given one Subsidie confirmed by Parliament and finding that they had not done sufficiently for the Queens occasions did after adde a Benevolence or Aide of two shillings in the pound to be levied upon all the Clergie and to be levied by such Synodicall Acts and Constitutions as they digested for that purpose without having any recourse to the Parliament for it which Synodical Acts and Constitutions the Clergie of this present Convocation followed word for word not doubting but they had as good authority to doe it now as the Convocation in Q. Elizabeths time hâ—…d to doe it then and so undoubtedly they had whatsoever either our Author here or any other Enemy of the Churches power can alledge against it Our Author hath now done with the Convocation and leads us on uâ—…to the Warre levied by the Scots who had no sooner made an entrance but the King was first assaulted by a Petition from some Lords of England bearing this inscription To the Kings most excellent Majestie The humble Petition of your Majesties most loyall and most obedient Subjects whose names are under-written in behalf of themselfs divers others Concerning this we are to know that a little before the Scots fell into England they published a Pamphlet called the Intentions of the Army in which it was declared That they resolved not to lay down Armes till the Reformed Religion were setled in both Kingdomes upon surer grounds the Causers and Abettors of their present Troubles brought to publick Justice and that Justice to be done in Parliament and for the Causers of their Troubles they reckoned them in generall to be the Papists Prelates and their Adherents but more particularly the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lieutenant of Ireland In Correspondence hereunto comes this Petition subscribed by six Earles one Viscount and four Barons being no other than a superstructure upon that foundation a Descant only on that Plain Song And presently on the back of that another is posted to the same effect from the City of London So that the clouds which gathered behinde Him in the South were more amazement to the King than this Northern Tempest The Petition of the Londoners that we may see how well the businesse was contrived was this that followeth To the Kings most excellent Majestie The humble Petition of your Majesties loyall Subjects the Citizens of London Most gracious Soveraign BEing moved by the duty and obedience which by Religion and Lawes your Petitioners owe unto your sacred Majestie they humbly present unto your Princely and pious consideration the severall and pressing grievances following viz I. The great and unusuall impositions upon Merchandize imported and exported II. The urging and levying of Ship-money notwithstanding which both Merchants their goods and ships have been taken and destroyed by Turks and Pyrates III. The multitude of Monopolies Patents and Warrants whereby trade in the City and other parts of this Kingdome is much decayed IV. The sundry Innovations in matters of Religion the Oath and Canons newly imposed by the late Convocation whereby your Petitioners are in danger to be deprived of their Ministerie V. The concourse of Papists and their habitation in London and the Suburbs whereby they have more means and opportunities of plotting and executing their designes against the Religion established VI. The sudden calling and sudden dissolution of Parliaments without addressing of your Subjects grievances VII The imprisonment of divers Citizens for not payment of Ship-money and other impositions and the prosecution of others in the Starre Chamber for non conformity to commands in Patents and Monopolies whereby trade is restrained VIII The great danger your sacred Person is exposed unto in the present Warre and the various fears that have seized upon your Petitioners and their Families by reason thereof Which grievances and feares have occasioned so great a stop and destruction in trade that your Petitioners can neither sell receive nor pay as formerly and tends unto the utter ruine of the Inhabitants of this City the decay of Navigation and Cloathing and other Manufactures of this Kingdome Your Petitioners humbly conceiving the said grievances to be contrary to the Laws of this Kingdome and finding by experience that they are not redressed by the ordinary Courts of Justice doe therefore most humbly beseech your Royall Majestie to cause a Parliament to be summoned with all convenient speed whereby they may be relieved in the Premisses And your Majesties c. The like Petitions there came also from other parts according as the people could be wrought upon to promote the business which makes it the lesse maâ—…vell that Petitions shouâ—…d come thronging in from all parts of the Kingdome as soon as the Parliament was begun craving redresse of the late generall exorbitancies both in Church and State as Fol. 129. we are told by our Author And to deny the Scoâ—…s any thing considering their armed posture was interprered the way to give them all In the Intentions of the Army before mentioned the Scots declared that they would take up nothing of the Countrey people without ready money and when that fâ—…iled they would give Bills of Debt for the pâ—…yment of it But finding such good correspondence and such weak resistance after their enâ—…ry into England they did not onely spoil and plunder wheresoever they came but would not hearken to a Cessation of Armes during the time of the Treaty then in agitation unlesse their Army were maintained at the charge of the English And this was readily yeilded to for fear it seems lâ—…t by denying the Scots any thing we should give them all I know indâ—…ed that it is neither safe nor prudent to deny any reasonable request to an armed power arma tâ—…nti omnia dat qui justa negat as the Poet hath it and thus the story of David and Nabal will inform us truly But then it must be such a power which is able to extort by force thaâ—… those which they cannot otherwise procure by favour which whether the Scots were Masters of I do more thâ—…n question Exceedingly cryed up they were both in Court and City as men of most unmatchable valour and so undoubtedly they were till they found resistance their Officers and Commanders magnified both for wiâ—… and courage the Common Soldiers looked on as the Sons of Enoch â—…he English being thought as Grasse-hoppers in comparison of them which notwithstanding the Earl of Strafford then General of the English Army would have given them battaile if the King had been willing to engage and signified by Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbâ—…y that he durst undertake upon the pâ—…rill of his head to send them back faster thâ—…n they came but that he did not hold it concellable as the case then stood It is an old saying a true that the Lion is not so fierce as he is painted nor were the Scots such terrible fellowes as they were reported For when they met with any who knew how to 〈◊〉 with
but all disguised like the Soldiers of the Duke of Britain in an English habit his book contained so vast a medly as if it had been framed at Babell before the scattered company were united into Tongues and Languages The History of a King of England intended for the use and b◅nefit of the English Nation ought to be given us in such words as either are originally of an English stock or by continuall usage and long tract of time are become naturall and familiar to an English ◅are and not in such new minted termes and those too of a forreign and outlandish Race as are not to be understood without help of Dictionaries It is true indeed that when there is necessity of using either termes of Law or Logicall notions or any other words of Art whatsoever they be an Author is to keep himselfe to such termes and words as are transmitted to us by the Learned in their severall Faculties But to affect new Notions and indeed new Nothings when there is no necessity to incite us to it hath something in it which deserveth ◅ more strict enquirie It is observed of th◅ Romanists by Docter Fulke and other◅ of our Divines that when they could n◅ longer keep their followers from having the Scriptures laid before them in the English tongue they so indeavoured to dim the light thereof by a dark Translation that seeing they might see but not understand and to that end did thrust into it many obscure words both Greek and Latin which neither by long use were known nor by continuall custome made familiar to an English Reader Of which sort you may take these few as a taste of th◅ rest That is to say Acquisi◅ion Advent Adulterate Agnition Archisynagogue A◅imos Comm◅ssations Condign Contristate Depositum Didrachme Dominicall day Donaries Evacnated from Christ Euro Aquilo Epinanited Holocaust Hosts Neophite Paraclete Parasceve Pasch Praefinition Presence Prevaricator Proposition Loaves Repropitiate Resuscitate Sabbatis◅ Super-edified Sancta-Sanctorū Victims words utterly unknown to any English Reader unlesse well grounded and instructed in the Learned Languages and consequently their whole Translation uselesse to most sorts of men I cannot say that the Author of the History which we have in hand was under any such neces◅ity of writing as the R◅mists were or that it did affect obscurity on any such design as the Rhemists did but I may very warrantably and justly say that in the Coining of new words not to be understood by a common Reader he hath not onely out-vied the Rhemists but infi◅tely exceeded all that have gone before him A vein of writing which two the great Masters of the Greek and Roman Eloquence had no knowledge of who used such words in their addresses to the people as were illius temporis auribus accommodata as it is in Tacitus accommodate and fitted to the times they lived in and easily intelligible unto all that heard them Loquendum est cum vulgo was the antient rule And certainly to speak so as to be understood by the meanest hearer to write so as to be comprehended by the vulgar Reader is such a principle of Prudence as well becometh the practice of the greatest Clerks But it is with this our Author as with many others who think they can never speak elegantly nor write significantly except they do◅ it in a language of their owne devising as if they were ashamed o◅ their Mother-tongue or thought it no◅ sufficiently curious to expresse their fancies By meanes whereof more Frenc◅ and Latin words have gained ground up on us since the middle of the Reign o◅ Queen Elizabeth then were admitted by our Ancestors whether we look upon them as the British or Saxon race not onely since the Norman but the Roman Conquest a folly handsomely derided in an old blunt Epigram where the spruce Gallant thus bespeakes his Page or Laquay Diminutive and my defective slave Reach my Corps coverture immediatly 'T is my complacency that rest to have 'T insconse my person from Frigiditie The boy beliv'd all Welch his Master speke Till railed English Rogue go fetch my Cloak I had not given my selfe the trouble of this Observation but to meet the humour of some men who if pretenders to French or Latin tongues pretend to an authority also of creating words and giving us new formes of speaking which neither King nor Keiser hath the power to doe Moneyes and Coines are forthwith currant and universally admitted as soon as they receive the stamp of Supream Authority But it is not in the power of Kings or Parliaments to ordaine new words without the liking and consent of the common people Forrein Commodities not Customed are not safely sold and Forreine words till licensed and approved by custome are not fitly used And therefore it was well said by an able Grammarian to a great Emperor of Rome Homines donare civitate potes verba item non potes that is to say that he might naturalize whole Nations by giving them the priviledges of a Roman Citizen but that it was not in his power to doe so with words and make them Free as one might say of the Latin tongue In this case Custome and Consent and the generall usage are the greatest Princes and he that doth proceed without their authority hath no authority at all to proceed upon It being no othsrwise with new Words then with new Fashions in Apparell which are at first ridiculous or at least unsightly till by continuall wearing they become more ordinary And so it is resolved by Horace in his Book De Arte Poetica Multa renascenter quae nnnc cecidere cadentque Quae nunc sunt in honore vocabula si volet usus Quem penes arbitrium est vis norma loquendi In English thus Many old words shall be resum'd and some Now in great honour shall as vile become If use so please to which alone belongs The power to regulat◅ and di◅ect our tongues But lest our Author should affirm with Cremulius Cordus in the story Adeo factorum innocens sum ut verba m◅a arguantur that we are faine to cav◅l with him for his words for want of greater matter to except against I shall forbear the prosecution of this Argument till the close of all and passe to such materiall points as shall come before me To whom the Prince returned answer that he would impower the Earl of Bristol to give his Master all satisfaction in that particular that is to say for so you must be understood in the words foregoing that he would make a Pr◅xie to the Earl of Bristol to celebrate in his name the Marriage with the Lady Infanta But there was no such Proxie made to the Earle of Bristol that being a power and trust thought worthy of the Catholick King and Don Charles his Brother as appeareth plainly by the publick Instrument made to that effect bearing date August the 8 Anno 1623. which being sealed by the Prince in due
there inhumed c. Our Author tells us in the end of his Preface what an espâ—…ciall care he hath of his Temporalities as his owne word is in assigning unto every action it s own proper time and yet he fails us here in the first beginning For neither was the body of that King interr'd on the 4th of May nor the Letters of procuration kept undelivered till the 8th as he after teâ—…ls us nor the Marriage celebrated after the Funerall of the King as is there declared though possibly in the intention of King Charles for the reasons there delivered it had been so resolved on at the first designation of those Royall pomps For upon Sunday May the 1st the Marriage was celebrated at the Church Nastre Dame in Paris on Tuesday May the 3d the news thereof came unto the Court and was welcomed the same night with Bells and Bone-fires in all parts of London on Saturday May the 7th was King James interred and on Sunday morning May the 8th there came an Order from the Lords of the Council to the Preachers appointed for St. Pauls Crosse as I have heard him say more than once or twice requiring him that in his Prayer before the Sermon he should not pray for the Queen by the name of Henrietta Maria but by the name of Queen Mary ouely And yet it is true too which he after telleth us that is to say That the Marriage was celebrated in Paris on the 11th of May. But then he is to understand that this was on the 11th of May in the French Accompt which following the Gregorian Calender anticipates ten daies in every Month that being the 11th day of the Moneth to them in the new Style or stylo novo as they phrase it which is the first day of the Moneth in the old Style and Accompt of England He sent Letters of Prolucution to the Duke of Chevereux If it be asked why the King when he was onely Prince of Wales should look no lower for a Proxy than the King of Spaine and being now the mighty Monarch of Great Britaine should pitch upon so mean a Prince as the Duke of Chevereux it may be answered that the Duke of Chevereux was a Prince of the house of Guise from which his Majesty was extracted Mary of Loraine Daughter to Claud of Loraine the first Duke of Guise being Wife to James the fift of Scotland Grandmother unto James the sixt and consequently great Grandmother to King Charles himself From Canterbury his Majesty took Coach for Whitehall where the third after his arrivall c. If our Author meaneth by this that his Majesty went in Coach but some part of the way onely he should then have said so but if he mean that he went so all the way to Whitehall he is very much out their Majesties passing in Coach no further than Gravesend and from thence in theâ—…r Royall Barge by water unto his Palace at Whitehall accompanied or met by all the Barges Boats and Wherries which could be found upon the Thames the Author of these Observations beholding from Tower-wharfe that magnificent passage For as man is without a female Consort so is a King without his supreme Councell a halfe formed sterill thing Our Author in these words and the rest that follow maintains a Paradox most dangerous to supreme Authority in making Parliaments so necessary to all Acts of State as if that Kings or they that have the Supreme power could doe nothing lawfully but what they doe with their assistance and by their consent which were it so a Parliament must be Co-ordinate to Kings or such as have the power of Kings not subordinate to them Nor need the Members write themselves by the name of His Majesties most loyall and most humble Subjâ—…cts but by the name of Partners and Associates in the Royall power which doctrine of what ill consequence it may be in Monarchical Government I leave Counsellors of State to consider of His speech being ended the King vailed his Crown a thing rare in any of his Predecessouâ—…s Our Chroniclers tell us of King James that at his first coming to the Crown of England he used to go often to the Tower to see the Lyon the reputed King of Beasts baited sometimes by Dogs and sometimes by Horses which I could never reade without some râ—…gret the baiting of the King of Beasts seeming to me an ill presage of those many baitings which he a King of Men sound afterwards at the haâ—…s of his Subjects And Mr. Prin tells us of K. Charles that on the day of his Coronation he was cloathed in white contrary to the custome of his Predecessours who were on that day clad in purple White is we know the colour of the saints who are represented to us in White robes by S. John in the Revelation And Purple is we know the Imperiall and Regall colour so proper hereto sore unto Kings and Emperours that many of the Constantinoplitan Emperours were called Porphirogeniti because at their first comming into the world they were wrapt in purple And this I look upon as an ill presage that the King laying aside his Purple the Robe of Majesty should cloathe himselfe in White the Robe of Innocence as if thereby it were fore-signified that he should devest himselfe of that Regall Majesty which might and would have kept him safe from affront and scorn to relie wholly on the innocence of a vertuous life which did expose him finally to calamitous ruine But as all ill presages none like that which our Authour speaks of I mean the veiling of his Crown to this his first Parliament which I consider of the Introduction to those many veilings of the Crown in all the Parliaments that followed For first he vailed his Crown to this in leaving Mountague in their hands and his Bond uncancelled as you tell us after Fol. 12. notwithstanding that he was his sworn Chaplain and domestick Servant and that too in a businesse of such a nature as former Parliaments used not to take cognizince of he vailed his Crown unto the next when he permitted them as you tell us Fol. 25. to search his Signet Office and to examine the Letters of his Secretaries of State leaving him nothing free from their discovery a thing not formerly practised he vailed his Crown unto the third first in the way of preparation to it releasing all the Gentlemen whom he had imprisoned for their refusall of the Loane many of which being elected Members of the following Parliament brought with them both a power and will to avenge themselves by the restraint of His Prerogative within narrower bounds next in the prosecution of it when hearing that the Parliament had granted him some Subsidies not a man dissenting he could not restraine himselfe from weeping which tendernesse of his was made good use of to his no small dammage adding withall and bidding his Secretarie tell them as our Authour tells us Fol.
which being minted in the Tower was no small benefit to the King by the Coynage of it and no lesse benefit to the City and the Kingdome generally in regard the greatest part thereof was stil kept amongst us in lieu of such manufactures and native commodities of this Land as were returned into Flanders for the use of that Army And yet this was not all the service which they did this Summer The French and Hollanders had â—…tred this year into a Confederacy to rout the King of Spaine out of all the Netherlands in which it was agreed amongst other things that the French should invest Dunkirk and the other parts of Flanders with their Forces by Land whilst the Hollanders did besiege them with a Fleet at Sea that so all passages into the Countrey being thus locked up they might the more easily subdue all the Inland parts And in all probability the designe had took effâ—…ct in this very year the King of Spaine noâ—… being able to bring 8000 men into the field and leave his Garrisons provided the people of the other side being so practisâ—…d on by the Holland Faction that few or none of them would Arm to repulse those Enemies But first the formidable appearance of the English Fleet which 〈◊〉 the Hollanders before Dunkirk and then the insolencies of the French at Diest and Tillemont did so incourage and iâ—…flame the hearts of the people that the Armies both of the French and Hollanders returned back again without doing any thing more than the wasting of the Countrey And was not this think we a considerable piece of service also Lastly I am to tell our Author that it was not the Earle of Northumberland as he tells us some lines before but the Earle of Lyndsey which did command the Fleet this Summer Anno 1635. The Earle of Northumberland not being in Commission for this service till the year next following when all the Counties of the Realm were engaged in the charge So as the Kings discretion was called in to part the fray by the committing the Staffe of that Office into the hands of William Juxton Lord Bishop of London March the 6th who though he was none of the greatest scholars yet was withall none of the worst Bishops Our Author still fails in his intelligence both of men and matter For first the occasion of giving the Office of Lord Treasurer to the Bishop of London was not to part a fray between the Archbishop and the Lord Cottington who never came to such immoderate heats as our Author speaks of but upon very good considerations and reasons of State â—…or whereas most of the Lord Treasurers of these latter times had rather served themselves by that Office than the King in it and raising themselves to the Estates and Titles of Earles but leaving the two Kings more incumbred with debts and wants than any of their Predecessors had been known to be it was thought fit to put the Staffe of that Officâ—… into the hands of a Church-man who having no Family to raise no Wife and Chilâ—…ren to provide for might better managâ—… the Incomes of the Treasury to the Kings advantage than they had been formerly and who more fit for that employment among all the Clergie than the Bâ—…shop of London a man of so well tempered a disposition as gave exceeding great content both to Prince and people and being a dear friend of the Archbishops who had served the whole year as Commissioner in that Publick trust was sure to be instructed by him in all particulars which concerned the managing thereof But whereas our Author tells us of him that he was none of the greatest scholars I would faine learn in what particular parts either of Divine or Humane Learning our Author reckons him defective or when our Author sate so long in the Examiners Office as to bring the poor Bishop unto this discovery I know the man and I know also his abilities as well in Publick Exercises as Private Conferences to be as farre above the censure of our Aristarchus as he conceives himself to be above such an ignorant and obscure School-Master as Theophilus Brabaurne It is true he sets him off with some commendation of a calm and moderate spirit and so doth the Lord Faulkland too in a bitter Speech of his against the Bishops Anno 1641 where he saith of him That in an unexpected place and power he expressed an equall moderation and humility being neither ambitious before nor proud after either of the Crozier or white Staffe But there are some whom Tacitus calls Pessimum inimicorum genus the worst kinde of Enemies who under colour of commending expose a man to all the disadvantages of contempt or danger The Communion Table which formerly stood in the midst of the Church or Chancel he enjoyned to be placed at the East end upon a graduated advance of ground with the ends inverted and a wooden traverse of â—…ailes before it Of placing the Communiou Table with the ends inverted we are told before Anno 1628 and if it were then introduced and so farre in practise that notice could be taken of it by the Committee for Religion no reason it should now be charged on the Archbishop as an Act of his But granting it to be his Act not to repeat any thing of that which was said before in justification of those Bishops who were there said to have done the like we doubt not but he had sufficient authority for what he did in the transposing of the Table to the Eastern wall The King by the advice of his Metropolitan hath a power by the Statute 1 Eliz. c. 2. on the hapning of any irreverence to be used by the Ceremonies or Rites of the Church by misusing the Orders appointed in this Book namely the Book of Common Prayers to ordain and publish such further Rites and Ceremonies as may be most for the advancement of Gods glory the edifying of his Church and the due reverence of Christs holy Mysteries and Sacraments And certainly there had been so much irreverence done to the Communion Table standing unfenced as then it did in the middle of the Chancell not onely by scribling and sitting on it as before was noted but also by Dogs pissing against it as of common course and sometimes snatching away the Bread which was provided for the use of the blessed Sacrament that it was more than time to transpose the Communion Table to a place more eminent and to fence it also with a raile to keep it from the like prophanation for the time to come Nor did the Archbishop by so doing outrun authority the King having given authority and 〈◊〉 to it a year before the Metropoliticall Visitation which our Author speaks of The Deane and Chapter of S. Pauls as being Ordinaries of the place had transposed the Communion Table in Saint Gregoryes to the upper end of the Chancel and caused it to be placed Altar-wise which being disliked
according to the Lawes of that Kingdome assoon as justice could have layed hold on them He had undoubtedly prevented all further dangers The drawing of some blood in the Body politick by the punishment of Mâ—…lefactors being like letting blood in the Body-naturall which in some strong distempers doth preserve the whole Oâ—… finally if the Tumult had been grown so high and so strongly backed that justice could not safely be done upon them had the King then but sent a Squadron of the Royall Navy which He had at Sea to block up their Haven He had soon brought the Edinbourghers unto His Devotion and consequently kept all the rest of that Kingdome in a safe obedience But the Edinbourghers knew well enough whom they had to deal with what friends they had about the King and what a party they had got in the Lords of His Councell which governed the affairs of that Kingdome and they knew very well none better by the unpunishing of the Londoners for the Tumult in the death of Lamb that the King had rather patience enough to bear such indignities than resolution to revenge them So that the King at last was come to that misery which a good Author speaks of Cum vel excidenda sit natura vel minuenda dignitas That he must either outgoe His nature or forgoe His authority The King nothing pleased with these affronts yet studious to compose these surges of discontent sent the Marquesse of Hamilton down in the quality of an high Commissioner c. We are now come to the rest of the oversights committed in the conduct of this weighty businesse whereof the first was that having neglected to suppresse the Sedition at the very first appearance of it to strangle that monster in the cradle he had let a whole year passâ—… without doing any thing but sending one Proclamation after another which being publickly encountred with contrary Protestations did but increase their insolencies his own disgraces the party in the mean time being so well formed that Poâ—…-guns and such Paper-pellets were able to doe no good upon them The second was that when it had been fitter for the preservation of his authority to send a Lord Generall in the head of an Army for the reducing of that Kingdome by force of Armes He rather chose to send an high Commissioner to them to sweeten the distempers and compose the differences which could not be but by yeilding more on his side then he was like by any faire imparlance to obtain from that Thirdly that when he was resoâ—…ved on an high Commâ—…ssioner he must pitch on Hamilton for the man whom he had such reason to distrust as before was hinted but that the old Maxime of the Lenoxian Family of being deceived rather than distrustfull was so prevalent with him And this he did against the opinion and advice of many of the Lords of that Kingdome that is to say the Earle of Sterling principall Secretary of State the Bishops of Rosse and Breken privie Counsellors both Sir Robert Spoteswood Lord President of the Colledge of Justice and Sir John Hay Clerke-Register or Master of the Rolls as we call him here These having secret intimation that Hamilton was designed for this great Employment came in Post to London indeavouring to perswade the King to change his purpose and commending Huntley for that service who being a man of greatest power in the North of Scotland and utterly averse from the Covenanters and the rest of that Faction was thought by them the fittest man for that undertaking But the King fatally carried on to his own destruction would not hearken to it and hereunto the Duke of Lenox did contribute some weak assistance who being wrought on by the Scots of Hamiltons Faction chose rather that the old Enemy of his House should be trusted with the managing of that great affaire than that a Countrey Lord as the Courtiers of that Nation called him should carry the honour from them both June the sixâ—… his Commission was read and accepted him And well it might it was the fish for which he had so long been angling For having lost the Scotish Army raised for the aide of the King of Sweden without doing any thing and no occasion being offered to advance another he fell upon more secret and subtile practises to effect his ends First drawing all the Scots which were about the Court of England to be his Dependants and rest at his devotion wholly and next by getting himselfe a strong partie in that Kingdome whose affections he had means enough to restraine and alienate from the King and then to binde them to himself insomuch as it was thought by the wisest men of both Nations that the first Tumult at Edinborough was set on by some of his Instruments and that the Combustions which ensued were secretly fomented by them also And this was made the more probable by his carriage in that great trust of the high Commissioner thus procured for him drawing the King from one condescention to another in behalf of the Covenanters till he had little more to give but the Crown it self For fiâ—…st he drew him to suspend and after to suppresse the Book of Common Prayers and therewithall the Canons made not long before for the use of that Church next the five Articles of Perth procured with so much difficulty by King James and confirmed in Parliament must be also abrogated and then the Covenant it self with some little alterations in it must be authorized and generally imposed upon all that Kingdome And finally the calling of an Assembly must be yeilded to in which he was right well assured that none but Covenanters should have voices that not Lord Bishops only should be censured and excommunicated but the Episcopacie it self abolished and all the Regular and Loyall Clergie brought to utter ruine By all which Acts I cannot say of grace but of condescension the Marquesse got as much in grosse as His Majesty lost in the retaile making himself so strong a partie in that Kingdome that the King stood but for a Cipher in the calculation All being done from that time forwards especially when the first shewes of a Warre were over as Hamilton either did contrive or direct the businesse For the Covenanters having got all this thought not this enough unlesse they put themselves in Armes to make good their purchases and having therein got the first start of the King the King could doe no lesse than provide for himself and to Arm Accordingly In order whereunto our Author telleth us that Because it was the Bishops warre he thought it requisite they should contribute largely toward the preservation of their own Hierarchy I am sorry to see this passage have our Authors penne whom I should willingly have accompted for a true Son of the Church of England were it not for this some other passages of this nature which savour more of the Covenanter then the English
Enterprise upon the Dukes default I bâ—…lieve not so For though Sir Robert were Vice-Admirall and had the subordinate power to the Duke of Buckingham in all things which concerned that Office yet in the present Enterprise he had not any thing at all to pretend unto the Lord Admirall himselfe not acting in occasionall services or great employments at the Sea in regard of his Office but as he is impowred by special Commission from the King which he may grant to any other as He sees cause for it A thing so obvious in the course of our English stories that I need bring no examples of it to confirm this truth And the first thing resolved upon was His solemne Initiation into Regality and setting the Crown upon His head As solâ—…mne as the King esteemed it yet our Authour as it seems thinks more poorly of it For he not onely censureth it for a vanity though a serious vanity but thinks that Kâ—…ngs are idle in it though idle to some better purpose than in 〈◊〉 and Dances Are not all Christian Kâ—…ngs wiâ—…h whom the Rites of Coronation are accounted sacred much concerned in this and the Scriptures more are not the Ceremonies of Anointing and Crowning Kings of great antiquâ—…ty in all Nations throughout the World directed by the holy Spirit in the Book of God exempl fiâ—…d in Saul David Solomon but most particularly in the inauguration of Jehoash the 2 of Kings 11. 12. where it is said that Jehojada the high Priest brought forth the Kings son and put the Crown upon him and gave him the testimonies and they made him King and anointed him and clapt their hands and said GOD SAVE THE KING Was this a Pageant think we of tâ—…e high Priests making to delight the Souldiery or a solemnity and ceremony of Gods own appointing to distinguish his Vicegerents from inferiour persons and strike a veneration towards them in all sorts of men whether Priests or people He that shall look upon the Coronation of our Saviour the placing of the Crown upon his head and putting the Scepter into his hands and bowing of the knee before him with this acclamation Haile King of the Jewes will therein finde a pattern for the Inauguration of a Christian King In which there is not any thing of a serious vanity as our Authour calls it but a grave pious and religious conformity to the Investiture and Coronation of their supreme Lord. I could enlarge upon this subjâ—…ct but that I think better of our Authour than some of our Historians doe of Henry Duke of Buckingham of whom it is observed that at the Coronation of King Richard the third he cast many a squint eye upon the Crown as if he thought it might be set on a fitter head But our Authour passeth from the Coronation to the following Parliament In order whereunto he tellâ—… us that The Lord Keeper Williams was displaced and his place was disposed of to Sir Thomas Coventrie Our Authour is here out again in his Temporalities the Lord Keeper Williams not being displaced betwixt the Coronation and the following Parliament but some months before For the Great Seale was taken from him in October three moneths and more before the day of the Coronation Sir Thomas Coventrie sitting in 〈◊〉 as Lord Keeper both in the Michaelmas Term at Reading and in the Candlemas Term at Westminster The like mistake he gives us in his Temporalities touching Bâ—…shop Land whom he makes Bishop of Bathe and Wells at the time of his afflâ—…cting in the Coronation whereas indeed he was at that time Bishop of St. Davids onely and not translated to the Bishoprick of Bathe and Wells till September following And that I may not trouble my self with the like observation at another time though there be many more of this nature to be troubled with I shall crave leave to step forth to Fol. 96. where it is said That the Articles of Lambeth were so well approved of by King James as he first sent them fiâ—…st to the Synod of Dort as the Doctrine of our Church where they were asserted by the suffrage of our British Divines and after that commended them to the Convocation held in Ireland to be asserted amongst the Articles of Religion established Anno 1615. and accordingly they were This is a very strange Hysteron Proteron setting the cart before the horse as we use to say For certainly the Articles of Lambeth being made part of the Confession of the Church of Ireland Anno 1615. as indeed they were could not before that time be sent to the Assembly or Synod at Dort which was not held till three years after Anno 1618. And this I take to be from what more than a superannuating as to call it in his Temporalities though he be confident in his Preface that he stands secure not onely from substantiall falshoods but even from circumstantiall also in assigning all both things and actions their proper times How ill this confidence is grounded we have seen in part and shall see more hereof hereafter as occasion serveth Who loved the Bishop if Fame belies her not better than was fit I think our Authour with more prudence might have spared this Note especially having Fame onely for the ground thereof which is so infamousâ—…n â—…n Historian as a learned Gentleman hath well noted that no wise man would build on the credit of it If Fames and Libels should once passe for Hâ—…storicall truths few Kings or Favorites or Ministers of great affairs or indeed who else would goe with honour to their graves or live with glory in the mouthes of the next Posterities Wilson a creature and dependent of the Earle of Warwicke whom you accuse elsewhere of partiality in the businesse of the Earl of Essex leaves the like stain upon his Lady but out of zeale to the good cause indevoureth to acquit the Bâ—…shop from the guilt thereof by saying that he was Eunuchus ab utero an Eunuch from his Mothers wombe which all that knew that Prelate most extremely laughed at And what had he for his authority but Famâ—… and Libels purposely scattered and divulged amongst the people to disgrace that Family by the malitious Contrivers of the Publique ruine The honour of Ladies in the generall is a tender point not easily repaired if wronged and therefore to be left untouched or most gently handled For which cause possibly S. 〈◊〉 adviseth that we give honour to the Woman as the weaker vessell and weaker vessels if once crackt by ungentle handling are either utterly broken or not easily mended And for this Lady in particular whom these two Authours tosse on the breath of Fame I never heard but that she was a person of great parts and honour and one that never did ill offices to any man during the time of her great power and favour both with King and Queen So that we may affirme of her as the Historian doth of Livia that great Emperours Wife Potentiam
ejus nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis that no body ever found her power but either in lessening his deserved punishments or adding some respects to him for his well-deservings Nor seemed the question in the sense of many which was the Traytour but which was the most That is to say whether the Duke of Buckingham or the Earle of Bristol were the greater Traytour though it appeareth not for any thing which our Authour tells us that any treason was proved against either of them For had the Duke proved his Charge of Treason against the Earle he had both power and opportunity enough to have wrought his ruine or had the Earle proved the like Charge against the Duke the Commons needed not have troubled themselves with a new Impeachment containing nothing but Encroachments on the Royall favour and some miscarriages which at another time and in another man would have been connived at Our Author gives us a sull Copie of the Earles Charge against the Duke but of the Dukes Charge against the Earle whether out of Partiality or want of Information he affords us nothing I shall therefore adde so much in the way of supplement as to subjoyn three or four of the principall Articles of the Charge against him leaving them here as they were left in the House of Peers without any further prosecution than the Narrative onely It was then charged upon the Earle 1. That having certified King James by several Letters out of Spain that the Treaty of the Match was in a very good forwardnesse the Prince at his arrivall there found it nothing so there being little done in relation to it 2. That in the time of his negotiation by Letters unto his late Majesty and otherwise he counselled and perswaded the said Kings Majesty to set at liberty the Jesuits and Priests of the Romish Religion and to grant and allow unto the Papists and Professours of the same a free toleration and silencing the Laws made and studing in force against them 3. That at the Princes coming into Spain the said Earle of Bristol cunningly falsly and traiterously moved and perswaded the Prince being then in the power of a forreign King of the Romish Religion to change his Religion and used many dangerous and subtile insinuations to that effect 4. That in pursuance of the said trayterous designe he used these words unto the Prince That the State of England did never any great thing but when they were under the obedience of the Pope of Rome and that it was impossible they should doe anything of note otherwise 5. That a Proposition being made by the King of Spaine touching the Palatinate which was That the eldest Son of the Prince Palatine should marry with the Emperours Daughter but must be bred up in the Emperours Court the said Earle delivered his opinion That he thought it unreasonable And when the danger was presented in regard of the alteration of the young Princes Religion which must needs follow thereupon the said Earle answered That without some great action the peace of Christendome would never be had Comparing these with those that were charged upon the Duke it will appeare that they both concurred in one designe which was to â—…ender each oâ—…her suspected in matter of Loyalty Religion though by so doing they made good sport to all their Enemies and the world to boot Many good men as our Authour calls them being passing jocund at the contest But it was resolved by the Judges that by their Restraint i. e. the Restraint of Sir Dudley Diggs and Sir John Eliot no reason being given to the House for it the whole House was Arrested The Judges were wise men and would not strive against the stream as the saying is for otherwise I can see no reason of their resolute precedents to the contrary there are many in the times foregoing of which I shall instance in two onely and those two in a Parliament held in the 35 year of the so much celebrated Reigne of Queen Elizabeth The first is this Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromely delivered a Petition to the Lord Keeper desiring the Lords of the Upper House to be Suppliants with them of the Lower House unto Her Majesty for entailing of the succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them Her Majesty was highly displeased herewith as contrary to Her former strait command and charged the Councell to call the parties before them Sir Thomas Henage being then Vice-Chamberlaine and one of the Lords of the Privie Councell sent for them and after speech with them commanded them to foâ—…ar the Parliament and not to go out of their severall lodgings After they were called before the Lord Treasurer the Lord Buckhurst and Sir Thomas Henage Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower Sir Henry Bromely with Master Richard Stevens to whom Sir Henry Bromely had imparted the matter were sent to the Fleet as also Mr. Welch the other Knight for Worcestershire In the same Parliament one Mr. Morrice Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster who is to be my second instance moved against the hard courses of the Bâ—…shops Ordinaries and other Ecclesiâ—…sticall Judges in their Courts used towards sundry learned and godly Ministers and Preachers and spake against subseription and oathes and offered a Bill to be read against Imprisonment for refusall of such Oathes which comming to the Queens knowledge and Mr. Coke afterwards Sir Edward Coke then Speaker of the House of Commons being sent for and admonished not to admit of that or any such Bills if they should be offered the said Mr. Morrice as I have been credibly informed was taken out of the House by Sergeant at the Armes but howsoever sure I am that he was committed unto Prison for the said Attempt And when it was moved in the House by one Mr. Wroth that they might be humble Suitors to Her Majesty that she would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained To this it was answered by all the Privy Counsellours which were then Members of the House that Her Majesty had committed them for causes best known to Her selfe and to presse Her Highnesse with this suit would but hinder them whose good is sought That the House must not call the Queen to accompt for what shâ—… doth of her Royall Authority That the causes for which they were restrained may be high and dangerous That Her Majesty lâ—…h no such questions neither doth it become the House to search into such mattâ—…rs Whereupon the House desisted from interposing any further in their behaâ—…f And thus we see that no fewer than five Members that is to say Wentworth Welch Bromely Stevens and Mâ—…rrice â—…ut off at one time from the House of Commons without any remedy or any Declâ—…ration of the Judges that any such Arrest as is here pretended was layd upon the House by their Imprisonment So
by some few ordinary Parishioners and an Appeale made from the Ordinary to the Deane of the Arches the Cause was brought before the King then sitting in his Privie Council Anno 1633. who on the hearing of all parties and the Reasons alledged on both sides having first testified His dislike of all Innovations He concludes at last That hâ—… did well approve and confirmed the Act of the said Ordinary and also gave commandemâ—…nt that if those few Parishioners before 〈◊〉 did proceed in their said Appeal then the Dâ—…an of the Arches should confirm the said Order of the aforesaid Deane and Chapter Here was authority enough as good authority for the Archbishop to proceed upon in his Visitation as the Prevogative Royall the new Statute of the Queen and the old Lawes of the Land could give him This then was no Anomalous Innovation as our Author calls it The King it seems thought otherwise of it and so did all men studied in the Rules of this Church and the practice of approved Antiquity who looked upon it as a Renovation of a Rite disused not as an Innovation or Introduction of a new Ceremonie never used before But sure our Author had forgotten when these words fell from him what he said before of the Remisse Government of Archbishop Abbot the titular Archbishop as he calls him there but Titular in nothing so much as not doing the duties of his Office of whom hâ—… tells us Fol. 127. that by his extraordinary remisnesse in not exacting strict conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremonie he led in such an habit of Inconformity as the future reduction of those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation But the Controversie is not onely managed betwixt our Author and himself but as he telleth us afterward between Bishops and Bishops for as he saith The Bishop of Lincolne published a Tract under a concealed name positively asserting therein that the holy Table antiently did in the Primitive times and ought so in ours according to the Dictates of our Church stand in Gremio and Nave of the Quire The Tract here meant was called The Holy Table name and thing in which the Bishop hath said much but asserted little Affirmations are no Proofs in Law and multitudes of allegations falsified in themselves and wrested to a contrary seâ—…ce make not one good Evidence yet this is all we are to look for in the Bishops Book It being not untruly said in the Answerers Preface that he came armed into the field with no other weapons than impudence ignorance and falshoods And to say truth it can be no otherwise when a man writes both against his science and his conscience as we have very good cause to think this Bishop did Look on him in the point of practise and we shall finde the Communion Table placed Altar-wise in the Cathedral Church of Lincolne whereof he was Bishop and in the Collegiate Church of Westminster of which he was Dean and in the private Chappel of his House at Bugdon in which last it was not only placed Altar-wise but garnisht with rich Plate and other costly Utensils one of his own words in more than ordinary manner Look on him in his letter to the Vicar of Grantham and he tells him thus that your Communion Table is to stand Altar-wise if you meane in that place of the Chancell where the Altar stood I thinke somewhat may be said for that because the injunctions 1559. diâ—… so place it and I conceive it to be the most decent scituation when it is not used and for use too where the quire is mounted up by steps and open so that he that officiates may be seene and heard of all the Congregation Nor writes he thus onely to that Vâ—…ar but he allowes it in that Tract which my Author speakes of both in Cathedrall Churches and in the Kings Chappels and in the Chappels of great men which certainly have no more Law for it then what the Archbishop had for placing it in the Parish Churches which as the Bishop telleth the Vicar are to be presidented by the formes in his Majesties Chappels and in the Quires of their Cathedralls If it be asked what moved the Bishop to stickle so stoutly in this businesse it may be answered that he loved to fiâ—…sh in a troubled water that being a man which considered only his own ends he went such wayes as most conduced to the â—…ccomplishing of the ends he aimed at Being in Power and place at Court in the time of K. James he made himself the head of the Popish Faction because he thought the match with Spaine which was then in treaty would bring not only a connivance to that Religion but also a Toleration of it And who more like to be in favour if that match went on then such as were most zealous in doing good offices to the Catholick cause But being by King Charles deprived first of the Great Seale and afterwards commanded to retire from Westminster he gave himselfe to be the head of the Puritane party opposing all the Kings proceedings both in Church and State and amongst others this of placing the Communion Table to make himselfe gracious with that Sect who by their shy practises and insinuations and by the Remisse Government and connivance of Archbishop Aâ—…ot had gained much ground upon the people If it be asked what authority I have for this I answer that I have as good as can be wished for even our Author himselfe who telleth us of this Bishop Fol. 145. That being malevolently inclined by the Kings disfavours he thought he could not gratifie beloved revenge better then to endeavour the supplanting of his Soveraigne To which end finding him declining in the affections of his people he made his Apostraphe and applications to them fomenting popular discourses tending to the Kings dishonour c. And being set upon this pinne no mervaile if he entertained the present occasion of making the Archbishop odiouâ—… and the King himselfe lesse pleasing in the eyes of the Subjects But of this Bishop we may perhaps have some occasion to speak more hereafter In the meane time we must follow our Author who having done with the Archbishop goes on to his Instruments for so he calls them in which he saith he was most unhappy Why so because saith he They were not blamelesse in their lives some being vitious even to scandall Our Author needed not have told us in his Preface by the way of prevention that he should be thought no friend to the Clergy we should have found that here in such Capitall Letters as any man that runs might read them Vitious even to scandall that goes high indeed and it had well become our Author to have named the men that so the rest of the Clergy might have been discharged of that â—…oule reproach For my part I have took some paines to inquire after such instruments and subordinate
neer Barwick he left those shores and came in great Post-haste as it was pretended to disturb that businesse which was to be concluded before he came thither But this vile dealing makes me Sea-sick I returne to Land where I finde that All the preparation both of one side and the other proved onely an interview of two Armies nothing being acted considerable in way of Engagement That so it was is a truth undoubted but how it came to passe that it should be so would be worth a knowing For never did so many of the Lords and Gentry attend a King of England in an expedition against that people nor never did they carry with them a greater stock of Animosities and indignation then they did at this present But first I have been told by some wise and understanding men about the King that he never did intend to fight as they afterwards found but onely by the terrour of so great on Army to draw the Scots to doe him reason And this the Covenanters knew as well as he there being nothing which he said did or thought so farre as thoughts might be discovered by signes and gestures but what was forthwith posted to them by the Scots about him And this I am the more apt to credit because when a notable and well experienced Commander offered the King then in Camp neer Barwick that with two thousand Horse which the King mighâ—… very well have spared he would so waste and destroy the Countrey that the Scots should come upon their knees to implore his mercy He would by no meanes hearken to the Pâ—…oposition Nor were the Lords and pâ—…rsons of most note about him more forward at the last then he For having given way that the Eâ—…rles of Roxborough and Traquair and other Nobâ—…e mâ—…n of that Nation might repair to Yorke for mediating some atonement between the King and his people they plyed their busineâ—…s so well that by representing to the Lords of the English Nation the dangers they would bring themselves into if the Scots were totally subdued they mitigated the displeasures of some and so took off the edge of others that they did not go from Yorke the same men they came thither on the discovery of which practice and some intelligence which they had with the Covenanters the Earls of Traquair and Roxborough were confined to their Chambers the first at Yorke and the second at New Castle but presently dismissed againe and sent back to Scotland But they had first done the worke they came for for never were men so sodainly cooled as the Lords of England never did men make clearer shewes of an alteration by their words and 〈◊〉 in so much that the Scottish Army beginning to advance and the Earl of Holland being sent with a great body of Horse to attend upon them he presently sent word unto the King in what danger he was and how he stood in feare of being under-ridden as I take it by the Galloway Naggs and thereupon received order to retire Againâ—… No marvell if things standing in this condition the King did cheerfully embrace any overture which rended to a Pacification or did make choice of such persons to negotiate in it who were more like to take such termes as they could get then to fight it out Amongst which termes that which was most insisted on by the Scotch Commissioners because it was most to their advantage and the Kings disabling was That he recall all his Forces by Land or Sea Which he did accordingly and thereby lost all those notable advantâ—…ges which the gallantry of his Army the greatness of his preparations both by Sea and Land and the weaknesse of an inconsiderable Enemy might assure him of But he had done thus once before that is to say at the returning of his Forces and Fleet from Rochel Anno 1628. at what time He was in no good termes with His Subjects and in worse with His Neighbours having provoked the Spaniard by the invading of the Isle of Gadas and the French by invading the Isle of Rhe which might have given Him ground enough to have kept his Army and His authority withall and when an Army once is up it will keep it self necessity of State ruling and over-ruling those Concessions and Acts of Grace to which the Subjects may pretend in more setled times But His errour at this time was worse than that the Combustions of Scotland being raised so high that the oyle of Graces rather tended to increase than to quench their flâ—…me Had He recalled his Forces onely from the Shores and Borders of that Kingdome which is the most that He was bound to by the Pacification till He had seen the Scots disbanded their Officers cashiered their Forts and Castles garrisoned with English Souldiers and some good issue of the Assembly and Parliament to be held at Edinborough He had preserved His honour among Forreigne Princes and crushed those practices at home which afterwards undermined His peace and destroyed His glories But doing it in this form and manner without effecting any thing which He seemed to Arme for He animated the Scots to commit new insolencies the Dutch to affront Him on Hiâ—… own shoares and which was worst of all gave no small discontentment to thâ—… English Gentry who having with great charge engaged themselves in this expedition oâ—… of hope of getting Honour to the King their Countrey and themselves by their faithfull service were suddenly dismissed not onely without that honour which they aimed at but without any acknowledgment of their love and loyalty A matter so unpleasing to them that few of them appeared in the next years Army many of them turned against Him in the following troubles the greatest part looking on His successes with a carelesse eye as unconcerned in His affaires whether good or evil But from miscarriages in this Warre I might passe next to a mistake which I finde in our Author concerning the antient way of constituting the Scotish Parliaments of which he telleth us that The King first named eight Bishops then those Bishops chose eight Noble men those Noble men chose so many Barons and those the like number of Burgesses c. Not altogether so as our Author hath it for the King having first named 8. Bishops and the Bishops named 8. Noble men the Bishops and Noble men together chose 8. Commissioners for the Sheriffdomes and as many for the Boroughs or Corporations which two and thirty had the Names of the Lords of the Arricles and had the canvassing and correcting of all the Bills which were offered to the Parliament before they were put to the Vote And perswaded His Majesty that the Cardinall of Richelieu would be glad to serve His Majesty or his Nephew c. That the French Ambassadour did indeavour to perswade the King to that belief I shall easily grant but am not willing to believe that the King should be so easily perswaded to it it being the
being the day before that unhappy accident that he was taking care to provide some materialls in a businesse which concerned the Church of which he was resolved to speake in the House of Peers on the Wednesday following Some say that this Dissolution was precipitated upon some intelligence that the House of Commons meant that day to vote against the Warre with Scotland then which there could be nothing more destructive to the Kings affaires And it was probable enough that it was so meant For first the Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdome doth declare no lesse where it is said that the People were like to close with the King in satisfying his desire of Money but that withall they were like to blast their malicious designe against Scotland they being very much indisposed to give any countenance to that Warre And Secondly we finde that House to be highly magnified â—…in a Scotish Pamphlet called the Intentions of the Army for their pious zeale in crossing the intended Warre and denying any countenance and assistance towards it But whatsoever the truth is most sure I am that it was secretly muttered about the Court the night before that Hamilton had prevailed with the King to dissolve the Parliament who playing as he used to do with both hands at once did with the one pull back the Commons by his party there from all compliâ—…nce with the King and with the other thrust the King forwards to dissolve that meeting that by this meanes the Kings affaires being more embroyled then they were before he might confirme the Scots and confound the English and thereby raise himselfe to the point he aimed at A sad and unfortunate day it was and the newes so unpleasing unto the Author of these papers whosoever he be that being brought him by a friend whilst he was writing some dispatches it so astonished him though he had heard some inkling of it the night before that sodainly the pen fell out of his hand and long it was before he could recollect his spirits to returne an answer Having thus said I should proceed from the dissolving of the Parliament to the continuing of the Convocation but I must first remove a block which lieth in my way our Author telleth us that This Archbishops Predecessour Penultime was Dr. Whitgift Whereas indeed it was not Dr. Whitgift but Dr. Bancroft who was the penultimate and last Predecessour saving one unto the Archbishop Dr. Bancroft coming in between Whit. gift and Abbot as any who have looked into these affairs cannot choose but know This Convention was not more unhappily dissolved than another was continued That is as a witty Gcntleman said well a new Synod made of an old Convocation The witty Gentleman here meant was Sir Edward Deering who pleased himself exceedingly in one of his witty Speeches but made withall good sport to most knowing men in descantinâ—… on a Synod and a Convocation the one being a Greek word the other originally Latine but both of the same sense and signification A Provinciall Synod being no other then a Convocation of the Clergy of the Provinces of Yorkâ—… or Canterbury and the Convocation of the Clergy of both Provinces together being nothing else but a National Synod So that it was the same Synod and the same Convocation call it which you will as before it was and not a new Synod made of an old Convocation as the witty Gentleman would have it A Gentleman he was more witty then wise but more proud then either one of sufficient Learning to adorne a Gentleman but very ill imployed in disgracing the Clergy considering that the most worthy of his Ancestors was of that Profession and himselfe allyed unto it by some mixt relations But see how ill this Gentleman sped with his too much wit being the first that threw Dirt into the Face of the Archbishop and preferred the first Information which was brought against him he after flew so high in his commendations in the Preface to his Book of Speeches that neither Heylyn whom the Scotish Pamphleters in their Laudencium Autocatachrisis call his Gracâ—…s Herald nor Pocklington nor Dowe nor any of his own Chaplains in any of their Speeches of him or addresses to him ever went so farrâ—… Having propounded to the House in that witty Speech which he made against the Canons and Convocation that every one that had a hand in making those Canons should come unto the Barre of the House of Commons with a Candle in one hand and a Book in the other and there give fire to his own Canons he was so far from seeing it done that on the contrary he saw within a little more then a twelve month after the Collection of his witty Speeches condemned by that House unto the fire and burnt in severall places by the Publick Hang-man And finally having in another of his witty Speeches defamed the Cathedralls of this Kingdome and that too with so foule a mouth as if he had licked up all the filth of foregoing Libels to vomit it at once upon them he made it his earnest suit not long after to be Dean of Canterbury which being denied him by the King in a great discontent he returned to the Parliament though he hought good to put some other glosse upon it in his Declaration But of this witty Gentleman we said enough Proceed we now unto our Author who telleth us of this new-made Synod that By a new Commission from the King it was impowered to sit still No such matter verily the new Commission which he speaks of gave them no such power The Writ by which they 〈◊〉 first called and made to be a Convocation gave them power to siâ—… and by that Writ they were to sit as a Convocation till by another Writ proceeding from the like Authority thâ—…y were dissolved and licensed to returne to their severall homes The Commission subsequent to that gave them power to Act to Propose Deliberate and conclude upon such Canons and Constitutions as they conceived conducible to the Peace of the Church And such a Commission they had granted at their first assembling But being there was a clause in that Commission that it should last no longer then during the Session of that Parliament and that the King thought good to continue the Convocation till they had finished all those matters which they had in treaty his Majesty gave order for a new Commission to be issued out of the same tenour with the former but to expire upon the signification of his Majesties pleasure I have been told that it was some time before some of the Members of the lower House of Convocation could be satisfied in the difference between the Writ the Commisston though one of the company had fully opened and explained the same unto them which being made known to the Archbishop and by him to the King it was proposed to the Lord Finch Lord Keeper of the Great Seale the Earle of Manchester