the Church nor being authorized to rule their Cleargie or to dispose of their liuings Secondly that they held that poore halfe of their kingdome which remained at the Popes pleasure and no further as appeared by the insolent dealing of the Pope with King Henry the second and King Iohn out of whose hands the Pope had almost wrested the scepter of their royall authoritie But her Maiestie abolishing the 〈◊〉 power of the Pope fréed her selfe and her successors from his tyrannie and restored that power and iurisdiction to the Crown that was by his craft and fraudulent dealing long vsurped She found that it belonged to godly kings to make lawes for religion to rule their subiects to dispose of the affaires and goods of the Church according to right So did Constantine the great and other godly Emperors So did Charles the great and Lewes kings of France So did Alfred and S. Edward Kings of England as the lawes of the Code and Nouell constitutions the constitutions of Charles and Lewes and of the auncient Kings of England declare Neither before Pope Heldebrand or rather that firebrand of hell did any Pope take vpon him to giue out lawes or decretals for the gouernement either of the whole Church or the Churches of other kingdoms For this matter therfore Quéene Elizabeths name deserueth to be had in perpetuall remembrance for that she fréed her selfe and her subiects from the Popes wicked lawes and vsurpations and restored the auncient priuiledges and dignities to the Crowne The which had bene much in a man but in a woman was much more glorious With her also peace which by the practises of the Spaniards had bene exiled to our losse and shame returned again into this land For finding this land at variance with France and forsaken of Spaine she 〈◊〉 meanes to compound with France and begā to settle matters at home According to the Prophets admonition she sought peace and followed it And such successe hath it pleased God to giue her that although the Pope by diuers practises hath sought to raise discord and rebellion within England yet maugre his head we haue enioyed peace this 〈◊〉 and fortie yeares to the great contentment of her subiects and the wonderment of the world For who wondreth not that France and Flanders and other our neighbor countries being in a flame and the Pope desiring nothing more then to set our country on fire that the moderation of a woman should maintaine her State in peace when great Kings could not kéepe their state from being consumed with warres 〈◊〉 great this benefite is both the commodities of peace and the miseries of warres may teach vs. Et nomen pacis dulce est saith Tully ipsa res salutaris The name of peace is sweete and the thing it selfe safe and commodious Neither doth a people more desire any thing then peace as he saith in another place and in peace not onely those to whom nature hath giuen sence but also houses and fields seeme to reioyce Quid est tam populare ac pax qua non modo ij quibus natura sensum dedit sed etiam tecta atque 〈◊〉 videntur Contrariwise warres worke destruction of men cities countries and as Tully saith haue vncertaine euents and nothing is more execrable then ciuill warres Tully 〈◊〉 him vnworthy to liue among men that delighteth in ciuill discord and warre By meanes of long peace this land is also growne to great wealth The country is better cultiuated trade is much increased all arts and occupations growne to greater 〈◊〉 then in time past Noblemen and Gentlemen haue doubled their reuenues Yeomen and Merchants aspire to the degrée of Gentlemen and diuers men of occupation do exceed men of their sort in former times Whosoeuer compareth the common people of England with men of their qualitie in Spaine Portugal and Italy must néedes confesse that in wealth and meanes our country men do farre excéed them Finally neuer was England so populous and strong in men as in our late Quéenes dayes Spaine and most places of Italy séeme desolate in comparison That these are great blessings it cannot be denied For God promiseth increase of substance and men to his people as a blessing Deut. 28. Blessed shall be the fruit of thy body saith Moyses to the people of God and the fruite of thy land the fruite of thy cattell the flockes of kine and sheepe And the multiplication of Abrahams posteritie Gen. 17. and in diuers other places was accounted to him as a great blessing Wherefore as oft as we looke backe to former times we cannot choose but call to mind those graces which we haue long enioyed by Quéene Elizabeths meanes and be thankfull vnto God for them If any be either vnmindfull or vnthankfull if he be English I doubt not but he will proue a traitor to his Prince and country if a stranger then he will shew himselfe an enemie In the the first ranke I place Robert Parsons in the second certaine malicious Italian and Spanish Friers But their discourses wherein they would denigrate her glorie are so fond and 〈◊〉 that they do rather illustrate the same To shew that her Maiestie had no power in forreine countries Parsons alleageth that since Calice was lost we had not one foot of our owne beyond the seas As if none could haue power or credite in forreine parts but such as haue cities and dominions of their owne beyond the seas or as if it were not a signe of great power that her forces by sea and land haue alwayes bene able to 〈◊〉 the ambitious aspires of the Spaniard and the cruel rage of Antichrist and that her authoritie hath swayed much in forreine parts both with friends and enemies Againe that the English haue lost their footing beyond the seas and were shamefully driuen out of Calice which was reputed the key of the kingdome of France and a doore whereby the Kings of England were wont to enter into that kingdome it was not our fault but of that vnfortunate woman Quéene Mary that lost all and had no good successe in any thing and of her butcherly Clergy that were murthering of Christs lambes at home while forreine enemies oppugned the state abroad and would suffer no succor to be sent ouer in time He talketh also very idly of large Prouinces possessed by the English liuing vnder popish religion and of the losse we haue sustained by chaunge of our old mightie and honorable allies as he calleth them For the relikes of those large Prouinces were lost not by Queene Elizabeth but by that vnhappie woman Quéene Mary and her bloudy and butcherly priests Moreouer if King Philip fell at variance with vs the same was not the Quéenes fault that kept good correspondence with him albeit he betrayed her to the French at her first comming to the crowne and succored the rebels of the North anno 1569. and conspired with that louzie Frier Pius the fift to
France in their booke entitled La veritè defendue a booke as true as Celsus his book written against Christian religion entitled by him Veraoratio or a true discourse do defēd the authoritie of the Pope which he chalengeth in iudging and deposing temporall princes Nay which is more strange they blush not to affirme that this great soueraignety in the Pope is profitable for princes that stand in more doubt of loosing their tēporall kingdoms then of any other losse But howsoeuer it is if princes stand vpon loosing their crownes at the Popes pleasure then are they in poore estate and without any assurance of their kingdomes 〈◊〉 especially the malice of the Pope against such as professe the truth and his ambition in encroching vpon his neighbors dominions Ghineard a Iebusite was hanged in Paris anno 1594. for writing and holding diuers seditious positions wherof one was that the crowne of France might and ought to be translated into another family then that of Bourbon Neither néed any man make question by 〈◊〉 he meant that this feat should be wrought séeing the Pope is the man whose authoritie the Iebusites and Cananites 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kings Finally Robert Parsons in his Warnword part 2. f. 117. 6 alleageth a booke entitled De iusta Henrici tertij abdicatione that is of the iust deposing of the French King Henry the third whereby it is apparent that he also holdeth that the Pope may 〈◊〉 depose Kings Neither is it likely that he would so busily haue sought to stirre vp rebels in England and to suborne cut-throtes to kill the Quéene or that he would haue desired that Pius the 〈◊〉 his bull against her might be suspended for a time 〈◊〉 Papists if he had not taken her to be deposed by the Pope But because this 〈◊〉 of the Popes authority that of it selfe is litle worth would auaile nothing vnlesse the people also can be drawne to fauour the Popes faction therefore the Pope and his schollers giue also a power to the people to depose Kings and princes especially if once they proue tyrants that is as 〈◊〉 teach if they be excommunicate by the Pope or else séeke to maintaine their state or the truth against the violence and practises of the popish 〈◊〉 Gregory the seuenth tooke away all regall power from Henry the fourth and gaue the same vnto Rodulph of Saxonie commaunding all Christians to receiue Rodulph for their King and not to obey the Emperour Henry in any thing as being absolued from their othes which they were wont to giue vnto Kings Regiam ei potestatem adimo saith Gregory the seuenth interdicoque Christianis omnibus illo 〈◊〉 absolutis quo fides regibus 〈◊〉 ne Henrico vllain re obtemperent Rodulphum in regem suscipiant But this could not be executed vnlesse the people had some power giuen them to put by the one and to receiue the other Nor can princes stand firme if seditious Popes can giue the people this power Innocent the fourth likewise deposed Friderick the second forbidding his subiects to obey him and commanding them to whom it appertained to chuse another King As if it lay in the power of the people to do the one or the other or as if the princes authoritie 〈◊〉 in this case vpon the peoples pleasure Pius the 〈◊〉 declared Quéene Elizabeths subiects to be fréed from their obedience and not onely commaunded them not to obey her but by all perswasions moued them to depose her Is not this then a plaine and euident argument that the Pope doth giue power to the people contrary to the doctrine of the Apostle Rom. 13. and Tit. 3. to rebell against princes and to depose them William Raynolds a renegate Englishman in a treatise set out vnder the 〈◊〉 name of William Rosse and entitled De iusta reip Christianae supra reges impios haereticos authoritate iustissimaque Catholicorum he should say cacolicorū ad Henricum Nauarraeū quemcunque haereticum à regno Galliae repellendum confederatione doth in expresse termes giue the people power to depose Kings and maintaineth impudently the wicked league of the French rebels against their King In the 2. chap. of that booke he affirmeth that the right of al the Kings kingdoms of Europe is laid vpō this foundation that common wealths or people may depose thir kings His words are Quod ius omnium Europae regum regnorum hoc fundamento nititur quod resp possint suos reges deponere But therein he sheweth himselfe and his consorts to be the most notorious traitors of all Europe Likewise Robert Parsons our aduersary if such a base companion may deserue that name and a notorious 〈◊〉 of sedition in his booke of succession to the crowne of England made against the iust title of King Iames and in fauour of the infanta of Spaine in his first booke chap. 1. 〈◊〉 to proue that succession to gouernement by nearenesse of blood is by positiue lawes of the commonwealth and may vpon iust causes be altered by the same His intention is to shew that they which made that law may also alter it In the third chapter he striueth with himselfe to shew that not onely vnworthy pretenders may be put backe but that Kings in possession may be chastised and deposed The first part of which proposition is directed against our most worthy and rightfull King before his comming to the crowne the second aymeth at him now that by Gods grace he is attained to the Crowne In the fourth chapter he sayth that othes in diuers cases bind not subiects and that sometimes they may lawfully proceed against Princes Matters so seditious and odious that it séemeth to me admirable that such a leud companion should be suffered so impudently to barke against the authority of Kings or that the Archpriest or the 〈◊〉 or Masse priests that depend vpon him and allow this doctrine and percase yet stand for the infantaes title together with their cōsorts shold be suffered to liue by the lawes of that king whom by their wicked doctrine they haue sought to dispossesse of his right and to depose from his royall throne Neither is this the doctrine of these base companions only but also of other more famous Doctors and of the most illustrious ring-leaders of the Iebusites Bellarmine lib. 5. de pontif Rom. c. 6. saith It is not lawful for Christians to tolerate a King that is an infidel or an hereticke if he go about to draw his subiects to his heresie or infidelitie His words are these Non licet Christianis tolerare regem infidelem aut haereticum si ille pertrahere conetur subditos ad suam haeresim aut infidelitatem Now it is well knowne that such as receiue not the superstition and heretical doctrine of the Romish synagogue are by the sect of Papists accompted heretikes and litle better then infidels Emanuel Sa a Iebusite also in a booke called Aphorismi confessariorum holdeth these aphorismes
Alberto regi subijcit He did also indeuour to put his sentence in execution and percase had done it but that Philip by the industrie of Sciarra Colonna and Nogaret preuented him and apprehended the furious Pope Ferdinand king of Spaine had no other pretence to inuade the kingdome of Nauarre but onely to execute the sentence of Iulius the second that had excommunicated him for taking part with the French No doubt therefore but one time or other the French king that is the king of Nauarre also will require satisfaction of the Pope and Spaniard that did him this wrong But in the meane while we may sée in this fact of Iulius the arrogance of the Popes that take vpon them to depose kings at their pleasure and to giue away their kingdomes This seditious course of the Pope in sentencing kings was also the sole pretence almost of the Leaguers rebellious stirres against Henry the third in France For when the Iebusites and their faction had declared that the king was iustly deposed then did the rebels take armes against him and ceassed not to pursue him to the death The Spaniards also for the same cause ayded them and concurred with them Likewise the execution of the Popes sentence against Henrie the fourth of France was the cause both of the reuolt of his subiects and of the warres made against him by the prince of Parma and the Spaniards Such a firebrand of warres do we find the Popes sentence to be No sooner was Henry the eight king of England pronounced excommunicate by Paule the third but he sent Cardinall Poole to stirre vp the French King to inuade his kingdome Afterward when he saw that the French could not be stirred to execute his pleasure he caused diuerse rebellions to be raysed against him by the seditious clamours of Masse-priests Monkes and Friars both in York-shire and Lincolne-shire and other parts of England Sanders 〈◊〉 that he commanded the Nobilitie and chiefe men of England by force and armes to oppose themselues against the king and to cast him out of his kingdome Principibus viris ac Ducibus Angliae 〈◊〉 Nobilitati praeeipit vt vi armis se Henrico opponant illumque è regni finibus eijcere nit antur The like course held Pius Quintus that wicked Pope against Quéene Elizabeth of pious memorie for he did not onely declare her depriued of her kingdome but by all meanes sought actually to depriue her of it and that first by dealing with the French and Spanish by force of arms to inuade her realmes and afterward stirring vp and comforting Malcontents and Rebels to set the realme in combustion by ciuill warres Hierome Catena in the discourse of the life of this impious Pius sheweth how he perswaded the Spaniard that he could not otherwise better secure the Low-countries then by ouerthrowing the Queene of England He declareth further how he induced the French to take part against her Likewise did Gregorie the thirtéene send forces into Ireland together with his legate Sanders Sixtus Quintus by all meanes hastened the Spanish fléete that came against England anno 1588. Neither haue they and others ceassed vpon all occasions to séeke her hurt and destruction This therefore is a most cleare case that no Christian king can be in safetie as long as he suffereth Iebusites and Masse-priests to aduance the Popes authoritie and to preach seditiously that the people hath power to put Princes out of their royall seate It is very dangerous also to foster any man within the Realme that beléeueth this seditious doctrine True it is that Papists cast many colours to hide the deformities of this doctrine but these colours are easily washed away as not being able to abide any weather First they alleage that diuerse popish Princes haue enioyed their kingdomes quietly without molestation But we are able to shew more Princes of late time troubled by the Popes practises then they are able to shew to haue liued peaceably by them Furthermore the reason why Popes do not trouble all is because it were not safe for them to fall out with too many at one time and not because their ouer large authoritie is not preiudiciall to all For 〈◊〉 the Pope may depose all kings vpon cause then all kings stand in like danger séeing no man can auoide all causes of quarrell Bellarmine lib. 5. de pontif Rom. cap. 6. saith that the Pope doth practise this power for sauing of soules But experience teacheth vs that through his excommunications and sentences of deposition pronounced against diuers kings he hath ruined kingdomes and brought infinite people to destruction both of bodie and soule Theodoric of Niem speaking of the deposing of the king of Hungarie by Boniface the 9. saith There followed of it great slaughter of innumerable people destruction of churches and houses of religion the burning of cities townes and castles and infinite other mischiefes which follow long warres because kings without the hurt of many cannot be deposed His words are these Vndè clades hominum innumerabilium Ecclesiasticorum piorum locorum Monasteriorum enormis destructio incendia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non infinita alia mala quae guerrae secum producunt diu vigentia 〈◊〉 quia non sine multorum dispendio 〈◊〉 deponuntur Emanuel Sa in his 〈◊〉 for confessaries doth signifie that this doctrine holdeth against tyrants only But what doth this reléeue the Papists when those which fall out with the Pope and yeeld not ê¯to his most vnreasonable requests are presently by Friers and priests proclaimed tyrants The very Papists themselues cannot deny but that Quéene Elizabeth was much renowned for her rare clemencie and that not without cause seeing she spared alwayes those that would not haue spared her if it had lien in their power to haue hurt her and yet they accuse her of tyrannie In the resolution of certaine cases of conscience set out by Allen and Parsons for instruction of English traytors Non gerit se vt Roginam say they sed exercet 〈◊〉 She doth not behaue her selfe as a Queene but doth exercise tyrannie The like words they gaue out against the French king now raigning albeit he hath shewed mercie to many 〈◊〉 none 〈◊〉 Ernest sending away one that vndertooke to kill the Count Maurice amazzate said he quel 〈◊〉 that is kill me that tyrant Others alleage that the Pope procéedeth onely against heretikes and notorious offendors But that is a most notorious and palpable vntruth for no man is more eagerly prosecuted then religious pious and godly Christians as the executions of France and Flanders do shew And if they will not confesse it true in Christians of our time yet can they not deny it in the times of the Emperors Henry the third fourth and fifth of Fredericke the first and second and of Lewis of Bauier who made such confessions of their faith being declared heretickes as the Popes theÌ„selues could not contradict and yet did the
their authoritie by the Popes incrochments How contrarie this is to the doctrine of the Apostles and ancient fathers we néede not here dispute S. Peter teacheth Christians to honour the King and Paule exhorteth 〈◊〉 soule to be subiect to the higher powers Now what greater dishonour can be offered to a King then to take away his authoritie And how are they subiect that pay the King nothing and claime exemption from his gouernement Our Sauiour willeth all to giue to Caesar that which is due to Caesar and Peter payed tribute to Caesar. But his false successors pay no tribute to Caesar but take tribute of Caesar and challenge it as due to them selues Nay they haue against all right vsurped his imperiall citie of Rome and released all clerkes from temporall Princes obedience Tertullian saith Christians honored the Emperour as the next man in honour to God and onely inferiour to God Colimus Imperatorem saith he sic quomodo nobis licet ipsi expedit vt hominem a Deo secundum quicquid est à Deo consequutum solo Deo minorem Chrysostome sheweth that the Apostles wordes Rom. 13. concerne clerkes and religious men as well as lay men The same is also contrarie to the practise of the Church vnder the Law and vnder the Gospell and derogatorie to the Kings authoritie For both vnder the Law and when Emperors began to professe Christian religion they made lawes for the Church and reformed Ecclesiasticall abuses as both Scriptures and the lawes of the Code and Nouelles testifie Thirdly this authoritie is plainly vsurped by the Pope and his followers For vntill Gregorie the seuenth his time who by force and armes preuailed more then by reason we find that the clergie and Church waâ— gouerned by Christian princes and their lawes Finally the same is disgracefull to Kings and burdensome to subiects and most vnreasonable Disgracefull it is to Kings to loose their royalties and to be made subiect to forreiners Burdensome it is to good subiects vpon whom the whole burden is laid and they exempted which are best able to beare The Germaines in their grieuances Grauam 28. shew that the charge of the warre against the Turke is laid wholy on lay-mens shoulders Finally it is no reason that those should liue vnder the Kings protection that neither pay him tribute nor acknowledge his authoritie But of the vnreasonablenesse of these incrochments we shall haue occasion to dispute elswhere Here it is sufficient to shew that the Popes vsurpations exactions â—â— who le authoritie is preiudiciall to Kings vntollerable to their subiectes Be wise therefore O ye Kings of the earth and serue Christ Iesus but beware that in stead of Christ ye serue not Antichrist And you that are fréed by the preaching of the Gospell from the bondage of the Popes traditions and exactions take héed that you suffer not your selues to be entangled againe in his snares brought againe into bondage The Popes agents tell you of many goodly actions of the Pope and set out the beautie of traditions with faire words But they séeke nothing but to bring you into a snare and to make merchandise of your soules and to blind you so that you shall not be able to sée the miserie of those that liue vnder him or the trash of his false doctrine and traditions God graunt you therfore the spirit of wisedome and discretion that you may stand fast in the liberty of 〈◊〉 Christians and neuer be entangled againe with the yoke of Popish bondage The third Booke of the answer to Robert Parsons his supernodical Warn-word containing a list of his lies falsities fooleries impieties and other enormous faults and abuses therein and elsewhere by him committed The Preface to the third Booke THus hauing ended our defence of Queene Elizabeths godly reformation and noted the miserable estate of Papists liuing vnder the Popes tyrannie and deformation it will be no hard matter for vs to dispatch the rest of the Warne-word being nothing else but a bundle of patcheries and fooleries patched together with a number of idle and vaine words scarce worth the reading or ruÌ„ning ouer Wherin notwithstaÌ„ding that I may proceed with more perspicuity I wil first examine the qualities of the author of this 〈◊〉 word and that so much the rather that you may forbeare to wonder at this warning peece or peeced Warne-word considering the qualitie of the warme fellow that made vs this braue peece of fire-worke Next I shall enter vpon the title and front of the booke and let you see how neither the portall corespondeth with the rest of his building nor the worke with the inscription and that the same doth well resemble a clome portall set beside a straw thatched house or 2 pig-stie set before Robert Parsons his putatiues fathers forge Thirdly his personall accusations and slaundrous imputations both against my selfe and others shall be answered The fourth place is due to his impieties which require a sharpe censure After that his ridiculous errors impudent falsifications vaine allegations grosse lies saucie rayling termes and clamorous outcries poore shifts and sottish answers lamentable begging of things in controuersie insolent brags and such like fooleries shall seuerally be scanned and reproued A man would percase wonder that a man in so idle a worke should runne into so many inconueniences and absurdities But this our aduersary is a beast and a grosse pecoran and no man How should we looke for other stuffe out of such a malicious heart Do men gather figs of thornes or grapes of briars As Hierome saith of Heluidius so I may say of Parsons Loquacitatem facundiam existimat maledicere omnibus bonae conscientiae signum arbitratur He supposeth babling to be eloquence and that railing vpon all men is a signe of a good conscience Let him therfore haue patience to haue his owne coxcombe pared and let him bark still like a helhound if he take pleasure in barking I doubt not but we shall so breake his dogs teeth that he shall hurt none by his biting But to cut off all preambles let vs now see if we can bring the iade Parsons from his gallop to his ambles CHAP. I. A legend of No saint but of Robert Parsons his life calculated in fauour of that swarme of traitors which euery yeare he sendeth out of his seditious Seminaries BEfore I enter into this discourse I do protest that I was drawne into it more then halfe against my will by the importunitie of Robert Parsons who first began this course and albeit without commission went about to make enquiry what I am what I did at Caliz what in Ireland and what in other places and to obiect whatsoeuer he thought might moue either suspicion of crime or occasion of ieast But séeing I am forced to defend my self I professe and proclaime it openly that I will spare neither Iebusite nor Masse priest nor Archpricst nor prouinciall Iebusite nor Pope nor Cardinall that shall
deserue but a crowne of foxe tailes counterpointed with whetstones for his labour Popelliniere in is seuenth booke of the historie of France sheweth that the Papists could neuer be brought to ioyne issue do they of the religion what they could which is quite contrary to his shamelesse narration 2. encounter fol. 39. he saith The Councell of Trent gaue libertie to all protestants so he calleth our Doctors to dispute their fill A most notorious vntruth For two onely going thither escaped hardly with their liues and were peremptorily denied licence to dispute publikely albeit they desired to be heard 2. encount c. 9. he denieth that the Papists meant to kéep their Indexes expurgatorie secret and sayth that they were deuised to purge bookes corrupted by heretikes But experience doth proue both to be lies For vnder this colour they haue corrupted the fathers and this deceit was not found vntill by Gods prouidence one copie came to Iunius his hands And this God willing shal be proued by particulars if God grant vs life Fol. 93. he telleth a storie as he saith or rather diuers lies of Monkes making hatchets to swim raising dead men to life multiplying milke and talking of monkes mules and doing other strange miracles Which if Parsons do compare with the miracles of the prophets and Apostles he blasphemeth if he beléeue as well as the miracles of the Bible he addeth no credit to monkish miracles but most wickedly maketh legends and fables comparable to holy scripture Fol. 〈◊〉 he sayth Sixtus 4. did leaue it free for euery one to thinke what he would viz. in the article of the conception of our Lady in originall sinne But that this is false it appeareth first in that he did excommunicate all those that spoke against the feast of our Ladies conception And secondly for that he gaue indulgences to such as prayed to her as borne of Anna without originall sinne Fol. 103. he denieth that Sixtus Quintus compared the execrable murder of the French king Henry the third to the mysteries of Christ his incarnation and resurrection But the Cardinals that were in y e Consistory when first the newes were brought to Rome can conuince him of lying and impudencie Likewise a French Papist that wrote a discourse against Sixtus Quintus called La Fulminante will testifie against him Speaking in an apostrophe to Pope Sixtus Tu appelles saith he ceste trahison vn oeuure grand de Dieu vn pur exploit de sa prouidence la compares aux plus excellens mysteres de son incarnation de sa resurrection He chargeth him further That he accounted this murder as a miracle and honored Iames Clement as a martyr Dieu quelle pieté qu'un suiect qui tue son Roy est à Rome vn martyr son assassinat vn miracle Parsons séemeth also to denie that Henry the third was excommunicate and will not acknowledge that the same was cause of his death both which points are testified in the discourse 〈◊〉 La Fulminante which Parsons not séeing roueth he 〈◊〉 not at what Tu as proclamé saith he speaking to Sixtus Quintus vn ban sur la vie conuié tous ies parricides à sa mort How then can these words vttered by a papist inueying against Sixtus Quintus with any probabilitie be denied Fol. 104. he chargeth vs with setting forward the Gospell which he calleth New with forcible attempts But if he shew not where we haue taken armes for this purpose these words will testifie against him that he setteth forth lies and is a lying companion whose mouth is full of slander In France 〈◊〉 men haue bene forced to take armes for defence of their liues against the Popes ministers but they neuer sought the life or hurt of their King as the rebellious leaguers did who trecherously murdred their soueraine Lord and King Fol. 105. 2. encount c. 12. he denieth that papists hold it sacrilege to dispute of the Popes doings And fol. 107. That albeit the Pope leade innumerable soules to hell yet no man may say to him Sir why do you so The first lie is 〈◊〉 by Baldus in l. sacrilegij Cod. de crimine sacrilegij where in plain termes he affrmeth that it is sacrilege to dispute of the Popes power The second is conuinced by the words of the chapter si Papa dist 40. where it is said That although the Pope cary with him innumerable soules to hell yet no man may reproue him for his faults The words are plaine Huius culpas istic redarguere praesumit mortalium nemo The same words also which Parsons denieth are found in diuers Canonists and that not vnderstood in beneficiary causes onely as he would insinuate but absolutely Per omnia potest facere dicere quicquid placet saith Durand auferendo etiam ius suum cui vult quia non est qui ei dicat cur it a facis There also citing his author he saith Vicem non puri hominis sed veri Deigerit in terris Likewise dist 3. de poenit c. quamuis where the text sayth Quis audeat dicere 〈◊〉 quare c. parcis The Glosse sayth Vel Deo vel Papae The like sayings are found in Baldus in 〈◊〉 fend Col. 12 in l. fin Col. 1. 〈◊〉 extr cod sent rescind Iason consil 145. c. 2. v. 2. Aemil. Mar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. ad Apcstolatus de concess praebend ' extr 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in verbo continetur Fol. 106. he sayth That many of vs and other our friends do make princes so absolute in temporal and spiritual affaires as they may not be iudged by any mortall man And to this purpose he citeth Bellay But first Bellay is none of our friends And next he cannot shew any of vs that teacheth this doctrine Let him name the parties or else we wil name him and all will take him for a cogging companion For neither do we make Kings aboue generall Councels nor exempt them from all censures although not to that effect as the Romanists teach Fol. 113. 2. encount c. 14. he affirmeth boldly and blindly that the grieuances of the Germain nation was a complaint of princes called protestants and that it was endited by Luther and 〈◊〉 against the Popes pardons at a Councell at Noremberg But therein he lappeth vp diuers foule lies First the matter of the Popes pardons was but one matter of many and therefore not the sole subiect of their complaints as Parsons pretendeth Secondly if they had not bene Papists they would neuer haue fled to the Pope for reformation nor giuē him such reuerent termes as they do Thirdly it was neuer heard of till now that Luther was the enditer of these grieuances exhibited to the Popes legat anno 1522. Finally this méeting at Noremberg an 1522. was no Councell but a diet wherein the princes desired reformation rather of abuses then the dissolution of the Popes authoritie He denieth also that any pardon is sold for murder of
summum pontificem sayth he à Constantino ' Deum appellatum habitum pro Deo that is Thou mayst heare the Pope called of Constantine God accompted a God Baldus in l. fin Cod. sent rescind and Decius in c. 1. de constitut and Card. Paris Cons. 5. nu 75. say The Pope is a God in earth That is also the saying of Felin in c. ego N. in 1. col in text ibi canonicè de iureiurand Others teach That the Pope is Gods Vicegerent in earth c. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 3. de transl 〈◊〉 de re iudicat c. ad apostolicae Clem. 1. ibi Card. Papa sayth the Glosse in 〈◊〉 Clem. id est admirabilis dicitur à Papè quod est interiectio admirantis verè admirabilis So it appeareth he deriueth the Popes title of wonderment Others call the Pope Christs Vicar as if Christ had left him to rule the Church in his stead Bonauenture in 〈◊〉 calleth the Pope the onely spouse of the Church and Christs vicar generall Panorinitan in c. licet and c. venerabilem de electione sayth That Christ and the Pope haue but one consistory and that the Pope can do as it were whatsoeuer Christ can do except sinne Likewise holdeth 〈◊〉 c. quanto de translat episcop Papa Christus say they 〈◊〉 vnum consistorium it a quod excepto peccato potest Papa quasiomnia facere quae potest 〈◊〉 Nay Panormitan in the chap. venerabilem without qualification sayth Quòd possit facere quicquid Deus potest And he alleageth this for a reason aliâs Christus non fuit diligens paterfamiliâs si non dimisisset in terra aliquem loco sui Gomesius writing vpon the rules of the Popes Chancery sayth That the Pope is a certaine diuine power and sheweth himselfe as a visible God Papa est quoddam numen quasi visibilem quendam Deum praese ferens Stapleton in his dedicatory Epistle to Gregory the thirtéenth before his Doctrinal principles doeth adore him and call him Supremum numen in terris that is His soueraigne God vpon the earth Hoping percase that his supreme God would looke downe vpon a terrestriall base creature and bestow vpon him some great preferment Bellarmine doth bestow Christs titles vpon the Pope calling him the corner stone of the church and a stone most precious and approued In his second booke De Pontif. Rom. he titleth him the foundation the head and spouse of the church Caesar Baronius his huge volumes containe most huge and many flatteries of the Popes of Rome the man contrary to all law of story setting forth their praises and concealing their errors and faults It would require a great volume to comprehend all and where so many examples are contained I should diminish his fault if I should set downe but few Simon Begnius a great doer in the conuenticle of Lateran directing his spéech to Leo the tenth Ecce sayth he venit Leo de tribu Iudah And againe Te Leo heatissime saluatorem 〈◊〉 He calleth Pope Leo a lion of the tribe of Iuda and his sauiour Certaine rimes in the Glosse vpon the proeme of the Clementines call him the wonderment of the world Papa stupor mundi And againe say that he is neither God nor man but as it were neuter betweene both Nec Deus es nec homo quasi neuter es inter vtrumque Innocentius the third in cap. solitae de 〈◊〉 obed sayth the Pope as farre excelleth the Emperor as the Sunne excelleth the Moone That is as the Glosse doeth there calculate seuentie seauen times He compareth also the Pope to the soule and the Emperour to the bodie Tantū sacerdos praestat regi quantū homo praestat bestiae Quantum Deus praestat sacerdoti tantū sacerdos praestat regi Qui regē anteponit sacerdoti is anteponit creaturam creatori sayth Stanislaus Orichouius in Chimaera That is A priest doth so much excell a king as a man doth excell a beast As much as God is better then a priest so much is a priest better then a king He that preferreth a king before a priest doth preferre a creature before his creator Ioannes de 〈◊〉 calleth the Pope King of kings and Lord of lords And Herueus will haue him to be a king The glosse and Canonists in c. ad apostolicae de sent re iudicat in 6. hold That the Pope hath power to depose princes and Emperours and this is now a comon conclusion of the Iebusites Clement the fift in the chapter Romani Clement de iureiurando doeth determine That the Emperour sweareth 〈◊〉 to the Pope Boniface the eight affirmeth That it is a matter of saluation for all men to subiect themselues to the Pope c. vnam sanct ext de maior obed The Canonists teach That the Pope is not tyed to law in c. proposuit de concess praebendae Baldus in c. 1. in vlt. col de confess affirmeth That the Pope by reason of his authoritie is doctour of both the lawes And commonly his flatterers affirme That he hath al lawes within the chest of his brest Ioannes Andreas and Panormitane in cap. per venerabilem Qui filij sint legit say that the Pope hath power to dispense in mariages within the degrees prohibited by Gods law Petrus Ancharanus Cons. 373. saith That the Pope hath power to licence the nephew to mary his vncles wife Panormitan in c. fin de diuort writeth that the Pope for a speciall great cause may dispence against the new Testament Papa potest permittere vsuras populis Iudaeis eas tolerare that is The Pope hath power to permit and tolerate vsury to Iewes and other people as sayth Alexander de Imola in Consil. 1. part 2. and Card. in Clem. 1. § fin 27. quest de vsuris And experience sheweth that he permitteth vsury to the Iewes of Rome and Paul the fourth and Pius the fourth set vp publike bankes of vsury called falsely monti di pieta The Popes they are also made to beleeue that they may permit publike stewes in Rome and of that permission they make no small reuenue Likewise it is the custome of papists to flatter Princes hoping thereby to allure them to defend their sect Some they call most Christian some Catholike some great Dukes Baronius in his Epistle dedicatory before his third tome of Annales calleth King Philip the second of Spaine regum maximum the 〈◊〉 of kings and Christianorum regum maximum decus ornamentum The glory and ornament of Christian Kings He sayth also that greater things may be spoken of him then Xenophon wrote of Cyrus and seemeth to compare him or preferre him before Constantine Likewise doeth he grossely flatter the French king in his Preface before his ninth tome of Annales Thomas Stapleton hath giuen immoderate prayses to Thomas Becket and Thomas More perhaps for name sake rather then for vertue Sanders Rishton and Bozius albeit they professe to write histories yet do they intend nothing
meant her no harme But wise men considering the maner of her death and effects of some drugs that are wont to exulcerate the mouth to gréeue the stomacke to bereue men of sence to worke a stipticity and stupidity and the concourse and whispering and preparations of the popish faction about the time of her sicknesse do much feare that she was not well dealt withall I pray God reueale the truth and grant al others by her example to beware of the Popes and Jebusits most dangerous practises which neuer cease working mischiefe if they may haue fit oportunitie CHAP. X. That kings and Princes liuing in subiection to the Pope are but halfe kings and demi-princes BUt suppose the Pope and his conspiring and working crew should neither attempt to take away the crowne nor the life from a prince that beléeueth his lawes and yéeldeth to the Pope all that authoritie which he claimeth yet doth he lose halfe his reuenues authoritie and regall soueraigntie For first the Pope shareth the Kings reuenues claiming tenths first fruites subsidies confirmation and 〈◊〉 of Ecclesiasticall liuings and infinite summes of money for pardons licences dispensations and all maner of rescripts Those which are acquainted with the Popes faculties and incrochments in former Kings dayes within this land and now in Spaine Italy and other popish countries know they are intolerable and no way inferior to the Kings reuenues Nay if a King néed a dispensation for an Ecclesiasticall matter he is forced to bargaine with the Pope and to buy it deare The absolution of King Iohn had like to haue cost him the Crowne of England Secondly not the King but the Pope is King of priests and ecclesiasticall persons Boniface the 8. in the chap. Clericis de immunit eccles in 6. doth excommunicate both Kings and others that impose taxes and subsidies vpon the Clergie He doth also lay the same censure vpon those clergie men that pay any subsidies to ciuill Magistrates which sheweth that he kept them for his owne selfe Alexander the fourth in the chap. Quia nonnulli de immunit eccles in 6. exempteth the possessions and goods of clergy men from toll and custome 〈◊〉 Bellarmine in his treatise De exemptione clericorum cap. I. setteth downe these propositions In causis Ecclesiasticis liberi sunt clericiiure diuino à secularium principum potestate That is In Ecclesiastical causes clerkes are free from the commaund of secular princes by the law of God And by ecclesiasticall causes he vnderstādeth all matters which concerne the church and which by hooke or crooke the Popes haue drawne to their owne cognition Againe he sayth Non possunt Clerici à Iudice seculariiudicari estiamsi leges ciuiles non seruent That is Clerks are not to be iudged of secular Iudges albeit they keep not his temporall lawes His third proposition is this Bona clericorum tam ecclesiastica quà m secularia libera sunt ac meritò esse debent à tributis principum secularium That is The goods of clerkes whether they belong to the Church or be temporal are free from tributes of princes and so ought to be He sayth also that secular princes in respect of clerkes are not soueraigne princes and that therefore clerkes are not bound to obey them Now how is the King absolute in his kingdome if he haue neither power ouer the persons of the clerks nor their goods Emanuel Sa in his aphorismes In verbo Clericus in his book first printed and alleaged by him that wrote the Franc discourse hath these words Clerici rebellio in regem non est crimen laesae maiestatis quia non est subditus regi The rebellion of a clerk against the King is no treason because he is not the kings subiect This is plaine dealing and sheweth that y e king is no king of the Clergie where the Popes lawes beare sway But because these words be some what too plaine 〈◊〉 in a later edition of these aphorismes set out at Venice they haue for their owne ease cut out the words albeit in effect Bellarmine and others teach so much Their practise also declareth that this is their meaning for Thomas Becket stoutly resisted Henry the second and his parliament enacting that clerkes offending against the kings lawes should answer before the kings Iustices Further he would not agree that clerkes lay = fée should come in trial before them Sixtus quartus did enterdite the state of Florence for that they had executed the Archbishop of Pisa notoriously taken in a conspiracie against the State Xistus quòd sacrato viro Archiepiscopo it a foede interfecto Cardinalem quoque captiuum fecissent Hieronymo instigante grauissimum Florentinis sacris omnibus interdictus bellū intulit saith Onuphrius That is Sixtus warred vpon the Florentines and enterdited them for that they had killed the Archbishop of Pisa being a priest and layd hands on a cardinall And yet he declareth they were actors in the conspiracie against Iulian and Laurence de Medicis that then ruled the State This was also the greatest quarrell of the Pope against Henry the third of France for that he caused the Cardinal of Guise to be killed being culpable of most enormous treasons against him Now what can Kings do against their subiects if they may not punish them offending in treason Thirdly the Popes do draw many temporall matters from the cognition of the King to themselues and their adherents Boniface the 8. c. quoniam de Immunitat Eccles. in 6. doth excommunicate all those that do hinder matters to be brought frō triall of temporall iudges to Ecclesiasticall courts and namely those that will not suffer all contracts confirmed by oathes to be tried before Ecclesiasticall iudges By which meanes almost all causes were brought before them and the Kings iurisdiction almost stopped and suspended The Kings of England therfore to restraine these incrochmēts made the law of Praemunire putting them out of his protection that wold not be tried by his lawes Is it not strange then that Christian princes should suffer such companions to vsurpe their authoritie and not onely in causes Ecclesiasticall but also in temporall to beare them selues as iudges Finally they deny that Christian Princes haue power either to make Ecclesiasticall lawes or to reforme abuses in the Church or to gouerne the Church concerning externall matters All papists do so distinguish betwixt Ecclesiastical and politicke gouernement that they exclude temporall Princes from the gouernement of the Church and make them subiect to the Pope Bellarmine lib. 1. de Pontif. Rom. c. 7. determineth that temporall Princes are no gouernours of the Church If then Christian Princes loose part of their reuenues and part of their iurisdiction and are quite excluded both from the gouernement of the Church and also disposing of the persons and goods of Ecclesiasticall persons most apparent it is that such Princes as admit the Popes authoritie are either but halfe kings or else not so much loosing more then halfe
and that idolaters and heretikes should prate and talke of religion when they meane nothing but to erect idolatrie and to establish popish errors and superstition Fol. 16. speaking of me He blusheth not saith he to affirme that which all his fellowes haue denied And what is this trow you Forsooth that blasphemous and scandalous dogmatizing heretikes may be put to death But where he saith that all my fellows haue denied this he sheweth him selfe a shamelesse lying companion and the diuels fellow in forging lies For none of my fellowes euer denied that which I affirme but only wold not haue ignorant peaceable and simple heretikes that neither blaspheme nor dogmatise nor are offensiue to the State punished with death Likewise they condemne the cruell and bloody Papists that burne massacre men women and children for denying or contradicting any one point of their filthy abominable and erronious doctrine Fol. 18. he saith The Emperour in a certaine edict beginning reddentes Cod. de sum Trin. fid Cath. professeth his due 〈◊〉 and of all his empire to the church of Rome which is a notorious and an impudent ly For in that law there is no one word to be found that importeth subiection either of the Emperour or of the Empire to the Church of Rome much lesse to the Pope of Rome Nay at that time the citie of Rome belonged to the Emperour which lately the Pope hath vsurped excluding the Emperour from thence But were there any thing contained in that law which may séeme spoken in fauour of the Romane Bishop yet is the same proued counterfet in my late treatise concerning falsities of the Romish synagogue Fol. 19. a. speaking of the Emperors They professed saith he the Bishops of Rome to be the heads and chiefe leaders of this vniuersall and visible Catholicke Church as before hath bene shewed by the examples of Gratian Valentinian and Theodosius to Pope 〈◊〉 and of Arcadius Honorius and Theodosius the second and of Saint Augustine to Pope Innocentius primus and of Iustinian to Pope Iohn the first This he saith boldly But in these few words a cluster of lies is packed vp close together For neither do Gratian Valentinian and Theodsius write to Damasus as the title of the law cunctos populos Cod. de sum trinit doth shew nor 〈◊〉 they say that Damasus was head and leader of the vniuersall visible Church Nor do Arcadius Honorius and Theodosus the second talke of any such matter to be due to Innocentius the first Nor can it be proued out of Augustine or Iustinians decrée inter 〈◊〉 Cod. de sum trinit that this title was giuen to Innocentius the first or Iohn the first or second For beside that the law inter claras is counterfeit the interpreter doth corruptly translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the head of all priests the head of all Churches Nay hardly will Parsons be able to shew that any of these did speake of the vniuersall visible Church where they speake of the bishops of Romes authoritie These therefore are palpable if not visible lies And that which he saith of Iohn the first is a ridiculous lye For he was dead as Chronicles teach before Iustinians reigne He thinketh it lawfull to lie all manner of lies of Caluin And therefore boldly saith He was a priest and that he sayd masse Both which are denyed by those which wrote his life which say he departed out of France before he receiued any orders The same may be proued for that his name is found in no bishops records and for that he begunne to write his Institutions before 24. yeares of age Of which we gather that he hated the popish priesthood before he was of yeares to be made priest Fol. 〈◊〉 b. he maketh Sir Francis to say that we haue changed old religion into Protestancy not changing therein his old fashion of cogging and lying For neither doth he nor any of vs acknowledge popish religion to be auncient nor do we call our religion protestancy although his dealing giueth vs oft occasion to protest against his wicked and false dealing Fol. 23. a. he affirmeth that Sir Francis talketh of nothing but feares frights and terrors But he might doe well to cease talking if he tell nothing but lies In the place mentioned Sir Francis talketh neither of feares frights nor terrors Nor doth it follow because Parsons and his consorts are still packing vnderhand and dealing with the Spaniards that we are terrified For we haue neither cause to feare treason nor publike force vnlesse we will trust traytors and wilfully throw away our armes Neither haue Papists cause to begin to stirre vnlesse they be weary of their liues of peace of ease and of their natiue countrey Fol. 25. a. he boldly auoucheth that I count it a blessing to haue Catholike rites and seruice abolished whereas in truth I desire nothing more then that Catholike religion may be restored and speake onely against the filthy abominations of popish masse the idolatrous worship of saints and idols the tyranny of the Pope and such like which none but the slaues of Antichrist can endure and wil affirme to be Catholike That Iouinian and Vigilantius held some errors we will not deny But that Hierome called them heretikes for the same points that wee hold concerning virginitie prayers to saints and lights at martyrs tombes as Parsons fol. 27. affirmeth most falsly will not be proued For Hierome doth rather excuse those that lighted candels at noone day then condeinne those that thought contrary Neither did he euer place perfection in forced virginity or teach prayers to saints or allow those that worshipped false relikes as the papists do This therefore which Parsons sayth is to be scored vp among the relikes of his leasings In the same leafe he addeth another grosse lye saying That Iewell writing against Harding and Fulke against Allen and Bristow do often call Saint Hierome borne papist and scolding doctor For neither the one terme nor the other is found in their writings Nay we should greatly wrong Saint Hierome if we should call him either papist or borne papist séeing that in his time neither the monster of the masse nor other popish abominations were either borne or conceiued Unlesse therefore he quote B. Iewels and M. Fulkes words as he was borne a bastard so we will hold him by condition for a lying accuser and a scolding companion and a fellow borne to tell lyes Fol. 28. b. he telleth loud lies of Panormitane saying That he in the chap. licet de electione expounding these words of Hostiensis Cum idem sit Christiatque Papae consistorium quasiomnia potest facere Papa quae Christus excepto peccato sheweth the meaning to be that in matters of iurisdiction and spirituall authoritie for gouernment of his Church vpon earth Christ hath left so great power vnto his substitute Saint Peters successor as he may do thereby and in his name and vertue whatsoeuer his master
howsoeuer closely Parsons wold séeme to cary matters that he doth confesse more in shifting and concealing then he doth deny disputing Ita opertus ac tectus incedis sayth Hierom to one epist. 6. vt plus confitearis tacendo quà m renuas disputando This we may truly say of Parsons that his shifts and answers which he bringeth to couer the wounds of his cause do make the matter far more suspicious then before What then are we to think of such a shifting and iugling fellow Will you heare Parsons giue sentence in his owne cause If he do I hope you will say we do produce no witnesse that wil deale partially in fauor of our cause But he in his 2. encon c. 9. fol. 62. saith that he which vseth a trick of legierdemain but once of known and set malice to deceiue is neuer to be trusted againe What then remaineth now but that such a shifting trecherous companion be rather trussed then trusted haltred then harbored baffulled then beléeued CHAP. XIII Parsons his patcherie in begging things in controuersie discouered THe very name of an aduersary and often mention of controuersies if nothing else me thinkes might haue moued Robert Parsons to looke better to his proofes and to haue presumed lesse of his begging For albeit he be of the Ignatian sect and by profession a mendicant friar yet hath he no reason to beg of his 〈◊〉 nor to take as granted things that hang in controuersie Nor haue we cause to maintaine of almes such vagarant sturdy roging beggars as y t laws iudge worthy of hanging It may be he wil stand vpon termes and sweare like a hackster that he is no beggar bestowing many thousands of crownes vpon spies and cutthrotes But the truth will appeare by the sequele of his doings Fol. 1. b. he accuseth me of deportment against all kind of Catholike men though neuer so learned vertuous worshipful or honorable But he shold haue proued himself his traitorous consorts which are y e men that I do meane to be both Catholikes and learned vertuous worshipfull and honorable We of the plainer and simpler sort could yet neuer learne that it was a thing either honorable or commendable to betray his prince or countrey or to take part with Italians or Spaniards against his owne nation Fol. 7. talking of priests put to death in England he calleth them and others seruants of Christ and sayth they suffered for auncient religion But we looked for proofes and not for bare and beggarly affirmations For the seruants of Christ came neuer to depose Princes from their thrones Nay our Sauior Christ saith plainely that his kingdome is not of this world But these Massepriests as appeareth by records and by their confessions and the Popes faculties granted to them came for that purpose Secondly we haue proued in our challenge that their religion as it differeth from the faith which we professe in England is neither Catholike nor anciēt Lastly we haue there also declared them to be culpable of treason and to haue died for that not for their religion though otherwise very louzy and beggarly vellacos and as beggarly defended by this begging and 〈◊〉 companion In the same leafe also he affirmeth that Christ is the Masse-priests captaine and master and that he 〈◊〉 them on his honour and power that no one haire of their head shall perish In the end he doubteth not to call thē martyrs But to proue his matters he alleageth neither testimony of scripture nor sentence of fathers Nay where y e 〈◊〉 Church teacheth that no man can be certaine of his saluation without speciall reuelation yet this disciple of Antichrist affirmeth that Christ vpon his honor hath assured Campian Ballard Babington and I thinke Lopez too that they shall not perish For of these I thinke he speaketh To shew them to be no martyrs I haue alleaged diuers reasons Reason then would that if he would haue wonne credit he should haue either answered our reasons or proued his owne cause by argument In his obseruations vpon my Preface and in diuers places of his book he giueth the name of Catholikes to papists And yet he knoweth that this is a maine controuersie betwixt vs. What punishment then doth he deserue that wittingly and wilfully wil beg or rather steale that which belongeth not vnto him Fol. 14. most impudently he giueth the title of the Catholike Christian church and the vniuersall body of Christs commonwealth vnto papists that are neither the whole church nor part of the Church Unto vs he giueth the title of Protestants Puritanes and Lutherans which we renounce professing onely the faith of Christ Iesus He doeth also match vs with Arrians and other sects which we detest But these are points in controuersie to be proued Fol. 17. he sayth that the Councel of Trent was gathered by like authoritie as that of Chalcedon was A matter utterly denied by vs and not any way proued by him Nay it is most absurd to compare that reuerend synod assembled and moderated by the Emperors authority and proceeding according to scriptures to a conuenticle of slaues sworne to Antichrist and assembled by his writ and doing all according to his pleasure Fol. 20. a. he sayth It cannot be proued that any one Pope impugned his predecessor in matters of faith As if al our pleading were not that the later Popes do impugne and ouerthrow the faith of the first bishops of Rome Themselues also deny not but that Agatho condemned his predecessor Honorius for a Monothelite In the same place also affirming that all the Popes and Bishops of Rome from Iohn the first to Leo the tenth held one faith he saith that this demonstration is as cleare as that three and foure make seuen But this seuen and seuen yeare he shall neuer proue that which with a light fingar he taketh as granted is clearely false For the instruction giuen to the Armenians in the synode of Florence and the decrees of the Conuenticle of Constance were neuer holden of Popes before them Nor did former Popes beléeue the doctrine of the Conuenticle of Trent Fol. 77. b. he taketh as granted that a hundred haue bene put to death for being priests and for being ordained to that function beyond the seas and for defending the faith belonging to that function and that great numbers are dayly apprehended arraigned and condemned for standing in their fathers faith and resisting nouelties Both which are notorious vntruths For neither in the arraignement of priests or others is any question made of faith nor is that louzy patched religion that Papists hold ouer and aboue our faith the faith of the Apostles or Fathers nor are priests executed simply for being priests but because they come from forein enemies and are combined with them which alwayes hath bene accounted treason Fol. 80. he talketh idly of sending money out of England for defence of heresie for he beggeth of vs that which he shal neuer obtaine that
children fornication adultery incest and such abominations But let him looke once more vpon the penitentiary taxe printed at Paris wherein the price of the pardon for euery one of these offences is set downe If he find not these matters in the penitentiaries taxe let him looke the fées for the Popes buls for euery of these points in the Popes Chancery He shal also find in my treatise against 〈◊〉 proofe for the sale of pardons Let him therfore either search more diligently or lie lesse confidently or heare himself taxed patiently Fol. 117. 〈◊〉 encount c. 15. he affirmeth that Iames Clement conferred with no man liuing before he killed the French king Henry the third and that he had no absolution before he committed the fact Two lies most desperately auouched whereof the second concerning his absolution is 〈◊〉 by the confession of Iaques Bourgoin his confessor executed for absoluing him and by the common practise of Iebusites that 〈◊〉 such as go about such murders as is proued in the fact of Walpoole that absolued Squire that promised to empoyson Quéene Elizabeth and of Holt that did the like to Yorke and Williams that vndertooke to murder her and by diuers like facts of others The second is refuted by the memorials of the league by the author of the Iebusits Catechisme and by Iohn de Serres in his Inuentorie In the memorials of the league we find that the yong friar was induced by the Iesuites 〈◊〉 Ne furent ils complices saith the author of the Iebusites 〈◊〉 page 203. d'auec le Iacobin del assassinat du feuroy Were not they saith he speaking of the Iebusites complices to the Dominican frier that murdred the late King He saith also that the murder was suborned by the Iebusites and leaguers and that he was drawne to it by promises of paradise and that he was assoyled for it and almost sainted beforehand Iohn de Serres in his Inuentorie sayth That Iames Clement communicated his resolution with Doctour Bourgoin prior of his conuent to Commolet and other Iebusites and the heads of the league to the principall of the sixteene and fortie of Paris and that all encouraged him to this happie aduenture promising him rewards in earth and in paradise if he should be martyred in the execution of his purpose a place aboue the Apostles Ainsi resolu sayth Iohn de Serres il communique son affaire au docteur Bourgoin prieur de son couuent au pere Commolet autres Iesuites 〈◊〉 chefs à e la ligue aux principaux de seize de quarante de Paris Tous l'encouragent à cest 〈◊〉 dessein On luy promet abbayes eueschez s'il auient qu'il soit martyrisè rien moyns qu'vne place en paradis au dessus des Apostres May we not then rightly conclude that Parsons is a notorious and most impudent lyar and that the Iebusites are King-killers and notorious traitors No question And I doubt not but they shall be so reckened of all posteritie notwithstanding the barking of such dogges against such reports I do therefore maruell as Athanasius sayth of the Arrians That without abomination and horrour of lying they could vtter such lies seeing the deuill is father of lyes and lyars are strangers to him that calleth himselfe truth Miror 〈◊〉 sine vlla abominatione horrore 〈◊〉 it a falsa c. 〈◊〉 dicere cùm mendacia patrem diabolum habeant ijque qui mentiuntur alieni sint ab 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sum veritas And well may I conclude That if all lyes ought to be farre remoued from religion and those positions which for religion are taught and learned as Saint Augustine sayth lib. de Mendacio ad Consentium cap. 10. That then it is not religion that Parsons doeth maintaine with so many lyes nor can his lies stand with the grounds of religion Finally I say to the deceiued Papists as Constantine sayd to heretikes of his time Cognoscite 〈◊〉 mendacijs vestrae doctrinae inanitas teneatur Behold by what lyes the vanitie of your doctrine is maintained And if they beléeue not me let them hearken to Parsons himselfe that in his answere to my Epistle affirmeth That he that lyeth is not to be trusted in any thing he saith or writeth CHAP. X. An answere to Parsons his immodest rayling and behauiour throughout his whole Warne-word HArd it will be for me to recount all the scurrilous and rayling termes which Robert Parsons of his cholerick liberality bestoweth vpon Sir Francis Hastings and my selfe It appeareth he is of the race of those wicked men of which the Prophet Psal. 14. speaketh Quorum os maledictione amaritudine plenum est Whose mouth is full of cursing and bitternesse And well may I apply to him that which Hierome sayd to Ruffin Tanta confingis quanta non diceret de latrone homicida de scorto meretrix scurra de Mimo You deuise so many villanies as a cutthrote would not vtter against a robber or a comon whore against a harlot or a scurrilous Scoganlike mate against a Vize Which I doe the lesse wonder at because I vnderstand he is descended of a scolding whore and was begotten by a 〈◊〉 Monke and hath ben of late among cutthrotes and robbers that came against his countrey But if I do not touch all yet will I giue you a taste of some that by a few you may vnderstand the fellowes disgustful humour in many In the front of his book for feare of loosing time he draweth out his Copiam verborū scurrilium and without further aduisement calleth me Insolent and vanting Minister Termes well fitting a bastardly scurrilous and scuruy frier and euill applied to a minister of Gods word whose state is as honourable as the vocation of a Iebusite is odious antichristian and damnable As for the termes of insolency and vanting they rather belong to him that insolently hath taken vpon him to conuey the crowne of England vnto the Infanta in his booke of Titles which like a falsary he hath put vpon an 〈◊〉 masse-priest called Dolman and hath also vanted to the Pope that he will subdue England to the Popes erroneous religion Againe fol. 1. he termeth my Epistle vaine and arrogant And yet neuer did I vainely and arrogantly desire a Cardinals hat as Parsons hath done nor doth my Epistle containe a supplication for some preferment as did certaine letters procured by Parsons What a vaine man then is Parsons thus 〈◊〉 to talke of vanitie and arrogancy In his Epistle to the reader he saith Sir Francis is known to be one of the Puritan crew and as if he were a blind harper he is stil harping vpon this string of Puritanisme But I must tell him that which he will be much grieued to heare that the contention about ceremonies and gouernement of the church raysed by some more zealous then wise and set forward by the enemies of the Church is by the Kings great wisedome now ended As for