessary proportion was observed in her And on the other side the Peoples power and the admittance thereof without any difference to all manner of Negotiations gives manifest tokens of a confused disposition all Orders being mixt together without distinction either of Office or Degree and the baser sort being oftentimes exalted above the more worthy Hence it was that amongst such confusion many customs might be introduced which were not onely corrupt but even contrary one to another as was that of prolonging the time of Magistrates which was repugnant to the great Authority which was reserved to the people and that other of suffering the wealth of private men to increase to such a height in a City where there was no prefixt boundeur of wealth appointed by the Laws for being a Citizen Which Laws or Customs do some of them tend to the power of a few and other some of them are proper for a Popular State But if we proceed further we shall find their disorders so far advanced as not being able to consist together in one subject they were the occasion of that Commonwealths dissolution The confirming of their Authority whose Magistracy was by the usual time appointed by the Laws expâ—red was introduced at first with some appearance of advantage but with very bad example for that having begun important affairs in Countries far off they might finish them and weaken the Enemy before their return home Thus was the charge of the Province lest to Marcus Fulvius who fought in Asia against Antiochus after he was out of the Consulship the which was done likewise to Gneus Manlius to bridle the daring Aetolians and to appease the affairs in Greece and the like upon many occasions was done to divers others and very long in ensuing times with very pernicious example but the disorder ceased not here for without need the City Magistrates were so far prolonged as the same were seen to return ten times to be the peoples Tribunes Which made the Citizens infinitely ambitious and afforded them occasion by being so long in Power of plotting many things and of molesting the Common-wealth divers waies by the peoples Insurrections Nor was it less
a desire of their own greatness the City was reduced oftentimes into eminent dangers Thus the Roman Plebeians thinking almost that they had not a common Country but that it did only belong unto the Nobility forsook it and retired into the Aventine valuing more the increase of their own power by necessitating the Senate to yield to their desires then their putting the City into such a disorder The Nobles likewise more sollicitous to abase the People and to increase their own fortunes then to preserve peace and union in the City did nourish Civil discord by usurpiâ—g the Common goods and by reducing the People to great Poverty through Usury By this discourse it may be comprehended how badly proportioned the Orders were in that mixt Government But it may be more cleerly seen by comparing this Commonwealth with that of Sparta which proved more excellent then any other in that mixt Government and preserved it a long time free from all discord by vertue of her most excellent Laws In Sparta the Princes power ended not but with his life to the end that he being preferred before all others for making the Laws be observed he might the better do it being detained by no self-respect from deposing of Magistrates or from being judged by the People But his Authority was notwithstanding so limited as he was rather a Custos of the Common Liberty then a true Prince in the City The People had as great a share in Government as their condition required For it being they who were to make use of the Magistrates it seemed they might better know their abilities as we see it falls out in other Trades that the excellencie of the work is better known by him that is to use it then by the maker thereof The People had the power given them of choosing and of correcting Magistrates but greater authority was granted to the Senate which was placed as in the midst to defend the Commonwealth from the Princes power and from the peoples insolencie to the end that thereby it might the better temper the one and the other Now let us see how in the joint union of these three Governments certain Conditions were appropriated unto every of them but neither so many nor yet such as made them of clean contrary qualities but so as they might very well be united in one and the same person The Prince had perpetuity of power but this stood so corrected by the Laws as it might easily consist with the other States The Senate which was made up of Forty eight of the prime Citizens represented a true Aristocratical Commonwealth but because they acknowledged their Dignity from the People their power was not such as bereft others of their Liberty But the Peoples authority in ordering rewards and punishments as it was not dangerous so it afforded place for a modest Popular State and rendred that Government more perfect by mixture of all the three best But above all things else there was a miraculous proportion observed in Sparta in sharing out those things which use to cause Civil dissentions amongst Citizens For the Noblemen had the greatest part in Honors but the People were equal to them in Wealth all the Revenues being in common so as the ambition of the one and the necessities of the other were satisfied and all of them being content they enjoyed much Peace and Tranquility so as that Commonwealth may endure longer then any of the antient Reipublicks And if at the first she had been a little more large in communicating her Government by encreasing the number of her Senators so as there had been no occasion in Theopompus his time for the better regulating their too great Authority of introducing the Magistracy of the Ephori whereby the City began to be a little too popular and leaving Licurgus his antient Institutions gave it self over to licentiousness nothing could have been desired in that City to have reduced her to the highest pâ—tch of perfection Therefore as far as the Roman Government differed from this it must be confest it fell so far short of true excellencie The Consuls of Rome had great Authority and it may be more free then became any Magistracy in a Commonwealth but the little durance thereof made it less beneficial to the the Republick For their Power being soon to be given over made them less diligent and less bold in undertaking Publick Affairs For Consulship being laid aside the way was opened of revenging private 〈◊〉 by the Tribunes So Cicerâ— who freed his Country from Catalius Conspiracy when he was out of Place was banished But the Senate because it had not any Ordinary Magistracy from whence no Appeal might be made by which is might curb the Peoples Insolency had not that respect given to it by which the ignorant common people is Governed So as the people not being held back by this Bridle ran into such lâ—centiousness as they dared to commit divers Indignities even against the chief Magistracy of Counsulship as they did when they plucked the Consul Camillus Hestare from the Tribunal that they might by force obâ—aâ—â— admittance to that Supream Magistracy The weakness of the Senate was likewise the occasion of the increase of the power of some Citizens for the peoples resolutions prevailing over the like of the Senate the way of ariving at great power by the favour of the people in despite of the Senate was opened to such as were ambitious Thus did Marius cause himself to be declared Consul contrary to the Laws and Caesar to be confirmed in his Province And to suppress these mens immoderate greatness which tended towards Tyranny it was requisite since the Commonwealth had no usual means to do it to prefer other Citizens of the Nobilities side whose greatness proved afterwards no less pernicâ—ous then that of those whom they thought through their Authority to suppress wherefore the City became wholly divided so that private injuries were with horrid cruelties revenged by Sylla though he professed to vindicate the Common welfare And Pompey to maintain his Greatness put rubs in the Treaty of Agreement with Caesar Wherefore betaking themselves to Arms the Commonwealth could not at last but fall These disorders were occasioned through the weakness of the Senate But the people possessing themselves of other mens Places usurpâ— the best imployments of the Commonwealth and being equall to the Nobility in pâ—â—nt of liberty would without any respect to other things purtake equally of Government So the right disposure of the Honors and Orders of the City were confused which require Geometrical and not Arithmetical proportion in such sort as the same things be not granted to all men but to every one that which is most convenient for him And certainly to constitute a City of that form as all her Citizens should be equal would be no better then to make a Consort of Musick consisting all of the same voyces for as the latter produceth no true Harmony so doth no
good concord result from the former Therefore care must be had that every Order may keep its own state and be neither too much exalted nor too much abased lest the too 〈◊〉 or too sharp Tone occasion dissâ—nance as it was seen to fall out in Rome where this just proportion was but badly kept people of unequal condition and worth being oft times made equal in Dignity which caused a Government full of confusion and disorder not bounded in any one Form but disposed to receive all Forms But if we will assign any particular State to the mixt body of this City as predominate over the rest there can be none more properly given her then popularity Which though it may be already comprehended yet it will be better known by passing to some other more particular considerations The state of the Commonwealth is known by observing in whom the chief command is found but the majesty thereof appears clearly in the creating of Magistrates in making new Laws or repealing old ones in making War in disposing of Rewards or Punishment All which things being by many examples seen to lie in the power of the People do evidently witness that the State of this Commonwealth was Popular The People were they who gave authority to Magistrates nay even to the Senate it self by authenticating and invigorating the Resolves thereof and as the soul of that Government they did in divers manners move the other parts of the Commonwealth in their operations So as her truest and properest Form can only be taken from them nay it was seen that the resolutions of the Republick did bind the Senate and were of equal force with the Peoples commands prolonging Magistrates in their places and by the authority thereof putting a period to begun Wars Wherefore the corruption of a Popular State may be further seen by the immoderate power of the meanest Citizens Let us next view the ultimate end of that Commonwealth which by a certain ordinary and as it were natural change of condition will shew us what her first Form was For it being changed into Tyranny which usually ariseth from a Popular State it appears that that City was formerly governed by the People and had by corrupt manners opened the way to Tyranny so as this Transition was easily made by the likeness of State For that City where the People commands with licence may be said to be subject to many Tyrants nor admits it of any change saving that one man becomes the master of those disorders which a multitude were masters of There were likewise always many popular Pick-thanks in Rome who like the Flatterers of Tyrants tracing the People in their humors went a birding after favors whereby they won credit and preferment Which as the Philosopher says is a manifest sign that in such a City the People command not the Laws Which is seen by many experiences of which Marius was an evident example who being born of very mean parents and applâ—ing himself from the begining to the Government of the Commonwealth not guided by the glory of his Predecessors or any noble action of his own which might first introduce him thereinto but confiding in a certain greatness of spirit began to think of acquiring great power so as being become Tribune of the People he betook himself wholly to abase the authority of the Nobles as he did in publishing the Law of Suffrages threatening Consul Cotta to imprison him if he forbare not to oppose him By which boldness he won so much favor with the People as he was able to dispose of them afterwards as he listed in any affair how unjust soever or in working revenge upon his Enemies as he did in banishing innocent Metellus or to aggrandise himself insomuch as he contrary to the Laws was created Consul against the Cimbrians being absent and in a contumacious time and lastly in making the Province be assigned unto him which belonged to Sylla By such means the way was opened to the immoderate power of Citizens which in the height of their prosperity brought that Commonwealth to its final ruine For these disorders being long before begun were afterwards by the spaciousness of the City so inâ—â—eased as the People being become powerful by reason of the numerousness of the Citizens and growing more free and bold by their so many prosperities not content to be equal to the Nobility would become greater then the Laws They banish'd many Citizens without hearing the cause they granted places of Magistracie before the usual time they confirm'd the Authority of those that were already out of it and disposed of all things not according to civil equity but as they liked best Which things do sufficiently manifest the imperfections of that Government For the Philosopher says that that State where the People command and not the Laws is so corrupt as it deserves not the name of a Commonwealth no sort of Government being to be thereunto assigned Which easily happens in Cities which are very great and powerful as was that of Rome But iâ— we shall then consider the Conditions of those men into whose hands that Government was put we shall thereby likewise find that amongst the several Forms of Popular States this may be thought the most corrupt as that whereinto even Artificers were admitted which being usually but ill conditioned and frequenting Assemblies only that they may talk together do constitute an imperfect State and subject to alterations And hence it may be deduced that this part being most prevalent in that so corrupt and imperfect Commonwealth the others must partake of the same imperfection For no such union can be framed out of two good Governments and one very bad one as is requisite to give form to a good Government neither could they continue together for never so small a time Whence it may be likewise inferred that those other parts of the Commonwealth which may seem to resemble Monarchy and Aristocracy as the Consuls and Senate came short of such perfection as is proper to those States declining to the contrary party For many things may be observed to have been done by Consuls with more authority and boldness then what became a Commonwealth To pass by many other examples Caesar being confirmed in that power which he had received as Consul usurped the Liberty of the Commonwealth There were likewise many corruptions in the Senate which shew how subject that part was likewise to various disorders For when the Commonwealth was at the very height of her perfection Senators were become so mercenary as Iugurth having corrupted many of them and purchased his own saâ—ety by monies it may well be said that the Citizens of Rome would have sold their City if they could have met with a Chapman for it Another Consideration may be added to wit That that Commonwealth cannot be said to be well ordered even in the very Popular State which she so much affected For it is easie to frame any Government for a
a means to obtain the true intent of the City For if Aristotle laught at those who praised the Lacedemonian Commonwealth because she had made her Citizens so valiant in War by her excellent Military Discipline because she exceeded the other Cities of Greece in the largeness of her Confines What would he have said of the Commonwealth of Rome where certainly Military Exercises were studied much more to the end that she might vanquish the furthest distant Nations For in Sparta too boot with such Institutions as appertained to the Militia there were excellent customs for the breeding of Citizens in Civil Vertues And it is seen that Licurgus his intention aimed not so much at Empire as did that of Romulus the former much more respecting the peace of the City and the agreement among Citizens minding Military Affairs onely so far forth as they are necessary for the preservation of Liberty against Forreign Forces Another consideration to be had in regard no less then these is that in a well-ordered City the Laws ought to be confirmed by the Manners and Educations of the Citizens the which is of more force to make men honest then is the fear of punishment nay from hence Actions arise according to true Honesty and Vertue for they proceed from a vertuous Habit which is only acquired by Exercise Therefore where good Institutions of life are wanting the severity of Magistrates is not sufficient to make Citizens obedient to the Laws For when the appetite hath already gotten power and is accustomed to vice 't is too hard a matter to overcome her by force Therefore Aristotle said That Laws though very useful do but little good if men be not endued with such Customs and Discipline as fits with the state of the City Wherefore teaching in the eighth of his Politicks how Citizens are to be made good and honest he proposed three things requireable joyning Reason and Custom to Nature But Custom may be thought so much more necessary then the other two as that a mans natural inclination to Vertue makes him not vertuous unless he confirm his natural disposition by habit accustoming himself to do well Nor can Reason force Appetite but must first find it well reduced by good Education if she will make use thereof in vertuous operations As much more then as this part is necessary so much more failing will be found in that Commonwealth where such orders were not taken by a civil way for the good Education of Citizens Whence it arose that their Laws met not with such due observance as did them of Sparta not written in paper but as it were ingraven in the hearts of every one by the force of custom wherefore she proved truly miraculous by reason of the excellent customs introduced by Lycurgus to breed up Citizens in a vertuous and civil life Therefore Plutarch comparing Lycurgus with Numa preferred Lycurgus for that his having confirmed Citizens by good customs in those orders which he had introduced into the City was the reason why they were long observed Whereas Numa contenting himself with bare written Laws though good and tending to peace not taking any further care for the education of Citizens could not make them be observed for so short a time but that they terminated together with his life And it is found by experience that Lycurgus his Orders were of such force as they preserved the Liberty of Sparta longer then the like of any other of the antient Commonwealths Wherefore Philopomenes having overcome the Lacedemonians yet would he not totally tame them and reduce them under the Achaean Commonwealth till he had cancelled all the antient Institutions of their City wherein whilst young they were so bred up to Liberty as they could by no means be brought to undergo servitude From this discourse it may then be concluded That the Government of the Roman Commonwealth was of a mixt Form but ill proportioned within its self too much inclining towards the corruption of a Popular State and that she came short of the Spartans in three things In the excellencie of Government in the endeavours of Peace and in good Customs The other part remains now to be discussed Whether the City of Rome might have received a better Form of State For the good Orders of a City depend not always upon the Legislators wisdom but upon many other joint Accidents The first thing to be had in respect is the Nature of the People with which the Form of Government ought to have a just proportion Wherefore Polititians say that the Legislator ought not only to consider which is the best Form of Government but what best befits every City and such other Accidents which make so many alterations in States as it cannot be denied but that Fortune hath a share therein Lycurgus was justly esteemed an excellent Legislator but many things concurr'd in him which helped him very much to put his thoughts in effect He was a King and using force at first as it was fit to do he might introduce such a Form of Government as would bridle the Peoples insolencie and increase the auâ—hority of the Senate it made likewise much for his purpose that wealth of the City lay but in a few mens hands so as by bestowing Honors upon them he could as it were by the way of bartering the easilier dispose them to content themselves with an equality of Goods whereby he satisfied the people of Sparta's desire who were but few in number and consequently but weak and the more easie to be ordered in any sort of Government Hence it was that the Legislators of other Cities though they were wise men could not notwithstanding form a Republick throughout so well ordered as did Lycurgus because they found not a Subject apt to receive such a Form and because they wanted that authority and power which was thereunto needful or for other such like accidents which did not correspond well with what they did Therefore Solon though he had had the same intents could not have introduced such a Government in Athens because he was a private Citizen chosen by the Nobility and consent of the People to reform the City so as it behoved him to comply in many things with the one and the other and his small Authority took much of that respect and reverence from the Laws ordained by him which ought to have been given them Wherefore many blamed him and his Institutions so as at last to shun such veâ—ation he was forced to part from his ungrateful Country He met also with another difficulty He found the City divided the People much accustomed to enjoy Liberty and at that time much incensed against the Nobility by the oppressions of Usury under which they suffered so as he was compell'd to the end that they might rest content with their new Government to ease them in their Debts and give them a share in the Government which he could not do without much injury to the Nobility The
the Magistracie of Consuls which occasioned many disorders which might easily have been corrected by a just fear as is cleerly seen by many examples but chiefly by this that the People being in insurrection and contumacious against the power of Consulship the creating of a Dictator a Magistracie of supreme authority and reverence proved a sure remedy to asswage the Tumult And what more manifest sign could there be given that the people might have been tamed and made obedient by fear and by respect unto the Magistrates then that which was given upon the occasion of Appius his Decemvirate For being so ill dealt with by him and by his Colleagues as they wanted not reason to apprehend Tyranny yet the authority of this Magistracie from which there was no Appeal to be made and the severity wherewith it was administred did so bridle the people as they patiently endured all injuries nor durst they go about to shake off that slavery till the Senate interposed it self and that Horatius and Valerius declared themselves Heads of the Insurrection against the Decemviri There ought therefore either greater respect to have been given to the Consulary Authority or else if the more severe and free power of an ordinary Magistrate seemed not to be convenient for the state of that Commonwealth the respect and reverence due to the person of the Magistrate ought to have been transferred to the authority of certain Laws of which the Magistrate should have been chief Guardian inflicting severe punishment upon the not observers thereof For by this means the People would have had no occasion to be offâ—nded with the Nobles when their insolencie should be punished by vertue of the Laws this arising amongst many other beâ—efits from the Laws that he who is punished for his faults cannot complain of any one being condemned by order of Law not by the Judge his will But what hath been noted of Publicola in this first beginning may also be known at all other times and in many other of the chief Roman Citizens who through ambition siding with the People were the cause of their pride and insolencie So the Consuls Valerius and Horatius not being able to obtain Triumph from the Senate sought to have it from the People and the whole Senate not to multiply examples by creating a Dictator to suppress the authority of the Consuls Titus Quintus Cincinnatus and Geneus Iulius Mento who opposed them therein had recourse unto the Tribunes who by threatening imprisonment forc'd them to give way to the resolution And those Noblemen did usually take another course then what is to be held with the People with whom grave and severe proceeding doth avail more then humble and mild demeanor But they were so blinded by Ambition as not knowing or not caring for such errors they strove who should most ingratiate themselvs with the the People by Presents Shews and submiss comportment And this instruction might be learn'd by the example of the People of Rome themselves For it was ofttimes seen that greater respect was given to those few who had known how to use severity to the People then to those who carried themselves submissly unto them And certainly amongst other things the Judgment which followed upon the cause between Menimiuâ— and Spurius Servilius was very remarkable who being both of them accused of the same fault by the Tribunes to wit that being Consuls they had opposed the Agrarian Law Menimius who by intreaties and submiss carriage endeavoured absolution was condemned but Spurius Servilius stoutly withstanding the Tribunes fury and speaking severely to the People was acquitted And Furius and Manilius who had both of them been Consuls being not long after accused the Nobles being willing totally to free them from such danger kill'd the Tribune in his own house who had impeached them which did so affright his Colleagues and the People as none of the Tribunes would afterwards reassume the same cause And all the Insurrections which were then in the City being suddenly appeased all of them did willingly subscribe the Militia Appius Claudius was always very severe against the People and amongst other of his actions the punishment which he took upon the Armies insolencie was very observable for he made them be decimated very tenth man be put to death which was submitted unto without any the least tumult by reason of the antient opinion of the Captains severity and for the fear infused into the Soldiers by the sentence of death against some Centurions who were accused for having been Authors of that Insurrection Which was sufficient so far to curb them all as though they were all of them then in Arms every of them stood peacefully spectators of the death of so many Kinsmen and Friends and of their own doubtful chance and which peradventure is a greater wonder and doth the better confirm this truth Appius being accused for this sentence by the Tribunes after he had laid down the Consulship using the same severity in defending himself he was not held less guilty for having been formerly Consul So as the People neither willing to absolve him nor daring to condemn him the cause was put off and he suffered to depart And in the latter times when the Peoples power was greatest Tiberius Gracchus endeavouring to propound the observance of the Licinian Law the Nobles changing their habits and shewing great humility labored to win favor from the People but since they saw they could do no good by this means they resolved for their last refuge to use force and kill'd the Author of those seditions Which action of theirs did so astonish the People as they suffered the Tribunes death whom they had so dearly loved and who had lost his life in defence of their cause to go unrevenged And soon after Caius Gracchus reassuming the cause which his Brother had in vain endeavoured the Nobles using the same cunning sought first by fair means to deprive him of Popular favor making use of another Tribune to this purpose by causing other popular Laws to be propounded by consent of the Senate But humility avail'd no more at this time then it had done formerly so as it behoving them to betake themselves again to Arms they slew Caius Gracchus in the Aventine and after the death of two Brothers annull'd all the Laws made by them nor did the People ever seem to resent it Which if it might have been done by an usual way of a Magistrate as hath been touched upon doubtless these ruder remedies as better suiting with the infirmities of that Commonwealth might have freed her from many mischiefs This is likewise confirmed by many other experiences For as long as the Senate kept up the authority thereof threatening to create a Dictator it kept the Terentilla Law from being made of creating a Magistracie of five men who were to correct the Consuls power But when it chose to appease the People by giving way to their importunities it did only invite them
to endeavour more novelties so as Humility made them not more quiet but more insolent Wherefore having obtained Appeals they would have a Magistrate of their own endowed with supreme authority and having gotten the power of the Tribunes they could not stop there but would be admitted into the Consulship into the Dictatorship and to all other sort of Dignities and having obtained all sort of Honors they began to aspire to the Estates of the Nobles who being too late aware of their Error to keep themselves from being quite dis-robed of every thing and not being able to remedy themselves by the Laws or by Magistracy they were forced to have recourse to Arms to moderate the Peoples Insolencie Whence it may be concluded that the Romans not having used those means neither at the first making of their Laws nor almost at any other time in any of their Actions which were proper to overcome certain bad qualities which they had contracted even from the birth of the Commonwealth was the reason why remaining alwaies as it were a distempered body wherein ill humours did continually encrease she was alwaies sickly perplext by so many civil Discords and and came to a shorter period of life then she ought to have done for many other of her most noble conditions The example of this powerful and famous Republick if we will well obserserve her civil Orders and what proceeded from thence and if they shall be measured by truer and more general Rules may instruct us excellently well how to discern the perfections and imperfections of Modern States And say it will not serve to correct Errors already too much confirmed by corrupt Customs it will at least be of use to know what value ought to be put upon every Government and what length of daies may in reason be allotted thereunto holding notwithstanding that Disorder for a truer Rule then all Orders which is oft times introduced by various and unthought of Accidenâ—s upon which our civil Actions do depend not onely regulated by humane wisdom but subject for ought that appears to us in many things to a certain casualty though they be indeed directed by assured though hidden causes reserved in the bosom of Divine Providence whereunto our Reason cannot reach Therefore if following the usual manner of speech we shall in these our Discourses make often use of the names of Chance and Fortune let them be understood in this true and pious manner The Second DISCOURSE What Success the Roman Affairs would have had if Alexander the Great had turned with his Victorious Army into Italy THE Republick proved more fortunate then any other State in many things so as he had reason on his side who said That Fortune who was usually an Enemy to vertue had made Truce with her that she might exalt that City to the highest pitch of Greatness But this may chiefly be acknowledged from her being freed from the necessity into which the course of time had brought her of making trial of her Forces against those of Alexander the Great who after having conquered Darius and subjugated Persia together with other Nations did not bethink himself of turning into Europe and chiefly into Italy rather then into the utmost parts of the East Or that from having accomplished so many famous Interprizes in Arabia and in the Indies being as yet but in his youth he lived no longer to carry his Victories over the other parts of the world not as yet concerned in his Forces though invaded by his immense desire of Dominion It will certainly be worth the consideration whether if Alexander had at first had any such thought or that he had had time afterwards to put it in effect to think what influence he would have had upon the Affairs of Rome This doubt was put by Livy who in the Ninth Book of the first Decade of his Histories betook himself to discourse of what might have happened if the Roman Commanders had been to have made War against Alexander But without considering any thing which might make against his opinion he bends all his reasons to prove that the Roman Forces would have proved Victorious if they had chanced to have fought against those of Alexander the Great which he resolves for as great a certainty as if the effect had ensued Yet many Arguments to the contrary may be taken out of divers of those things which Livy relates of his Romans We can take no surer way to know what would have been the success of things not done then to consider what hath been done which may guide us by conjecture to penetrate into what might have happened in other things if occasion should have served Let us then cast an eye upon what Alexanders actions were in those times and what those of the Roman Commonwealth and we shall see what might have been expected from the worth of Force and either of them if trial had been made thereof Alexanders Enterprizes were sufficiently famous and known to all men since the recounting of them hath wearied so many Writers And Plutarch who writ the Lives of the valliantest and most magnanimous men of so many ages In his Preface to that of Alexander excuseth himself with he doth not in relating the lives of any others if he be not able sufficiently to write all his actions by reason of their number and worth But the Romans Enterprizes in that age were not in themselves very great nor very greatly cried up by others Though those which they afterwards performed did for glory out-do what ever was done by any other Potentate So as Reputation and Fame which bear so great a sway in all our operations but chiefly in what belongs to War was without all doubt greater in Alexander then in those Roman Captains who flourished in his time when the greatness of the Roman Commonwealth was but in its rise and first beginning But let us come to some further particular The Commonwealth had not as then inlarged her Confines further then into Latium into some parts of Umbria and into Picenum amongst people who were very near the Volsci and the Aequi. Their Armies were not yet marched out of Italy which they did not till they made War with the Carthaginians Whence it is to be gathered that the Commonwealth was as yet but weak and not accustomed to those more weighty and important Actions of War wherein in after Ages it must be confest she did great and wonderful things But at this time many vertues in the Citizens of Rome and the customs of the City not as yet corrupted were more to be exalted then their Military valour which though their souls might be full of yet they wanted illustrious occasions to exercise it And those so many famous Commanders which as Livy says may be paralelled with Alexander Fabius Maximus Valerius Corvinus Lucius Papyrius Titus Manlius Torquatus and others of that Age what great Fears of Arms did they The War was as yet made as it were
underneath the City Gates Nor did these as Consuls or Dictators lead Armies to fight against any save the Aequi Sanniti Toscani and other neighbouring Nations which were but weak Commonalties whose Dominions extended no further then their own Cities and the Territories thereof None of all those Countries being as then reduced under the power of any one Lord. Yet Livies words and the deed it self of having had recourse so often to the Dictator and having had War so many years with the same Nations shews how much so weak Potentates were feared by the Romans who cannot notwithstanding be said to have been much superior to them either for strength and worth of their Militia since it behoved to fight so often with them and hardly could they after so many dangers and a long course of time extinguish them or rather make them their Companions and Friends Who can then justly compare these things to Alexanders great atchievements to his so many Victories won over the greatest and most potent Kings of Asia What though Darius his men may be said to have been rude and base it cannot be denied but that they were Three hundred thousand armed men and of that Nation wherein the Monarchy had long been And Alexanders victorious Forces overran more Countries in little more then ten years then did the Romans in a much longer time when they were at their greatest The before-named Roman Commanders are deservedly praised for divers vertues But what could there be desired more in Alexander to make him be an excellent Commander Who had his share in more Battels then he Who shewed more boldness in undertaking enterprises greater constancie in prosecuting them more hopes in effecting them What other Commander was ever more highly esteemed and dearly beloved by his Soldiers Those vertues which divided amongst many men have made many Captains worthy to be praised met all of them abundantly in him Would Alexander peradventure have been afraid to pass into Italy who shewed his undauntedness in entring into the Desarts of Arabia without any other hope of bringing himself and his Army safe back save what his courage and his happy Genius promis'd him But how easily might he have passed into Italy Greece which was formerly conquered by his Father King Philip being at his devotion and to boot with the abounding commodities which that Country and his own Forces might have afforded him might not he have hoped to be received and assisted by so many people who were express enemies to the Roman Commonwealth who would not have refused to have obeyed so great a Prince as was Alexander so to avoid submitting themselves to the Dominion of a City like to one of theirs and with which they had long and grievous contestations Nay the hatred and envy which they bore to the Romans greatness would have made them all have sided with Alexander against them Was not Pyrrhus invited into Italy for this purpose by the Sâ—mniti and Tarentini and did not many of the Cities which were under the Romans obedience put themselves for the same reason under the power of Hannibal being thereunto moved rather out of their hatred to be commanded by the Romans then their fear of being supprest by the Carthaginian Forces It now remains that we consider some things of Alexanders Militia and of that of the Romans By which it will not be hard for him who will not willingly be deceived to know on which side the advantage and the disadvantage might have been Since if the numher of Combatants be to be valued who can doubt but that the Armies of which he was Lord who was Lord of so many Provinces as was Alexander were much to exceed those which one only City though very populous and very watlike as was that of Rome could put together And if Alexander would do most of his famous Actions with his Macedonians only it was out of his choice and judgment not out of any weakness for he thought an Army of a few valiant and expert Soldiers fitter to undertake a great enterprise then a great multâ—tude which oftentimes bring more confusion then aid So as having when he had overcome Darius made that so memorable Order of his Soldiers of Thirty thousand young men chosen out of the Flower of many subjugated Provinces and made them be instructed in the Macedonian Militia he little regarded his own Macedonians whom as it is written he permitted out of favor and in reward of their former service and at their own requests to follow his Ensigns and to pass with him into India to new undertakings But the so many Battels which he so successfully made may sufficiently witness the excellencie of his Discipline in the Militia as also his taking of so many Cities his long Voyages the perpetual exercise in military works By which things it may be conceived that no more Veteran Army could be found in those times which was more expert in all that belonged to the Militia more obedient to their Captains and more observant of all Military order then then was that of Alexanders The ordering of Soldiers used by Alexander which was called Phalanx is at this day celebrated in which the Ranks of Soldiers standing close being as it were woven together and covered over with great shields they made a solid and safe body of an Army able to sustain whatsoever charge of the Enemy Livy does afterwards consider that the Counsel of a wise Senate as was that of Rome would have prevailed over any one mans Resolves such as was Alexander but he considers not on the contrary side how that in affairs of importancie and chiefly in matters of War the supreme authority and command of one alone is requisite The Romans themselves were of this opinion who in cases of great difficulty had recourse to a Dictator whose Commissions were not limited but he was only charged to take such care as that the Commonwealth might undergo no loss nor prejudice Nor for all this is the authority or reverence due to a Dictator who is Magistrate but for a short time and subject to give an account for what he does in this to be compared with the majesty of a Kings command and of so great and so esteemed a King as was Alexander How often fell it out in Rome that when supplies were to be sent to an Army discords were importunately sollicited by the Tribunes and the Army hindered from being listed Was there any such thing in Alexander in whom supreme Authority and Empire did consist Nor did he yet want some more confiding Friends whose counsels he was accustomed to make use of and those but a few wise and wholly intent upon the good of that Prince upon whom all their greatness did depend as Counsels ought to be in business of great weight to the end that they may be maturely resolved upon and readily executed Which happens not where any command with equal authority and oft-times with much differing thoughts and ends
if the City which was the beginning of so many Wars had been reserved to be the end thereof These and other such like reasons may be alleadged for the War undertaken against the Carthaginians but that which they made against Philip may be said to be caused rather by necessity then choice For Philip for his part being already resolved to follow Hannibals fortune and expecting large recompence had sent his Ambassadors several times formerly to him to conclude a confederacie with him wherefore the Romans thinking it better to prevent the Enemy then to be by them prevented fell suddenly upon him with their whole Fleet and Army hoping to suppress him though they did not wholly effect their design But they continued their War against him afterwards in Greece incited by the commotions already raised in that Province by the Italians knowing that unless they should interpose themselves Greece must either fall into Philips hands whereby the power of a People that were Enemies to the Romans and already very formidable of themselves would be greatly increased or else they must have recourse to the assistance of King Attalus as the Grecians had already protested to the Romans and so they must suffer the neighborhood of another King who was already powerful in Asia and might at another time trouble the affairs of Rome And the wisdom of the Romans was always such as not being cast down by any adversity they never seemed so much to apprehend present dangers but that they had an eye to those which might ensue and in time grow greater And this peradventure was that which did prove the Romans power and worth more then any thing else since when as they were as yet but masters of a small State and that their affairs were reduced into great difficulties both by their so many bad successes in battel against Hannibal and by the risings of their Friends and Confederates yet they resolved to maintain War at one and the same time in four several Countries to wit in Italy Sicily Spain and Greece and they were able to manage them all And certainly such advice was no less useful then generous For he who should overcome the Romans in any one place could not hope quite to subdue them since they had other Armies and valiant Commanders who might make good their fortune and raise it up again So as things formerly alleadged for arguments to asperse this their resolution may peradventure be allowed of in such States and amongst such Princes where there is not that worth discipline or power as was amongst the Romans but in them or such as they they are of no force and very Experience by the issue of those Wars seems to confirm and approve of the Counsels by which they were undertaken The Seventh DISCOURSE Whether the defâ—ruction of Carthage was the rise of the ruine of the Roman Republick CArthage a glorious and famous City both for the command she had in Africa and Spain and for being long Rival in glory with the Common-wealth of Rome being at last to yield either to the great worth or happy genius of the Romans was not notwithstanding made tribuâ—ary to Rome but was burnt and destroyed even to the ground The Carthaginians were oft times overcome in battel by the Romans and had severe Laws imposed upon them yet were those undaunted fierce minds never well quell'd but beginning to heighten their hopes and augment their Forces after the second Carthaginian war they molested those that were friends to the Romans and contrary to their Articles began to sail upon the Sea with Men of War These things being therefore treated of in the Senate of Rome caused variety of opinions Some were for the total ruining of the City of Carthage since otherwise the Commonwealth of Rome could not be free from their injuries and molestations and Cato was very â—tiff of his opinion who bringing some fresh Figs which were gathered in Carthage shewed what dangers they were always subject unto by reason of their Enemies neigborhood But others endeavoring the contrary sought to prove that totally to extinguish the Carthaginians was no good advice and Scipio Nasâ—ica a man of great authority was greatly averse to this resolution being thereunto moved as he said not through any pitty to the conquered enemy but for the advantage of his own Citizens who when they should be free from the fear of the Carthaginian Forces would suffer many evils through Idleness So as it was the common saying and opinion that the destruction of the Carthaginians would hasten on the ruine of Rome And Salust in the beginning of his History of Catilines Conspiracy describing the abusive customs of the City of Rome at that time seems to be of opinion that the overthrow of Carthage did more harm to the Commonwealth by introducing idleness and pleasure then the keeping of her flourishing and in arms would have done Yet there were other considerations which did thwart this opinion shewing that it was not peace and idleness but the continually being verst in Arms and War which was the true cause of the Civil discords and change of Government in Rome This it was which fomented ambition in the Citizens this it was that did too immensely increase their power Finally it was this that divided the City and through discord brought it to utter ruine And how can it be said that the City of Rome was ruined by Peace since she never tasted thereof Insomuch as for the space of Six hundred eighty five years that famous Temple dedicated to Ianus by Numa Pompillius that it might stand open in time of War and shut in time of Peace was onely twice seen to be shut once in the Consulship of Titus Manlius after the end of the first Carthaginian War and once more in Augustus his time after the Naval Victory over Mark Anthony Thus were the Romans and chiefly the most valiant amongst them great enemies to Peace not so much endeavoring to procure greater strength to the Publick Empire as to encrease their own glory and power Therefore one War was made to beger another no time being ever to be found wherein the City was to injoy honest and civil leasure And Provinces and the authority of administring War was oft times confirmed to those who commanded their Armies who either desired to continue in their command or occasion requiring it to be so that they might put an end the Wars begun As it fell out in the second Carthaginian War where the time of tarrying in that Province and the continuing of his command was prolonged to the Consul Scipio who waged War in Spain to the end that he might finish what he had begun The like was done to Fabus in the Wars which he made against Hannibal in Italy and upon other occasions a thing which being done contrary to the rule of Law though it made somewhat for the Publick advantage at the present yet was it cause of great disorders afterwards Thus Marius
whilst he was abroad in the Juâ—urthan War was created Consul and made chief Commander against the Cimbrians though he ought not in his absence and in time of contumacy to have been chosen to that Magistracy Caesar after having commanded the Roman Armies five years when he was sent to wage War in France had his place of command cont nued unto him for five years longer and not herewithal content but being accustomed to rule he asked leave of the Senate to keep abroad and to continue in the Army which when the Senate would not give way unto they too late opposed his desire he being grown so powerful by reason of his continuation in military command as he valued not the Senates Authority nor the being declared an enemy to the Commonwealth But if we will consider the beginning of Civil Discords how and where the siding began which insected the minds of the Citizens with pestiferous corruption we shall find that this happened not in time of Peace in Cities or by reason of Civil Affairs but in the Camp amongst Weapons and when the Commonwealth was bufied in weighty Wars For Marius being drunk with the desire of military glory and not being able to endure that it should be taken from him or diminished by Sylla as he imagined it might happen by reason of Syllas happy success in the Jugurthan War wherein having taken Iuguâ—tha alive he had the glory to have put an end to that War He began to think of establshing yet more greatness in himself by making many of the Order of Cavaliers and of the people partial to him and impudently corrupting the Citizens first with moneys and afterwards with open force of Arms making the Magistracy and command of the war be conferred and resolved upon in him as he did in the Consulship and Proconsulship against Mithridates The Nobility being afrighted at this mans greatness by reason of his authority and reputation with the Soldiers they mightily encreased Sylla's power who was an enemy to Marius till at last they came to taking up Arms and shedding of civil blood But who knows not that Caesar moved thereunto more out of a desire of his own greatness then out of his alliance with Marius raised and maintained his Fraction in Rome and that his power encreased not in Peace and in the Market-place but in War and in the Camp So for the same reason for which Sylla was advanced a little before it behoved the Senate to confer more greatness upon Pompey then became the condition of civil Government so as the whole City was divided and with those arms by which though taken up and made use of against enemies the first occasion of contention among private Citizens was given the very Commonwealth must be wounded which stood in the midst between them so as her vitâ—l spirit of liberty being taken away her throat was cut by those whom she had most favoured But whence did the so many other corruptions of those times arise save from the so many prosperous successes of war by which the Citizens being much enriched and made proud could not betake themselves to live parcimoniously and with civil equality And it is said of Caesar that he corrupted the people of Rome by moneys which he had got in the War so to make them confer places of Magistracy as he listed upon such as were his friends and partial to him Out of these respects the wise Legislator Lycurgus intending to lay the foundation of a long lasting Government in Sparta though he introduced Military exercises to the end that the Citizens might be able to defend their Country yet he ordered the City so as it could not much increase its power by any Forgein War But the Commonwealth of Rome not being ordered for peace could never find out not enjoy a peaceful condition How is it then given out that peace and idleness was the ruine of that City How should she beleeve that her Arms should remain idle if she would have the whole world for her enemy as Mariâ— said to Mithidates that who would not recieve Law from the Romans must make themselves more powerful then they So as the counsel which Scipio gave to his Romans of not utterly destroying Carthage might be good in another respect for the preservation thereof might encrease that glory to their Commonwealth which many of her valiant Citizens seemed greatly desirous of to wit to have easily pardoned their enemies when they should have humbled themselves as the Carthaginians had then done haveing not onely with great humility begged peace of the Senate by their Ambassadors but given many of their chief Citizens for hostages to Scipio and great store of Arms to secure the Romans that they would keep their Articles And truly the destruction of that noble City did differ from the usual generosity of the Romans who had wont after Victory to grâ—â—t the Cities and Kingdoms to those very enemies with whom they had fought making both King and People in all parts or Tribuâ—ory or Confederate to the Senate and People of Rome But I see no reason at all why they should forbear the rooting out of these the Romans antient enemies for fear lest they should be undone with idleness and that civil discords should thereupon ensue How many years were there between the second and third Carthaginian war and yet when was the Commonwealth of Rome free from Foreign war though these her Enemies did not appear to be so The last Carthaginian war being hardly ended did not they wage war in Spain with the Numantines for the space of fourteen years And yet in these times the bounds of the Roman Empire may be said to have been very narrow in respect of what they were afterwards France which then was Mistress of more Provinces then now she is was not as yet subdued nay the difficulty and length of that War bringing along with it the prorogation of Command since Caesar commanded the Armies for ten years together did much increase those disorders which did at last prove the ruine of the Commonwealth But how much did Pompey enlarge the bounds of the Roman Empire in Asia over how many conquered Kings and Provinces did he triumph Armenia Cappadocia Media Iberia Syria Arabia Phaenicia and other Nations were reduced under the Romans power by this sole Commander It will seem strange and yet it is related by authentical Writers that nine hundred Cities were made subject and tributary to the Roman Empire by Pompey and almost as many more by Caesar And he who will consider it well shall find that the Roman Commanders did flourish most and were most cryed up after the destruction of Carthage Rome wanted then neither means nor will to exercise her Arms not to mention so many Wars which were all of them famous if not for the greatness of acquisition at least for other weighty accidents and if not for their strength yet for the wisdom of the Enemy That of Tigranes
Tyranny could put her self into a free condition why I say she could not do the like when Brutus and Cassius had slain Iulius Casar when it appears they ought rather to have done so now the people being more numerous and powerful and the City in such greatness as the liberty nay rather power which the people had in ordering that Commonwealth ought to have been more esteemed and held dear To this may be added that in the time of Kings the very name of Liberty was not well known much less was the good thereof injoyed Wherefore a good which they had not known ought to have been of less power with them And in the Government of Kings the City had been so successful as it seemed she might run a hazard by chusing a new form of Government which she had not formerly experienced And in the time of the Decemviri the affairs of Rome were also in a very weak condition nor ought the Liberty or command of that City be reputed a thing of such moment as it became afterwards by the wonderful felicity by which she marched to the height of all Glory and Greatness Besides the Government of Ten retained a certain shew of a Commonwealth and many being therein interessed she seemed to have thereby also a better ground for her subsistance Whereas in Caesars time he having reduced the main of all affairs into himself and begun to accept of the Title and Honors of a King all Form of a Commonwealth and of Liberty was lost and he having maintained himself in that degree onely by his own Greatness and in a City so full of Nobility at that time and of so many generously minded men his Principality must of necessity be the weaker and easilier to be eradicated which when it should fall it seemed that the former Government of Common-wealth must of it self rise up again These and other such like reasons afford occasion of seeking into the cause why contrary effects were seen to ensue We will herein consider first what the customs of the City of Rome were in each of these times and what effects were prevalent in the peoples minds men not being accustomed to imbrace such things as are truly useful but often such as by the predominate affection are held to be so Whilst the City was in an humble condition and that her Citizens were not begun to be corrupted by an immoderate ambition of Governing there was no siding nor partaking studied amongst them which crept on by little and little and did so contaminate all orders as it reduced the Commonwealth to such weakness as wanting strength to rule her self she must fall and being once down could not rise up again This corruption began amongst the Soldiers in whom the Commanders did permit such unbridled licentiousness to the end that they might dispose of them as they listed to oppres their particular enemies and sometimes against the very Commonwealth As Sylla did to lessen Marius his power and Marins no less to counterprize Sylla by the same means things growing into such disorder as he made the servants of the Commonwealth to take up arms against his enemies the Syllaniaâ—s and this authority did so continue in great Citizens and in the Commanders of Armies as it seemed a wonder that Pompey the Great who had exceeded all others in Glory and Power after his return into Italy having prosperously ended his enterprise against Mithridates should be content to quit the Army when every one feared that he would enter Rome therewithal and do even then with Rome as Caesar did not long after assume unto himself the chief Government of all publick affairs So great was the disorder and so little was the Authority either of Laws or Senate esteemed But his Design who plotted tyranny in the succeeding time prospered the better for that this corruption which was first entred into the Soldiers was past into the Nobility and spread every day abroad amongst the people For those who had been Generals of the great Enterprises of War being grown exceeding rich did several waies purchase the popular votes turning and winding them as they liked best to the end that the places of Magistracy might be conferred on them or upon their Friends and Adherents Neither was the very Senate free from this contagion but being long before accustomed not to be at their own command but to depend upon the power of those who were of supreme Authority in the Armies they fell headlong into the same errors into which the people were faln manifestly adhering by way of Faction not by any civil favor to particular Citizens who headed parties and the authors of novelties which was at first done with some appearance of honesty to maintain the Commonwealth and to defend Liberty against those who had been too immoderately exalted by the peoples favour to the injury of other more deserving Citizens and to the prejudice of Liberty But in the process of time and affairs those who had taken up Arms in behalf of the Commonwealth proved no less burthensom much power thereby encreasing in one particular person then those themselves against whom Arms were taken up For an immoderate desire of encreasing in power and wealth began to possess the souls of many who were already accustomed to rule longer and with greater authority then was sitting to be done in a Civil Government So as all things were put into great confusion and now not those who were worthy and valiant but those who were most bold insolent found places of greatest honor in the Commonwealth Hence it was that it being observed that those who had adhered to Sylla's party when his Adversary being overcome he was become almost the sole Arbitrator of all things had often gotten great riches and preferments in reward of their wicked actions the wealth of those who were proscribed by Sylla being given to these and such being easily proscribed at his Favorites pleasure whom they would rob of their Palaces or of what they valued most Many allured by hope of getting better things and more easily then they could have done in a well-governed Commonwealth loved confusion and favoured the Government of one alone thinking that they might obtain Honors and many other favors which are usually bestowed freely upon such as are partial to them by those who will preserve themselves in height of Power Hence then it arose that Brutus and Cassiâ—s the murderers of Caesar were not so backed nor met not with that general approbation from the City to uphold their fact and the common Liberty as Iunius Brutus and Virginius did when they raised the people to free themselves from the Tyranny of the Tarquiâ—s and of the Decemviri The latter had recourse unto the Camp and kindled a servent desire in the Soldiers to vindicate the injuries and msolencies used by the Tarquiâ—s and by Appiâ—s But what favour could Bruâ—â—i and Cassius expect from the Soldiers themselves being contaminated and more desirous
keep a great number of Soldiers in those Garisons to keep the people in obedience which were in pares farthest distant from the Senate of the Empire But the very same thing which was introduced to provide against those dangers was cause of others by reason of the Authority which the Armies had already usurped and out of hopes afforded to the Commanders of attaining this supreme dignity by being by the Soldiers cried up Emperors Wherefore one onely man though of never so much worth not being able to supply all places and provide for so many things as so great an Empire stood in need of and less able to correct the disorders which in so many States as civil humors in members farthest distant from the heart did daily more and more encrease the Empire must needs be continually â—ext both by foreign Nations and by its own Soldiers so as it was hardly ever free from such troubles nor was War sooner ended in one place but it broke forth in another nay for the most part divers Roman Armies fought in several places at one and the same time each of them endeavoring to sustain him whom they had chosen to be their Emperor Therefore Adrian to remedy so many disorders in the Empire which he thought did onely arise by reason of the Emperors being so far off and the largeness of the Confines resolved not to keep his certain abode in Rome but spending his whole time in travelling to visit all the parts of his Dominions to keep his Subjects in their duties and knowing how hard a thing this would be to do and almost impossible in so large Confines he resolved to shorten them in the Eastern parts making the River Euphrates the utmost boundeur of the Emire and restâ—ring all the people of the higher Provinces to their Liberty even to India who being by his successors reduced under the obedience of the Empire and many rebellions ensuing thereupon and much difficulty not onely in the further distâ—nâ— parts bâ—t even in those that were nearest at hand Constantine the Great knowing that these evils could not otherwise be helpâ— but by carrying the seat of the Empire nearer those parts chose the City of Byzantium to be the place which being rebuilt by him took from him the name of Constantinople And hence it is that the Indian Gymnosophist being desirous to shew Alexander the Great that whilâ—t being born away with a desire of Rule in far distant Regions he was gone so far from his own Kingdom as he gave it occasion of rebelling against him made a hard and stiff Oxe-hide be laid upon the ground and walking upon the utmost skirts thereof shewed him that when the part that was trod upon gave way to the foot another part rose up And that so it befell many great Princes who whilst they seek to keep one part of their States low and quiet the rest which they keep far from rise up in rebellion Hence it was that many Emperors not only such as were unfit for Government but even the wisest and most valiant knowing and confessing themselves to be opprest by the weight of so great a mass câ—ose others who in their liâ—e-times were to be their Coadjutors in Government and who should succeed them after their deaths in the Empire which was seldom quietly possest by one alone the Armies of far distant Provinces reâ—â—sing oft-times to obey those who were chosen to succeed in the Empire by other Armies though they were with all solemnity allowed and accepted of by the Senâ—te as befell Galba who being created Emperor by the Spanish Army was not accepted of nor obeyed by the German Army The like befell many others so as sometimes it was not well known who was the true Emperor And certainly tallâ—inâ—es of the greatâ—st height of this Empire it may be known that no one man though of never so great worth was able to govern it in peace and quiet And even Augustus himselâ— made trial of many Insurrections in Spain Germany and in the Eastern pâ—â—ts amongst the â—cythians and Parthians though at lâ—st through his sinâ—ular worth and great good fortune the whole World being reduced to an universal Peace he was able to shut up that famous Temple of Ianus which was kept always open afterward his Successors having always occasion to modest themselvs with war So as the saâ—ing is made true that Suis ipsa Roma viribus ruit But his her ruine was certainly accelerated by the lewd conditions of those into whose hanâ—s tâ—e Empire often fell For through their fault the internal causes of the States corruption were either occasioned or much increased since by their ignorance baseness avarâ—câ— cruelty lust and other enormous vices they drew on contempt and injury the first and chief roots of all change of Government For by contempt the Subjects take occasion to rebel and chiefly the richest and noblest and from injury comes hatred and desire of change of Government And it was the greaâ—er misfortune for this Empire in all other respects more fortunate then all other Empires that in those very times wherein there was greatest need of a continued succession of wise and generous Princes to confirm the State which by vertue of the great Augustus was reduced from War and past disorders into Peace and good Government should after him fall into the hands of three very lewd and base Emperors Tiberius Caligula and Nero from whose enormous vices those chief evils arose to the Provinces of that Empire which we but now mentioned the contempt of that supreme dignity both amongst For in and her own Soldiers The former by rebelling strove to free themselves from their obedience the other through insolence bereâ—t them of Empire and life Haâ—red and desire of change arose likewise in the Senate which was deprived of its authority and particularly in those who were offended or had any thing of generosity in them Hence â—t was that soon after to wit in â—ero's time Caesars linage ended and thaâ— the Soldiers accustomed to much licentiousness under such Princes usurp'd the authoriâ—y of making Emperors as they did in Galba after Nero's death in Otho after Galba and so in many others His worth who commanded in chief and his good fortune who was to succeed in the Empire was sometimes able to make a Successor but not to take this authority totally from the Soldiery through confidence of whose favor many aspired though by bad means to usurp the Empire and amidst these contentions the Empire must needs be divided shatter'd and weakened From this root another disorder arose which was cause of many heinous mischiefs to wit the general corruption of Customs in all the Orders of the City of Rome For Subjects following as usually they do their Princes inclinations and exercises men began to give themselves over to an idle life and Vertue being neither nourished nor at first maintained still languished more and more so as the Art of Commanding failing
good Obedience was also wanting every body made his will his law nor was there any sort of wickedness how infamous soever from which the Commanders or Soldiers were restrained by any respect borne to the Majesty of the Prince All reason was reduced to the sword and every one dared to attempt as much as his power encouraged him to compass Such and so great were the vices which crept daily into men of all degrees and qualities as it would be too laborious a thing to number them up all This one example may suffice to shew to what dissoluâ—eness and licentâ—ousness The affairs of Rome were reduced when Galba having chosen Piso Lasinianus a man very famous for his civil behaviour and military worth his election was neither accepted of by the Army nor by the Senate because it was thought that if he should come to the Empire he would correct the many misdemeanors both of Citizens and Soldiers But both of them being kill'd and in stead of him Otho was made Emperor in Rome and Vitellius at the same time cry'd up Emperor by the Army in Germany the affairs of the Empire were then governed with such confusion and grew so much worse in the succeeding Age the disorders growing to be confirm'd by a bad habit as when any Emperors should go about to correct the immoderate licentiousness of the Soldiers by reducing them to their antient discipline were they never so good and wise Princes they were slain by the Armies as was Alexander Severus Probus and some others So as no certain Form could be given to such a Government wherein the Soldier had so great a stroke in Authority making and unmaking Emperors at their pleasure so as it might seem to resemble a Popular State and yet the Emperors commanding with supreme authority in so ample a Dominion Monarchy might appear to be there formed It is not much to be wondred at then if this monstrous body of the Roman Empire being composed of almost incompatible ill-govern'd and mâ—sproportioned parts should be sick of divers infirmities and must at last suffer dissolution sooner then otherwise her greatness and power promised The negligence and pusillanimity of some Emperors were likewise cause why the City-Soldiers who kept still about the City as it were the Life guard of the Princes person and who were the flower of all the rest both for valor and discipline being long kept idle grew so effeminate and so unaccustomed to labor and military exercise as when some more valiant Prince would make trial of them they found themselves deceived in the hopes they had of their pristâ—ne worth Wherefore the Empire having already received great losses and damages in divers battels things grew to that height as not to mention many almost innumerable particulars which in this case might be produced when the States of the assaulted Empire would defeâ—d themselvs against the Northern nations as you shall shortly hear they were forced to take others of the same Nations to oppose their violence To so great a want both of Power Soldiers and Military discipline was the Empire reduced before it was so rent and so bereft of many Provinces as it was afterwards Then as the Roman Empire was got to that height of power and greatness by the worth of those first antient Romans and by the excellencie of their military discipline so her good Orders being afterwards corrupted she took so clean contrary a way to her first beginning as it behoved her soon to fall to ruine it being a certain and true rule That States do increase and are preserved by the same means by which they had their first beginnings and are corrupted by the contrary And he who shall consider the antient ways and works of those who laid the first foundations of this Empire and shall compare them with those which insued in the time of Emperors will find such difference therein as the necessity of coming to such an end may soon be seen The Roman Armies and their Leaders were once excellent examples of worth and discipline Who does not praise and wonder at what Titus Manlius did who punisht his victorious Son with death because he fought the enemy before the sign of Battel was given Very remarkable were the severe punishments which were oft-times imposed upon the Soldiers disobedience even for slight causes whose tumultuous proceedings were oft-time punished with decimating the whole Army But how different from these examples were those which were afterwards in the following Age shewn by many of those who waged War and commanded the Roman Armies The Commanders indulgence towards the Armies the Soldiers uncurb'd licentiousness the authority and boldness which they assumed unto themselves both over the people and over the very Emperors whom they were to obey are not they monstrous things in a well ordered State Those antient Romans did so study Military Affairs and so frequent were the exercises of the Militia with all Citizens as when the â—â—ity of Rome had not extended her bounds beyond Italy she had so numerous Armies as she was able to maintain at one and the same time but in several parts above One hundred thousand men in Arms and yet when so many calamities and ruines befel her by the Barbarians when she commanded over so many Provinces and Kingdoms her antient Discipline was so lost as for want of Soldiers she was forc'd to make use of mercinary Barbarians who getting at last to be very powerful did joyntly turn their Arms against that Empire for whose defence they were called in and whose pay they took Nor is the vanquishing and beating of the Roman Armies which was for so many years unconquerable by other Nations to be attributed to the Goths or those other Northern people but rather to the corruption of their Customs to the loss of their good Discipline and to the discord and baseness of the Commanders and Soldiers of those times For were not the French a valiant and stout Nation to overcome whom it behoved Caesar to fight so many Battels and to make so often trial of the Romans worth and fortune and that not without much danger Did not the Romans wage War in Spain for the space of almost Two hundred years together before they could well conquer that Nation and get quiet possession thereof How often did the Saxons Bavarians and other people of Germany take up Arms to molest the States of the Empire Yet all their commotions were still supprest And had not the Roman Empire almost continual War by reason of their so many Insurrections with many other Eastern Nations and chiefly with the Persians And though sometimes they tasted of adverse fortune yet their loss was always recovered as also the prejudice of the reputation of the Romans Forces by their own Commanders and Soldiers so as they were always forc'd to keep within their own Confines and under the obedience of the Empire But when they stood in greatest need when the Empire
the time of Arcadius and Honorius wherein Italy underwent many miserable ruines as did also the very City of Rome which was the Metropolis of the Empire so as she could not resume her antient greatness as formerly she had done after some adverse events It appears to be and truly is a thing worthy of deep discourse and consideration how this so great and well-founded Empire after it began to totter did so soon precipitate into final ruine If the time of this its duration be measured in respect to the ordinary mutation of humane things and more particularly of State-Governments the time of its continuance may appear to have been long enough but if the greatness and power of the Empire be taken into consideration which was such as that there was no other Potentate that could weigh against it or rather no Country which was not in some sort subject thereunto it may very well invite us so far as may be probably conjectur'd by so great success and where so many various accidents concur and have a share to conjecture whether the Roman Empire would have been longer or shorter lived if it had been still governed in the form of a Commonwealth then it did when it fell into the power of one onely man under the government of Emperors Many things may perswade us to beleeve that in whatsoever condition or form of Government this Empire must have run the same fortune and walked on with some little variation of time to the same end it did First the vicissitude of humane affairs which by reason of their natural imperfections will not suffer sublunary things to be still in the same state of being but will have it so as being carried about in continual motion they must sometimes be raised higher fall sometimes lower Other People and other Nations besides the Romans have flourish'd in other times though not so much nor so highly cried up Other Ages have seen other great Empires so as the rise of the one hath been the fall of the other and it is a great truth that Lordships and Empires as do mens lives nay as befals every thing that is born in time wax old and proceeding on by ordinary and natural gradations have their beginning increase time of perfection declination and final ruine Till Honorius his rule at which time the Empire began palpably to wander from its grandeur and dignity it had continued for so many years as the longer duration thereof would have almost exceeded the common condition of other things this may well be a general reason but one that is so approved of by other reasons and continual experience as it may be reputed certain in particulars though sometimes we ignore the proximate reason But to proceed to more particular considerations why should we beleeve that the Roman Empire should have been of longer duration if it had been governed by a Commonwealth then under Emperors Not onely reason but experience shews that 〈◊〉 Government of one alone is fittest to keep up supream power in large Dominions since all other great Powers and Lordships have been founded and governed by one onely King or Emperor The City of Rome is the onely example of a Commonwealth which hath purchased large Dominion nay we may therein also observe that as soon as she grew to be Mistress of many Provinces that Form of Government behoved to be altered as not fit to sustain so great a weight In the very times of the Commonwealth when any thing was to be agitated or treated of especially in Wars of great importance and difficulty they ran to create a Dictator because the supreme authority which by vertue of that Magistracie was granted to one man alone was held requisite for the good administration of the most difficult businesses The Magistracy of the Dictator did punctally represent the Majestie and Dignitie which the Roman Emperors did after retain Wherefore Caesar when he made himself the Master of the Commonwealth made himself be declared perpetuall Dictator And the name of Emperor was taken from the very name used by the Roman Commanders and shewed the Authority which they had of Emperor which is to command over Armies And certainly the uniting the power of many in one alone doth not onely not weaken but doth much to the strength and power of a Government or State For it encreaseth obedience facilitates resolutions and hastens the execution of weightiest affairs So as had not the Roman Forces when military Discipline flourished most amongst them been with-held oftentimes as if opprest by internal seditions sprung from that sort of Government whereof they did so much partake and which did oft-times retard great enterprises it may be argued that the City would have sooner gotten to that height of greatness and Empire which she arrived at born even even by main force against all these difficulties by the great worth of her Citizens Let us observe in the next place that though the Empire of Rome had changed the Form of Government and reduced the supreme power into one alone yet we finde not that she was bereft of those arms and helps wherewith she had been preserved whilst she was a Commonwealth but did rather encrease them and did very much establish Forces for the Emperors kept alwaies about their persons a great number of Soldiers for the defence of Imperial Majesty which were therefore called Pretorian-bands and Armies in the Garrisons of Provinces which might defend and keep them from any commotion which might be raised either by their own Subjects or by foreign Nations Nor were the Emperors themselves wanting in taking order for Arms and all things belonging to War nay not onely those that were held valiant but even who for all things else were esteemed cowards and given over to all manner of vice did either by themselves or by their Commanders undertake and finish many Wars So it seems likliest that the Roman Empire might govern her self and so long preserve her greatness as she did chiefly for being sustained by the chief Authority and reverent Majesty of one onely Lord which was of such force as it for a long time did overcome that weakness which otherwise might have befaln the Empire by the abject baseness of many Emperors where on the contrary whilst it was a Commonwealth it was divided rent weak and easie to have been opprest if it had then met with the power of any great and valiant Nations which would have supprest it as did so many Northern People do to the Empire And if the corruption of antient customs may be judged to have been the readiest and truest occasion of the ruine of this Empire the Commonwealth was never free from the like but even as for this very cause of having faln from her good Principles that first Government was altered and the City lost her Liberty so might she have done though she still kept the Form of a Commonwealth Avarice ambition immoderate â—ensuality were the maladies
wherewith the City of Rome began to be infected not when she was governed by Emperors but whilst she was ruled by her Citizens in Civil Government And if it be objected that this did not hinder her from giving the greatest testimony of her valor in War since in the last Age of the Commonwealth when these vices and corruptions were rifest among the Citizens Military Discipline did flourish most and greatest actions were done It cannot then be said that neither the corruption of manners in the times of Emperors did destroy the Empire nor that the integrity thereof could have longer preserved the power of the Commonwealth But so much the less for that the Empire did not fall to ruine though it was sufficiently agitated by home-disorders in such sort as that either the Subjects did vindicate their Liberty or the Commanders of Armies divide the Empire amongst them as did Alexanders Commanders after his death but the roman Commonwealth though it was oft-times thrust at by such commotions was still notwithstanding able to subsist and to raise it self up again when it began to fall But barbarous and foreign Forces overthrew it at last with whom the famous Commanders in the time of the Commonwealth not having had any occasion to tâ—y their worth it cannot be said what would have succeeded upon such an occasion if the Government of the Commonwealth had continued till that time It is likely that the disorders and factions increasing much more whereof so many pâ—stiferoâ—s seeds had been sowed in all the Orders of the City the City and Territoâ—ies belonging thereunto being to remain the weaker and the more exposed to the injuries of foreiners would have been the easilier opprest if she had been to have withstood the terrible shock of these fierce and wild Northern Nations which the Emperors Forces did notwithstanding long resist insomuch as the Roman Empire maintained it self for the space of two hundred years after it was molested by these sorts of people nay it maintained it self in dignity and majesty for about siâ—ty years after it was shrewdly shaken till in the time of the Emperor Leo the First Rome and Italy being totally abandoned the name and power of the Western Empire did totally terminate It may therefore be thought a gallant and well-advised action that the Emperors did so long temporise and keep the Arms of these so powerful Nations from the more inward parts of their State of Italy and chiefly of Rome herself like so much venom from their hearts with which if they should have tryed the fortune of War hazarding one Battel or more as upon other occasions those antient Roman Commanders had done they might peradventure have brought the Empire sooner to its ruine since they had to do with a very warlike people and whose condition was such as they must either die or overcome And certainly they had done worse if they had therein trusted and relied upon Fortune since they could have gotten nothing by the victory when they should have won it were it not the saving of themselves for the present against those Armies who might have been succeeded by others of the same Nations and so the War to have been renewed more hotly and direfully then before out of a desire to revenge the death of their friends whereas the loss of a Battel or two on the Romans side might have drawn along with it the ruine of a most noble Empire It was then fortunate for the Common-wealth of Rome that she met not with these people in such necessity and danger for if that had befaln her which hapned in the time of Emperors that Fame might peradventure have been obscured which she was happy in of being glorious and victorious in all Wars and the course of her so many prosperous successes might have been interrupted or broken off by this unfortunate end Yet if we will look on the other side we may peradventure meet with other no less prevalent reasons which peradventure perswade us to the contrary Experience shews us how good the Orders were wherewith the Commonwealth was founded to make great acquisitions But it is a general rule That States are preserved by walking in the same ways wherein they were founded for every thing is preserved and maintained by alike things and are corrupted by the contraries If the Roman Arms governed by her own Citizens with Civil authority were sufficient to reduce so many States and Kingdoms under the power of the Commonwealth what reason have we to believe that they should not still be as able to preserve what they had gotten which is more easily done The baseness and carelesness of many of those Emperors did doubtlesly open the way to the Empires ruine for they oftentimes suffered those Northern people to settle themselves in divers Provinces of the Empire Alaricus was permitted by Honorius to inhabit with his Goths in France and soon after becoming his Colleagues they likewise obtained some Cities in Spain from him Valentinianus granted likewise Servis and Bulgaria to other Goths and before these Gallus had bought peace of the Goths so as becoming more bold and insolent they made themselves masters of Thrace Thessaly and of Macedonia Thus the very Emperors themselves having through their pusillanimity suffered mischief to increase at home and these their fierce Enemies to grow powerful they could not afterwards drive them out of those places which they had possest themselves of nor keep them long out of Italy This would not have been suffered by the generosity of the Roman Commanders and Citizens who when they were in a much worse condition would by no means agree with King Pyrrhus who had assailed Italy unless he would leave them and return to his own Kingdom And that they might draw Hannibal out of Italy they betook themselves to molest the Carthaginians in Spain and in Africa after they had for so many years generously withstood their Forces And whilst that State continued in the form of a Commonwealth as if Liberty had infused noble and generous thoughts into them the City of Rome was an example to all the world of all sorts of vertue chiefly of Magnanimâ—ty in undertaking great enterprises and of Fortitude and Constancie in managing them and in bringing them to a happy end But when the Commonwealth was â—uin'd and a new sort of Government brought in that antient Roman worth went astray by little and little till at last it was quite lost So as the ensuing Ages gave as many examples of ignorance and baseness in the very Emperors themselves and in others who were of greatest degree and authority in that Empire Hence then it was that the good and antient Customs being corrupted both in Civil government and chiefly in the Militia the State being reduced to great faintness and growing old had not strength enough to govern it self when it met with stout opposition The Roman Empire was brought to so miserable a condition when it was set upon by the
the care and diligence of one only Prince who was oft-times unfit for Government then it would have done had it been guarded by many Citizens at once as it was in the Commonwealths time But it is very hard to penetrate into the true causes of so great events and so remote from our memory which are reserved to the deeper judgment of him who is the true and Supreme LORD and who governs and doth dispense States and Empires by ways and ends which are unknown to humane reason The Fourteenth DISCOURSE Why the Grecians did not much extend the Confines of their Dominion as did the Romans and how Greece came to lose her Liberty OF all other antient People there are two that have been greatly famous so as their names and the glory of things by them done hath been conveyed over to the memory of Posterity with large acclamations to wit the Romans and Grecians alike for notable examples of all worth and vertue but sufficiently unlike for the greatness and duration of Empire For whereas the Grecians did not extend their Confines beyond the bounds of Greece herself nor did she long flourish in the same splendor of dignity nor greatness of fame and dominion the Romans did command over almost the whole World and their Empire although the Form of Government was changed endured for many Ages for there past above eleven hundred years between the building of Rome and the time wherein she was taken and sackt by the Goths They then who shall consider these things may with reason desire to know why these two Nations did differ so much in fortune since they were equally worthy It was not in any one City alone that choise men for both all civil and military worth did flourish in Greece as in Italy they did in Rome but many Cities did at the same time produce Citizens excellent in all manner of things It would be a tedious thing to number vp the gallant Actions of Miltiades Themistocles Aristides Phocion Alcibiades Ageâ—ilans Cimon Leonida Epaminondas and of so many others whose â—â—me rings loud amongst us And Plutarch when he writes the lives of the most excellent Romans finds as many Grecians almost to parallel to them who are as highly cry'd up for the same vertues Yet did never any of their Cities nor Greâ—â—e herself the Country common to them all ever rise by any of their actions to that high pitch of Fortune and Command as did the City of Rome and whole Italy by the illustrious deeds of the Râ—mans This diversity of success ought not to be attributed to Fortune but their certain and natural causes If Greecâ— should have enlarged the 〈◊〉 of her Empire into the farthest distant Regions as did Italy through the power and gallantry of the 〈◊〉 she must either have been reduced under the power of one only 〈◊〉 or they must all of them have been joined in an uniform 〈…〉 designs But so many difficulties discover themselves in both theâ—e things when they are considered the wonder ceaseth why she could not encrease her Dominions answerable to the Fame Vertue and Glory of things done by that Nation Greece was divided into many several people who were all of them totally or for the most part governed by proper Laws and Civill Institutions in the Form of a Commonwealth though they were of divers States And though they had a general Councel which was called the Aâ—phictyoâ—â—s wherein men met who were sent from all the chief Cities to treat of the most important affairs and such as did concern the common interests of all Greece yet did not this Councel give one onely and certain Government to all Greece but it was such an Assembly as are the Diets which are in these times sometimes call'd in Germany upon some particular Occurrences wherein many Princes and free Cities of that Province meet which do much differ in State Dignity and Form of Government and who have free votes in counselling and in resolving upon such matters as are therein treated But amongst other people of Greece the Spartans and the Athenians antient people of Greece and who for a long time had by their worth purchast much authority were very numerous and eminent when Greece did flourish most both for publick power and for the admirable worth of particular Citizens For though the Corinthians the Argives the Achaeans and some other people were of greater consideration in respect of other lesser Cities yet they for the most part did rather follow the fortune of the Lacedemonians and the Athenians then their own And the Thebans who for a while were in better esteem then the rest by reason of their Soldiers Discipline whom they called by a particular name of the Sacred Cohort yet because of all her Citizens onely two arrived at any celebrated honor to wit Pelopides and Epaminondas and for that her Militia consisted but of Five hundred men their City never arrived at that degree of Dominion and Glory as did Sparta and Athens But as much as these were greater then the others so much did they the more emulate one another both for private worth and glory as for publick Dignity and Reputation To these did the other people of Greece adhere some being by them commanded others by vertue of particular considerations These two Cities were highly esteemed for the orders of the first Founders of such Commonwealths to with Lycurgus in Sparta and in Athens Theseus so as these people who did long before inhabit the same Country began to take name and authority over the rest Those who did inhabit the Terra firma held for the most part with the Spartans and those of the Islands with the Athenians But yet every City was free and hugely intent not to let the power either of the Spartans or Athenians encrease too much but to keep the strength of these two chief Cities so equally ballanced as when the one of them should go about to oppress the other people of Greece the oppressed might have recourse to the other It is therefore to be observed in all the actions of the Grecians that the rest of the people were never firm in their friendships either to the Spartans alone or alone to the Athenians but when the one of them began to exceed the other they sided with the weakest not valuing any tie of friendship or confederacy when they met with any such respect So as for a long time the affairs of Sparta and of Athens marcht hand in hand though each of them both gave and received many routs and partook both of good and bad fortune in War Sparta was strongest by land and Athens by Sea so as they did counterpoise one another and therefore and for that as it hath been said they had each of them many dependants and confederates they kept the forces of whole Greece divided nor was there means afforded to either of them much to exceed the other Wherefore neither of them could busie themselves
not altogether such as are requisite for the acquiring of a large Command for at 〈◊〉 beginning she applied herself as hath been said to maritime affairs not with any intent of subjugating other Cities and Nations but rather as the condition of those times and businesses did require for what concerned Traffick and Merchandising to which the preservation of Peace did much conduâ—e and the keeping of open and free Commerce with all men but having since had some such thoughts too late they were not very sevently pursued neither but only as necessary or some occasion did dictate For the City was nor disposed and established with certain and perpetual Orders not with any very ambitionâ— ends for what concerned War and for Landâ— Militia it hath already been said that for a long time the Commonwealth was totally a stranger unto it And therefore when at last she made it her business for want of any fitting preparation for it in her own people and Citizens she had recourse for help to Foreiners and this 〈◊〉 growiâ—g stronger by time she hath always made use for the most part of Forein Commanders and Soldiers brought under her Pay from elswhere which as experience shews hath turn'd much to her damage and disorder for her Forces being under the command and power of **** other men she hath not beeâ—able upon many fiâ—â—ing ccasions to make good use of the Victories which she with great danger and 〈◊〉 hath â—on And not to mention many other things it is a thing very well known that had not the 〈◊〉 great fidelity of the Commandess 〈◊〉 the Commonwealth of her just hopes in the 〈…〉 The Romans did not thus who being to rig out Fleets against the Carthaginian did not seek out Sicilians or Grecians or people of other Nations to command over them but made use of their own Citizens as well by Sea as by Land Cinciâ—natuâ— was taken from the Plough and made Dictator against the Subins Cicerâ— being taken from pleading at the Bar was sent to the government of Cilicia and to make War against the Parthians Scipio who parted a fresh Soldier from Rome is said to have gotten the knowledge of the militarie Art by the way before he arrived at the Enemy Sylla being sent Questor into Africa with the Consul Marius being till then Puney in the Militia became in a few daies so well instructed therein and raised so great an opinion of valor and military Discipline of himself as the Commonwealth did very soon put their chiefest hopes in him in all their weightiest affairs In brief people that are of a ready wit and noble spirit do easily accustom themselves by exercise to all things and prove excellent therein the experience whereof hath been seen amongst our selves for those few who have betaken themselves to Land-service have given such proof of their valor which is witnessed by particular Histories as it may very well be known that the Commonwealth might have promised unto her self all gallantries from her Citizens if she had known how to make use of them But she was run into this error because she would as the conjuncture of times did almost require follow the example of the other Princes of Italy who long before and chiefly at that time when the Commonwealth did most apply her self to Land-affairs made use of mercinary Militia's which was then heightned to a great esteem by two famous Commanders of that Age Braccio and Sforza who were afterwards imitated by others in this sort of Militia Wherefore the Captainâ— whose Troops did ordinarily consist of horse led them along to the service sometimes of one sometimes of another Prince So the Venetians who were but learners in this sort of Militia saw that the Popes and Kings of 〈◊〉 the Dukes of Miâ—an the Florentines who bore great sway and authority in Italy made use of this sort of Forces they began no follow the footsteps which were 〈◊〉 out unto them by others Another respect may be added hereunto which hath already been touched upon that the Commonwealth having then put her self in a certain course which she had for a long time observed of making use of her people and her Citizen in Sea-affairs it seemed dangerous to some to make such an innovation in a City ordained for civil Government and which was greatly â—ixt therein by long custom But it is not to be denied but that when the aggrandizing of a State or Empire is in question this which hath been spoken of is a great faâ—lt in a City which doth aspire thereunto And it is to be observed in the Roman Monarchy that the happy success of their famous victories is chiefly attributed to the discipline of their Malitia because it was excellent and because it was exercised by their own Soldiers and particularly in the Carthiginian Wâ—rs which were 〈◊〉 then all the rest which the Romans did ever make it is observable that the Carthaginians being equal to the Romans both for the reâ—â—ration and wâ—rth of their Commanders and superior to them in the numbers of their Soldiers to boot with the strength of their Elephants which they made use of in their Battels yet thâ—ir Armies were overcome which consisted of 〈◊〉 people and assembled out of many 〈◊〉 and yet not by the greater worth but by the greater fidelity constancy and love of the Roman Soldiers towards their Countrie But for such abuses as 〈◊〉 it may be alledged in behalf of the Commonwealth of 〈◊〉 that she did it to 〈◊〉 thâ—se mischiefs into which 〈◊〉 Commonwealth of 〈◊〉 can by giveng these military commands to 〈…〉 yet he who will truly examine the state of affairs will find that the 〈◊〉 which is granted limited and corrected by the Laws cannot be prejudicial to the publick good and the experience of the very City of Venice confirms this where so great authoritie being so often granted in commands at Sea to her own Citizens yet it was never known that the Commonwealth suffered any mischeif thereby and certainly a great mistery lies in the well disposed orders of a City by which Citizens are easily kept within their duties wherein if any one chance to fail he is soon chastised without any disturbance to the peace of the City Which if by nothing else is sufficiently proved in the City of Venice by the long duration of that Commonwealth So as these things were very well understood and ordained by her and she might the more easily do it by reason of the conditions of those her first inhabitants as hath been said But such freedom and licentiousness was given in Rome to that warlike people together with the government of their Forces as the Laws were not so reverenced as they ought to have been and the orders of the Militia being instituted by Româ—lus before those of Religion and civility by Numa Poâ—pilius military discipline was alwaies in greater esteem then the study of civil affairs By all which considerations it is manifest That
she took in hand and won much honor So as in this happy conjunction the Venetians ought not to abandon their good Fortune lest they might too late repent for not having known how to make good use of their prosperity They were to be ruled by the example of things past For having oftentimes let sâ—ip many opportune occasions of increasing their Dominion by Land whilst their Enemies were but weak and not well setled in their States the like enterprises being by them undertaken afterwards in a less convenient time proved more difficult unto them Others thought that for the like reasons the Venetians should have forborne to meddle with the affairs of Pisa for said they the City was so situated as it could not be defended by them without much expence and inconvenience they being to take a long compass about the Sea before they could furnish it with things necessary and then the City it self was not so great a purchase as deserved so much labor to purchase it They added moreover that at the same time the friends of the other Princes did much envy the Commonwealth for her great prosperity so as it had better become the wisdom of that Senate to endeavour by concealing their thoughts of aspiring to greater things to allay this envy then further to increase it as they did by attempting so great a novelty No doubt but those wise Senators who sate then at the helm of Government did reflect upon these doubts and suspitions but it is to be believed that they were easily free of them considering that the Commonwealth when she was not yet so powerful nor strong had undertaken many difficult but glorious enterprises in parts far off and had gotten notable victories against the Saraâ—ens who were then very strong both by Sea and Land and had placed Trophies of singular worth and great zeal to Religion in the Holy Land that she had many times taken up Arms in the behalf of the Emperors of Constantinople against divers other Potentates and upon occasions had reduced many Cities into her power which had formerly belonged to that Empire and that likewise she had for many years maintained sharp Wars against the Genoeses and had put a period to many other gallant affairs by apparent victories So as they thought that the Commonwealth had reason to promise herself good success in this her noble design of taking upon her the defence of Pisa and of the affairs of Tuscany Wherefore then ought they to distrust that the Commonwealth might keep the City of Pisa at her devotion in times when her power and authority was much increased and being accommodated with so many Ships and Gallies which were usually upon the Sea and having the Island of Corfu in the Gulfs mouth to receive the Ships in the mid-way which sailed from the one Sea to the other But on the contrary who does not know how very opportune this situation was for many other things and of what use for the Commonwealth Their having got footing in Tuscany might according as occasions should be offered open them the way to greater acquisitions and the Haven of Ligorn was extreamly commodious for the Navigation and Traffick which the City of Venice holds with the Western Provinces which may the better be known now for that since the affairs which had wont to be transacted in the East being now turn'd to the West Ships which come from thence laden with sundry sorts of Merchandise putting into the Haven of Ligorn to shun further Navigation do there unload themselves from whence their Loading is afterwards brought by Land to Venice So as it seems those wise Senators did even then foresee what high esteem was to be put upon that situation But their desires have at least prevailed thus far as that this Country is possest by very wise Princes who are great friends to the Commonwealth with whom an excellent intelligence being held as hath been of late and as it is to be hoped it will be for time to come Commerce will always be open safe and free in those Countries So as no reason can perswade that the fear of being envied by other Princes should keep the Venetians from attempting so beneficial a thing For if these thoughts which ought not to be admitted of by any generous Prince should have been sufficient to have stopped the course of the Commonwealths good fortune she must not only have abstained from this but from other enterprises and so her Dominion and Fame would have been shut up within her own Washes if that peradventure might have been permitted them It was therefore necessary for the preservation of themselves and of their liberty to provide themselves of sufficient Forces which cannot be had without Territories to resist such as would offend them for the keeping of others well-affected is not sufficient to keep off injuries But War is not alwaies made out of fear of another Princes power and with a mind to secure ones self therefrom but most commonly out of contempt and out of a beleef of being able easily to effect what you undertake against them and envy is oftentimes more supprest in the very height of good fortune when a mans condition is raised much above that of others then when it is kept within common and usual precincts But what Princes envy ought the Commonwealth to have feared If you will say any Transalpin Princes they had not as then any such firm footing in Italy nor so ready Forces nor peradventure had they their thoughts so interessed as that they were to make War upon that account with the Venetians if you mean Italian Princes every one of them were weaker then the Commonwealth and the diversity of their ends and interests would be sure to keep them from joyning together Nor was it likely that they would conspire with greater Princes against the Venetians since it became all of them to apprehend forein Forces lest they might all suffer in a common ruine And if it be said that notwithstanding it fell out so afterwards as was seen by the league of Cambray which proved so pernicious to the Common-wealth it may be answered That things are not done especially among Princes as reason would perswade and no certain judgment can be given of Actions wherein Fancy reigns But let it be said that the condition of things times and respects were altered by reason of many much differing accidents and actions when these more heavy Wars began but chiefly because the French being become more powerful in Italy by their acquisition of the State of Milan and more desirous of subduing her they resolved to leave nothing unattempted which might bring this their design to effect so as it was from hence that all the troubles and dangers came upon the Commonwealth whereas she ought rather to have expected thanks and good offices from the Crown of France so as peradventure there may be more reason to blame the Commonwealth for having called the King
of Thirty years when in the time of the Popedom of Leo the Tenth she seemed to have some hopes of quiet and of enjoying some better condition after her so many and so grievous vexations and ruines which had called to mind the unhappy memorie of the former calamities which she had undergone by the invasion of the Northern Armies But the wounds of the late evils remained yet uncured for two noble members of this Province were faln into the hands of forein Princes the State of Milan being at the devotion of Francis King of France and the Emperor Charls the Fifth being possest of the Kingdom of Naples which Princes being now weakned and weary with so many Wars so as the one could not exceed the other and having at that time their thoughts elsewhere bent being governed more by necessitie peradventure then by their own wills they seemed to rest satisfied with what they did already posses in Italy and that they would suffer her to enjoy at least some rest after her past molestations In this posture of Affairs Pope Leo who had often negotiated with several Princes about the business of Arms and had endeavored as he said the liberty of Italy and chiefly the preservation of the Dukedom of Milan in the Government of the Sforza's was much displeased to have the power of strangers any longer continued and particularly that the Church should be berest of two noble Cities Parma and Piacenza which were become members of the State of Milan Therefore with a haughty and generous mind he resolved not to prefer an unsecure quiet before some present troubles so to shun other molestations and dangers which he thought might grow the greater by such a peace in future if not to himself at least to the Church And knowing that he should not be able either of himself nor by joining with other Italians to drive forein Potentates out of Italy he resolved to join with some foreiners against some other foremers with design as he said that when some of them should be forced to forgo Italy it might be the easier to expel the rest Leo having thus put on this noble and generous resolution it may seem to merit praise by all men as to the intention but as for the means he took to compass it it is not so easily to be agreed upon for many and weighty respects do concur thereunto for some of which this action may seem to be as wise as glorious and if we will reflect upon other some there will appear much more of difficulty and danger therein then of security and hopes That all Transalpinâ—rs might be driven out of Italy was a thing desired and not without cause by all Italians and which ought to be his chiâ—fest care and endeavor who had such Territories degree and authority in that Province as Leo had The antient dignity of the Italian honor seemed to appear in the Popâ—s majesty and in the splendor of the Court of Rome â—ut as for the effecting of this business it did planly appear that all the power of the Italian Potâ—ntates was too weak since two great Princes and warlike Nations had foâ— many past years though with various fortune got footing there and still kept their possession so as their power could suffer no disturbance but must be confirmed and consolidated and must become more formidable to the Church and to all the Italian Princes unless it were by some of the same forein Nations If the sole Forces of the Italian Princes when Italy by reason of a long Peace did flourish most were not sufficient to stop the French Forces which were then but new in those parts and but meanly assisted what reason was there to believe that this Province should ever be raised up again of herself and should by means of her own Forces return to her pristine fortune and digniâ—y after having been so long vexed by cruel Wars and having lost two of her noblest Members Wherefore though to administer fresh fuel as it were to this fire of War as would be done by the authority and Forces of the Apostolick Sea if they should joâ—n with Caesar or with the King of France might be troublesom and dangerous yet might it be beneficial or at least hopeful since it might so fall out that the fortune of War being various and subject to unexpected chances some good effect might ensuâ— thereupon for the liberty of Italy the Forces of those Princes who did oppose her growing much the weaker or else by their growing weary of the work and by their tuâ—ning themselves to some other undertaking Whereas on the contrary to suffer them to settle there and to get in time greater authority over the people and more love to the States which they had gotten was a certain and irreparable ruine and an utter abolishing of all hopes of ever restoring the States which were postest by strangers into the hands of the Italian Princes But the fear lest both these Princes who were grown so powerful in Italy might join together against the Territories of the Church or those of other Italian Princes to divide them amongst themselves as had happened not many years before when the Emperor Maximilian and Lewis the Twelfth King of France who had been formerly at such great enmity one with another grew good friends by dividing the Lands between them which belonged to the Venetians might chiefly perswade the Pope to quit neutrality and to side with the one or the other of these Princes Leo knew that upon many past occasions he had done things not only of but little satisfaction but of much disgust to both these Princes and Nations more particularly to the French who were alwaies jealous of his cunning so as great emulation growing in them both and a desire of commanding over all Italy and finding that affairs were so equally poised between them in this Province as the one could not much exceed the other nor make any new acquisition it was with reason to be feared that being void of all hopes of having the Pope to side with either of them from whose friendship they might for many reasons expect very considerable assistance they might at last convene together to the total oppression of the Liberty of Italy Nor was Leo's Neutrality in this conjuncture of time and affairs able to secure him from such a danger since he had formerly openly declared himself and taken up Arms in company with others and chiefly since the French knew that he was no waies pleased with their Dominion in Italy as well for the common affairs as for his own particular dislike that they had possessed themselves of the Cities of Parma and Piacensa which were returned to the obedience of the Apostolick Sea by his Predecessor Iulius So as the Churches State and that of the Florentines which was under the same Popes protection and government grew to be those alone which were exposed to the injuries of all men for the Venetians
she was oft-times assaulted by them and many of her parts possest by them and the Empire it self was endangered by their Forces And of late years since the passage of Charls the Eighth though they had proved variety of fortune yet kept they still the same resolution of waging war in Italy and of keeping footing in this Province not being frighted from this resolution by any misfortune how great soever but being once beaten back they returned with great fury to seek out novelties and at this very time that we now speak of they were possest of the Dutchy of Milan Therefore to secure himself from the French it was not sufficient to drive them once out of Italy for the Forces of that large Kingdom being still very powerful and they being alwaies prepared for novelty their desire bore them chiefly thereunto where it had done formerly so as Italy remained still exposed to new incursions and subject to the miseries of War Therefore this intention of Pope Leo's of keeping the French long out of Italy could not peradventure have been compassed but in a long process of time and with much variety of success no not though Italy had been all of a peece and in greater power and prosperitie then she then was Whereas at this time the Commonwealth of Venice being now returned to great power was joined in confederacie with the King of France by vertue of antient Capitulations nor was it to be hoped for that out of any uncertain hopes and of long expectation she should easily forgo such a friendship And as for other Princes they were but weak and their ends not constant nor conformable And on the other side Caesar was very bare of monies and had many other irons in the fire so as the greatest weight and care of managing this War was likely to fall unto the Popes share wherein if he should slacken never so little all that had been done would have been to no effect and those places which by reason of this confederacie with the Church were taken from the French would quickly and easily have faln into their hands again But say that Charls had been able to have imploted all his Forces about this business the greater they had been the greater share would he have pretended in the business and the less able had the Pope or any others been to oppose his Forces Charls the Great a Prince of excellent worth freed Italy from the slavish yoke of the Northern Barbarians driving the Lombards from thence who had had the chief command there for Three hundred years but he would therefore make the greatest advantage thereof unto himself creating his Son Pipin King of Italy nor ought any of Charls his promises to be thought sufficient to shun such a danger to which it was known he was much more moved out of a fervent desire to draw the Pope into this confederacie of excluding the King of France then that he had any waies quitied his desire to the Dukedom of Milan What reason was there then to beleeve that when Caesar should be become more powerful in Italy and should have driven out the French he should likewise be expell'd from thence when his Territories and Authority should be there the greater It is rather to be beleeved that by his increase of power Italy should be in a worse condition and the danger thereof the more for whilst these two Princes stood upon equal terms and with an invererate mind did counterpoise one another the other States were the more secure it being unlikely that any one of the parties would permit that the others should increase or be heightned by the ruine of any of the Princes of Italy but he that should be assaulted by one was sure to be assisted by the other so as Leo ought chiefly to have endeavored in this conjuncture of affairs to have kept these scales even by his neutrality for whilst the business stood thus it behoved the very Enemies of the Italians to value their Friendship for their own good and for the preservation of their States It is not easie to decide whether it did really conduce more to the good of Italy that the Pope should continue in his neutrality or by his joining with some one of these forein Princes who at that time had so great an influence upon Italy the success being to depend upon many very much differing accidents for since humane wisdom is not able to provide against them all she cannot find any secure way which leads to that destin'd end Let us say then still keeping our selves within some general rules in the first place that to join in friendship and confederacie with a more powerful Pâ—ince and one who is a near neighbor when the increase of power is intended by this conjunction is never to be done without danger nor ought such a resoluâ—ion ever be taken but out of great necessity especially not by such Princes who are not so weak as they need a leaning stock not to depend in all things upon the event of anothers fortune Now Leo had no such reason to forgo the little quiet which he had then purchast by plunging into a Sea of Leagues and Confederacies which are very hard to be laid fast hold of with Princes of great powerl desirous of glory who pretend the same things and between whom War is not so easily ended as it is reassumed The Churches Patrimonie was sufficiently secured by the majesty of Religion by Pontifical power by the moneys which by many waies she may be supplied with and by her Dominions being at this time much inlarged by Iulius the second So as Leo's intention is to be praised for having his thoughts so carefully bent upon the Libertie of Italy It is likewise to be desired that he had had either more judgement or temper to know and chuse an opportune time and a sitting occasion and yet it is likewise a general rule that to wait for the advantage of Time when Affairs are upon great strieghts do usually bring notable advantages and sometimes by new and unexpected waies Italy was long under the obedience of the Western Emperors If at that time when their power and authority was so great the Popes would have call'd in forein Forces and made use of them to reduce the Government of Italy under the Churches power or else into the hands of some other Italian Princes Italy would in the first place have certainly been given in prey to the insolencie of foreign Soldiers and at last she would peradventure have been brought to a worse condition But by temporising such occasions arose as the Church increased her Dominions by certain lawful Donations without the shedding of blood and all Italy remained subject to her own proper and particular Lords and the Western Emperors being long vex'd and troubled by the Wars of Germany were forced to forgo the affairs of Italy Moreover though Caesar's fortune and power was then very great yet was it