commemoration of it as they call it not the same but of an other sort D. Allen hath manifest words to that purpose making that which Christ did at his last supper and that of the masse now to be of an other sort of a different kinde from that of the Crosse Cap. 8. 9. 10. Allen de euch sacrif l. 2. c. 22. fol. 594. 596. Illa â—sse diuersi generis The oblation of him in the supper ours in the Masse 〈◊〉 but one oblation the same â—acrifice Hard art 17. f. 206. â— the fountaine referred to the fountaine or the same to the same For aunswering to our obiections that the same exceptions which serue S. Paul to the Hebrews against the Iewish sacrifices wil also serue against their sacrifice of the masse saith It is to be noted that it cannot be denied that the same opposition maie be almost set betweene the oblation of the supper the oblation of the Crosse since it is certaine they are of a diuers sore the one being an absolute indepeÌ„deÌ„t sacrifice the other commemoratiue significatine as were the Iewish sacrifices So againe faith he if any christian should bee in such an error as to thinke that the sacrifice of the Masse were an absolute independent sacrifice that it need not to bee referred to the fountaine of al sacrifices the death of Christ hee might be almost confuted by the same arguments of S. Paule how soeuer ours doe far exceed theirs This is plaine both against that of the supper and theirs in the Masse nether must the Rhemists any more in culcate that they offer the very selfe same body in number Annot. Heb. 10. v. 11. euen Christs owne body that was crucified except they wil make Christ inferiour to himselfe The Next vnto these before which I meane to bringe in Locor theol l. 11. fol. 427. a. is Melchior Canus a great scholler and an acute disputant He reproueth vs mightily because we gather si cucharistia exemplar image est non esse illam verâ— propriè sacrificium That if the Eucharist be a samplat and image it cannot properly truly be a sacrifice the collection saith he is very ridiculous for what can be more foolish then to say that the hosts of the old law were noe sacrifices because they were samplers of the true Cap. cum Mar de celeb miss And thervpon he telleth vs that Inuocentius the 3. Pope of that name doth laught at vs for such infereÌ„ces First touching Innocentius his authoritie cannot be much in this case because we knowe not that his definitiue sentence passed out of his chaire against vs in this point but only that he so wrot as a priuate man L. 6. c. 8. f. 205. because Canus himselfe telleth vs that Innocentius the 4. did make commentaries vpon the books called Decretalls if in them he wrot an error it is to bee imputed vnto him that he erred as a man not as a Pope And D. Harding by name refuseth this same Innocentius 3 Reioynder fo â—0 in the matter of al waightie matters the waightiest euen in the question of Consecration when it should be done saying what if Scotus Innocentius tertius doe thinke consecration to be done by other then our Lords wordes is not the catholike church agreed herein Thus we see a good matter if we wil The Catholik Church maie bee resolued with the Pope a good hearing in any point I hope aswell as in Consecration and therfore I hope they will not presse the Popes authoritie though hee bee against vs in this to haue the Eucharist the image the thing so make one thing both an image and the truth Indeed wee say with S Angustine Epist 23. ad Bonif. Epise If sacraments had not a liknesse and similitude of the things wherof they are sacraments properly and rightly they should not be called sacraments But if any thing become the same it hath not any liknesse to it any more but passeth wholy into that wherof it shoulde bee a liknesse Alioquin si eadem essent om nia iam non exemplaria di cerentur sed ipsae potius res de quib us agitur viderentur Cyp. in Symb. as saith S. Cyprian To come to the argument which he saith is foolishly gathered wil it please their wisdomes aswel to hear what fooles can saie further in defence of their folly as to controule without cause what they haue wel said we tel him that his example from the Iewish sacrifice coÌ„meth not neere where he would haue it reach For wil hee compare his sacrifice in this point with those of the law Theirs of the law did prefigure Christs sacrifice were true sacrifices in that kinde because they were truly and really done vpon slaine beastes whose blood was shed But were they so far forth true sacrifices that they were the same too vnto which they had relation Did the Preists in the law offer the same body that Christ offered as they say they doe in their Masse If they did not then for those to be granted to bee verie true sacrifices wil profit him nothing at al for his The Iewish sacrifices were also samplers for the perfect absolute sacrifice was not theÌ„ come but wherof should their Masse bee a sampler or remembrance since they sacrifice Christ present for that which is sacrificed must be present that which is represeÌ„ted and remembred is abseÌ„t Christs bodie being therfore represented in the Eucharist cannot bee then and there really offered And by this aunswere also the Rhemists are discharged whoe borrow Canus his argument who say that this Luc. for a commemoration cap. 22. v. 19. Masse of theirs is noe lesse a true sacrifice because it is commemoratiue of Christs passion then those of the olde testament were the lesse true because they were prefiguratiue of the same For those sacrifices were not the same sacrifice or thing wherof they were prefiguratiue noe more can their Masse being commemoratiue and though it were a sacrifice as they would haue it it could not bee the same thing wherof it is commemoratiue But come to Canus as to the rest for the manner of offering hee goeth backe to a mystery and to a figure In the Crosse saith he it is plaine the host was bloody and done without mysterie but in the aultar it is hid darkly mystically yet the same host is on the Crosse on the Aâ—… On the Crosse suffering In altari occultè mysticè obscondita Ibid fol. 436. b on the aultar hid in a mysterie â—…ce concludeth in the sacrifice of the Eucharist Christ is offered mystically vnbloodily therfore there is an host where in other sacraments there is none I speake properly saith hee for by a kinde of speech Baptisme also is somtime called an host Ibid. fol. 438. b And who euer called the Eucharist a sacrifice properly
Alexandria amongst which foure the Bishop of Rome had the first place in order and fitting when they did meete to gether but no definitiue sentence to vndoe that which they did or to conclude without them and this held touching generall counsells and somethinge for the nominating of bishops if need had bin and not touching the bishop of Rome only but also towardes others of that fellowship and thence sprange their letters of mutuall certificate each to others touching that one faith which they al professed as Gregory the great seemeth to insinuate when he saith Hinc est etiam quòd quoties in quatuor praecipuis sedibus Antistites ordinantur synodales sibi epistolas viciscim mittant Gregor l. 7. episc 53. ex saÌ„dvis mon. l. 7. so 358. Stapl. Princ. fidei doct l. 4. c. 20. fol. 149. Greg. l. 6. epis 37. ex Saund. visib monar l. 7. fol. 220. The dignity in the 3. patriarchal seats is equall Rome Alexandria Antioche SozoÌ„ l. 6. c. 23 Sanders abuseth this place alleadging it so as if the coÌ„sent only of the bishop of Rome were required Declaue Dauid l. 4. fol 80. Socrat. eccles histo l. 7. c. 28. Noe bishop ordained without the consent of the bishop of CoÌ„stantinople Hence it is also that oftentimes we finde that men of chelfe authoritie are appointed to rule in the fowre cheife seas mutually they sende synodicall Epistles each to others Cum multi sint Apostole pro ipso tamen principatu sola Apostolorum principis sedes in authoritate coÌ„valuit quae in tribus locis vnius est Although there bee many Apostles yet for the principalitie the seate of the prince of the Apostles was cheife in authoritie which authoritie in 3 places is equal For he Peter exalted the seate wherin he vouchsafeth to abide and ende his life Hee also beautified the seate vnto which he seÌ„t the EvaÌ„gelist Mark his disciple And he established the seate wherin he sate seuen yeares although he remoued from thence And other mens consents were established by law to bee had aswell as the bishop of Rome as we may read in the same history of Sozomene that the counsell holden at Ariminum was condeÌ„ned because nether Vincentius nor the rest to whome it belonged aswell as the bishop of Rome though his minde should haue bin knowne before other had not agreed vnto it It is moreover read againe in plaine tearmes in the diuisioÌ„ betweene Sisinius and those of Cyzicium they appointing one bishop and he nominating an other Hoc ab illis factum est neglecta illa lege quae iubet nequis episcopus desiguetur absque sententia authoritate Episcopi Constantinopolis This they did faith the storie because they neglected that law which commandeth that no bishop be appointed and ordained without the consente of the bishop of Constantinople so it appeareth if the businesse concerning the whole church were handled theÌ„ al their knowledges and mindes were had and knowne in it if it concerned any particular part therof then the particular bishops of the prouince 1. Bellar. de Rom. pont l. 2 c. 13. fo 223. ex Theodoret. ec cles his l. 5. c. 9. is abused aswel as the rest By commandement of the Popes letters saith Bellarm. 2. Bellar. de conc eccles l. 1. c. 13. f. 60. By the Popes letters they came to Constantinople A most impudeÌ„t vntruth shamlesly avouched 3. Bel. de conc eccles l. 1. c. 19. fo 83. 87. The bishop of Constantinople was president If the bishopp of Rome or his Legat must needs be president of couÌ„sells then this counsel lacked a president or otherwise it must appeare that Nectarius was his Legat or deputy both which are absurd to think and the patriarch yeilded thervnto the Emperour aboue alto bridle and call all to accompt You shal further see their sincerity in alleadging the histories by an other exaÌ„ple about the bishop of Romes supreme power out of the ecclesiasticall historie also The second generall counsell in their Epistle to Damasus which is extant in Theodoret doe say that they came to the citty of ConstaÌ„tinople ex mandato literarum pontificis by commandement of the Popes letters sent vnto them by the Emperour And there also they confesse the church of Rome to bee the head and they the members This saith Bellarmine in his first report of that historie In the second place he bringeth it in for proof of the Popes authority in calling of generall counsells Theoporete reporteth saith he that the Emperour Theodosius did not so much call the counsell at Constantinople as that hee seÌ„t the letters of Damafus the Pope to the bishops by which letters the counsell was summoned For so write the bishops gathered together in the counsell vnto Damasus the Pope mandato inquiunt literarum supertore anno à vestra reverentia ad sanctissimum Imperatorem Theodosium missarum That by letters receaued the last yeare from your holynesse meaning the Pope sent vnto the most holy Emperour Theodosius wee prepared to take our iourney to Constantinople Although therfore saith Bellarmine Theodosius called the counsel yet he called it by commandement of the sea Apostolike In the 3. place hee bringeth this same example for the presidentship and cheifty of the bishop of Rome in counsells In the secoÌ„d counsel held at Constantinople saith hee it is certaine that the Emperour fat not cheife but only sent the letters of the bishop of Rome to the rest by which they were called to the counsell And it is certaine saith he that the Roman bishop was not president but Nectarius the bishop of Constantinople the reasoÌ„ wherof is because the bishop of Rome was not there nor any Legate for him for Damasus the Pope had called the bishops of the East to Constantinople But from that place he would haue had them come to Rome that so at Rome there might haue bin a full plenary counsell both of the East West bishops How bouldly are these vntruthes avouched 4. Saund. â—… fol. 41. But if Damasus had beene there without doubt he had sat cheife as appeareth by their Epistle to Damasus Vbi illi Damasum vs caput suum agnoseunt ipse filios cos vocat wherin they acknowledge him for their head and he calleth them sonnes so much for Bellarmine Saunders in his Visible monarchy maketh a briefe of this matter thus The fathers that were saith he gathered togither in the second general counsel holden at Constantinople when they were vrged by Damasus the bishop of Rome to come thither amongst other causes why they coulde not so do brought this for one By the Popes letters they came to Constantinople That by the letters of the same Damasus written to the Emperor Theodosius they were appointed only to prepare themselues for a â—ourney to ConstaÌ„tinople And that they had brought the coÌ„sents of the bishops who remained at home in their provinces with them
concluding mattâ—…s of doctrine On the contrary side wee hold in few wordes that they may erre in all hauing no more assurance from aboue for the one then for the other For confirmation of which our position we alledge S. Augustine who speaking both of the priuate writings of Bishops and of councells held in particular regions and of generall counsells gathered of the Christian world saith Etipa concilia quae per singulas regiones vel prouincias fiunt ToÌ„ 6. de bapt con Donat. l. â— c. 3. plenariorum conciliorum authoritati quae fiunt vx vniuerso orbe christiano sine vllis ambagibus cederâ— And eueÌ„ those counsells which are held in euerie region or prouince without al doubt must giue place to generall couÌ„sells which are gathered of all the christian world and that euen the generall counsells themselues are often corrected the former by the later when by any triall of things that is opened which was shutt vp and that is knowen which was hid without any swelling of sacrilegious pride without any stiffe necke of arrogancy without any contention of malitious enuy with holy humilitie with catholike peace with Christian charitie Here wee haue a plaine place that only the holy scripture cannot erre that all other writers may erre that all prouinciall counsell may erre and last of al generall councells themselues may be corrected the former by the later therfore without question they may erre They agree with vs in this text of S. Augustine but the meaning of the words not withstanding they be very plaine they doe deny framing the text to as many fashions as possible they may They seeme by their answers vtterly vnacquainted with the occasion of S. Augustines discourse in that place as though it were a very hard thinge ether to see the originall 〈◊〉 hauing seene it to iudge of it But the multiplicitie and crokednesse of their shifts doth plainly shew that the authoritie maketh against them and for vs. Andradius the defender of the Tridentine counsell Andr. defeal conc Trid. l. 1. fol. 51. 53. They may be explaned or vnfolded is the first shift saith that S. Augustine seemeth to him to say no more but that later counsells maie with clearnesse vnfold those things which the former had overslipped And that S. Augustine insinuateth so much where hee saith when by triall of things that is opened whâ—…h was shut vp and is knowne which was hidden This glosse of Andradius will soone eate out the bowels of the text S. Augustine saith a generall councell may be amended therfore corrected which is more then to be explaned or vnfolded And the opposition that S. Augustine makes between the holy scriptures which is not to erre all other authorities must needs stand firme that must be inferred vpon generall couÌ„cels which cannot 〈◊〉 spoken of the scriptures but the scriptures may be said to be vnfolded explaned or enlightened but not corrected therefore S. Augustine meaneth more of generall councels than so Advers haer l. c. 8. fol. 17. a. leaveth out the principall member eveÌ„ plainly that they may erre Alphonsus a Castro alleadgeth this of Augustine by the halfe For where S. Augustine saith and even generall couâ—cels are often corrected the former by the later he breaketh it of and saith nothing of it alleadgeth the former part to proue that provinciall councels may erre as though S. Augustine had gone no farther and not spoken of generall also 3. Locor Theol. l. 5. fol. 185. b. ad 10. Non videtur loqui de emeÌ„datione fidei sed legum Melchior Canus comming to answere this place of Austine deviseth a new shift That S. Augustine there speaketh not of any amendment in a matter of Faith but of Lawes which are to bee referred to things either done already or to be done A strange kinde of harmony these men make in opening one poore place in this ancient father But they do herein as theeues indicted for robbery they wil confesse nothing because they know they are guilty but must haue all things proued against theÌ„ He speaketh plainely of the question of Rebaptization as by and by I wil declare when I come to Bellarmine The Rhemists glauÌ„ce at this text of Austine in their notes on the new testament 4. Annot. in 15. Acts. v. 13. of accidentall changable things Tull. offic l 3. and do therein exceedingly giue the world to vnderstand that when they compiled that worke they aimed only to vphold folsehood and not to open anie truth But as Tully said of falshood in oaths Fraus distringit non dissoluit periurium Deceipt bindeth but doth not discharge the oath so let them huddle shuffle cloake hide glose and doe what they wil the text of Augustine is open for all men and there may they most be discouered He speaketh say they of circumstances accident all which require alteration and not of essentiall points of doctrine when he saith the former generall or plenary counsells may be amended by the later Quasi matrimonio habet dotatam rempublicam Cicero Octauio 5. Bellar. de con author l. 2. c. 7. fol. 119. Why cannot Bellar. mine tell wherof S. Aug. speaketh quasi matrimonio habent dotatum Augustinum As though S. Augustine were giueÌ„ to them in marriage and all men else shut from him and so they vse him The Iesuite Bellarmine according to the manner of his aunswering commeth in with two or three fortès peraduenture he speaketh of this peraduenture he speaketh of that and yet neuer hitteth the right peradventure To the authoritie I answere first saith he Perhaps S. Augustine speaketh of vnlawfull councells which are amended by others after that are lawfull as it hapned to the 2 Ephesine counsel 6. De questionibus facti non iuris which was amended in the Chalcedon Secondly it he spake of lawfull counsels then saith hee hee speaketh of matters of fact and not of right in such kind of questions it is out of doubt that a couÌ„sel maie erre for the principal questioÌ„ of the Catholike with the Donatists was about one Caecilianus whether hee had deliuered the scriptures into the handes of the heretikes or not And it may bee aunswered by a thirde waie saith he if our aduersaries contend That S. Augustine speaketh generally of al questions when he saith That former councells may be amended by later that then he speaketh of precepts of maners and not of questions of Faith for precepts are changed according to times places persons and those changings are called amendings not that the thinge was before ill but that it began to bee ill the circumstances being changed And both these answeres are confirmed by the words of Augustine when he saith that then Counsells are amended when by some experience that is opened which was hid questions of matters of fact or of maners not al questisoÌ„ of right are opened by experiment Thus far Bellarmine
wherin I cannot chuse but maruaile at his grosse and poore shiftes in a case so plaine so taken so knowen of all men What deuises What impostures What weaknesse hath he shewed in his ghesses As though hee had neuer seene nor read the place Doth S. Augustine speake of vnlawfull counsels Doth hee speake of deliuering ouer the books of holy scriptures to the heretiks doth he speak of matters of fact Doth he speake of precepts of maners Or doth he speak of all of these Or of any one of these Nether of any one of these doth he speake nor of all of these But because it appeareth by these ghessing answers of theirs that the coÌ„trouersie would sone be at an end if the occasioÌ„ which drew those words froÌ„ him were rightly truly deliuered because al meÌ„ agree Intelligentia dictorum ex causiâ— est assumendi dicendi Apolog. Thes Rey. de sacra scrip fol 215. The vnderstaÌ„ding true sence of words must bee fetched from the occasion that gaue the speech which was this In that ancient father S. Cyprians time a couÌ„sell was held in Carthage Cyprian being president therof wherin was concluded an error of faith that such were to beere-baptized as had bin baptized by heretikes The Donatists vrged that decree together with S. Cyprians authoritie against S. Augustine S. Augustine as he refused the opinion holding no rebaptization although heretikes had baptised and the authoritie too answering that only the scriptures could not erre but all other both Bishops writings prouincial counsells yea generall too might erre and therfore bee amended And this is plainly to be seene both in the first chapter of the first booke Aug. de bapt contra Donat. l. 1. c. 1 lib. 2. c. 1. where he saith he will diligently handle that question of Baptisme in the bookes following which elswhere he had omitted proue it too against all those qui non studio partium cacati iudicant who iudge not according to parts taken And also in the first chapter of the third booke where hee reciteth the verie state of the questioÌ„ which he was to handle against the Donatists and that decree which was vrged wherin was concluded that al heretikes schismatikes that is to say all that are out of the fellowship of the Church haue no baptisme and therfore whosoeuer being baptized came from them to the church were to bee baptized againe Vnpossible it is that either the Rhemistes or Bellarmine or any other writer amongst them should be ignoraÌ„t of this But when malice shadoweth mens minds they doe verie really lay open themselues Hardly can any of them saie that this question of Baptisme was a matter of fact not of faith or of maners and not of doctrine vvheÌ„ it is of so high a point as baptisme by heretikes whether we ought to baptize those againe who haue by them bin baptised first He that mistrusteth what I haue said herein let him ether read S. Augustine Confer in the tower 2 day Annot in 15. act v. 13. Praelect Whitak coâ—t Bell. de con q 6. f. 318. that shall best resolue him or the learned writers of our age D. Fulkes second daies conference in the Tower with Cawpâ—an And in his answere to the Rhemists 15. acts v. 13. D. Whitakers in his tract of counsells against Bellarmine set out since his death Or D. Reynolds in his Apology of his Thesis and Whitaker s against Dureus Apol. thes Io. Rey. de sacra scrip fol. 225. Whitak cont Dureum l. 4. de conc f. 291. Bellarm. testifieth against himselfe that S. Aug. spake against rebaptisation which I hope hee wil not say is a matter of fact Bellar de coÌ„c auth l. 2. c. 3. f. 111. de coÌ„c eccles l. 1. c. 10. fol. 46. 47 all which doe mightily discouer the folly of their adversaries in this point Compare their concord in this question with the inconstancie of those on the other side But see the high impudencie of Bellarmine against the witnesse of his owne conscience and against al the excuses and deuises before set downe to darken the place in question He doth scarsly full foure leaues before say plainly in praise of generall counsells That S. Augustine did excuse Cyprian froÌ„ heresie only because at that time there had bin no generall counsell held quo definiri potuisset questio illa de baptismo haereticorum Wherin that question of the baptisme of heretikes might haue bin defined quoteth Aug. lib. 1. de baptc 18. And could Bellarmine tel that in the first booke 18. Chapter Augustine spake of baptisme by heretikes and that that was the Donatists case and his They alleadging and he excusing S. Cyprian could hee not tel that it was the same which Augustine spake of in the 2. booke and third chapter being the place in questioÌ„ with vs but foure chapters of But wee may thanke the truth for Bellarmines confession against himselfe as Tully said of it O magua vis veritatis quae contra hominum ingenia Tull. pro. M. Coelio calliditatem sollertiam contraque fict as omnium infidias facile se per seipsam defendat O the great strength of the truth which will easily defend it selfe against the wits craft suttelty all deuises of men whatsoeuer As before you haue seene their seuerall obseruations touching that authority of Aug. so wil I yet more plainly discouer their preteÌ„ded right to a CanoÌ„ of a great ancieÌ„t counsel Can. Nic. coÌ„ 6 Iuell reply to Hard art 4. di 7 fol. 240. Reyn conf with Hart. c. 9. diuis 2 f. 573. Defenc. of the Apology p. 2. c. 3. diuis 6. fol. 214. the first generall held at Nice in a question betweene the bishop of Rome and vs we saying the Canon maketh for vs and they for them The canon goeth thus Mos antiquus perduret in Aegâ—pto Libia Pentapoli vt Alexandrinus Episcopus horum omnium habeat potestateÌ„ quandoquidem Romano Episcopo parilis est mos. Let the ancient custome remaine throughout Egipt Libia and Pentapolis that the Bishop of Alexandria haue the goverment ouer al these because the bishop of Rome hath the like order Likewise also in Antiochia in other provinces the priviledges are to bee kept to the churches Which canon of the councel is acknowledged by ours to be plaine for the purpose it was written viz that the Bishop of Rome hath no soveraignty ouer other patriarches but only a fellowship and equallity with the rest to walke carefully within his owne division as others were bound to do within theirs For the councel grouÌ„ded themselues on the custome of the bishop of Rome that as he had preeminence of al the bishops about him so Alexandria and Antioche should haue of al about them and likewise other Churches as the Metropolitan each in their owne provinces doe shew that the Pope neither had preeminence of al through the worlde before the
Niceene councel nor ought to haue greater rule by their iudgment than he before time had This is the true and genuine sense and meaning of that councel and canon The contrary part are diuided in this and yet not divided Divided touching the original text of the canoÌ„ Ekius ench de loc coÌ„ f. 58. Hard. in conf Apol. p. 2. c. 3. diuis 6. f. 114. SauÌ„d. de visib monar lib. 7. fol. 220. 228. 288. 332. Staplet ret of vnt against luell art 4. fol. 38. b. Andrad defeÌ„ Trid. conc l. 2. fol. 234. 1. Instead of the Bishop of Rome he readeth Metropo litane some of theÌ„ saying it is vnperfect And againe not diuided in that they al claime by it not respecting the vnperfectnes of it A strange sentence it were that coulde both extol the bishop of Romes authority oueral churches and yet limit him to his scantling as wel as other bishops and serue this turne both when it is perfect when it is vnperfect wanteth Friar Ecchius in his booke of common places doth read the canon word for word as we do without any adding or diminution So doth D. Harding in his confutation of the Apology of the church of England Sanders in his visible monarchy doth fowre times iut vpon this sixt canon eveÌ„ as we read it without any addition in words saving a sinister interpretation sometime Andradius confesseth the canon as before it is read and yet he hammereth fowly about it bringing in insteed of because the bishop of Rome hath the like order or custome these wordes because the Metropolitane hath the like custome And so insteed of the bishop of Rome he readeth the Metropolitane Mary this was out of an old Latine coppy which he standeth not much vpon because the canon it selfe was written in Greeke But saith he where the Niceene synod speaketh of the like custome to the church of Rome yet doth not make equal the church of AlexaÌ„dria to the church of Rome but confirmeth the prerogatiue of the church of of Alexandria to the iudgement of the church of Rome and saith it is the custome of the Church of Rome that the Church of Alexandria should bee taken for the primate of Egipt What by the iudgment of the church of Rome as though the Church of Rome allotted it to be so To take his iudgment 〈◊〉 He expoundeth his custome to be his iudgment for his Custome were an hard interpretation flat against the text for both their limits are grounded vpon old customes and not one vpon the others iudgment Dureus goeth more exactly to worke and setteth downe the canon in Greeke and Latine even as we read it without alteration But addeth that nothing coulde haue beene spoken more plaine cleare Dureus conf resp Whitak rat 4. fol. 170. for establishing the authority of the church of Rome ouer all charches For those fathers saith he bring the custome of the church of Rome for an argument wherby they limit the authority of the bishop of Alexandria therfore the church of Alexandria dependeth on the Church of Rome as on 〈◊〉 mother and receiueth all shee hath from her Which glosse of his is the farthest froÌ„ the text that may be imagined Dureus exposition his exposition standeth thus Let the bishop of Alexandria gonerue the Churches of Egipt and the rest of the Metropolitanes in their provinces doe the like because the bishop of Rome hath iâ—râ—sdiction over all churches what coherence hath one part with an other Panffoote fo 91. Antioche Alexandria were cheefe patriarchall churches If the bishop of Rome had power overal why did not those fathers expresse that they bestowed his charge vpon others that with some dependency on him And how is it that they themselues tel vs that the churches founded by S. Peter and namely Antioche and Alexandria haue bin named the chiefe patriatchal churches and did goe before al the others in the counsels Hardly then can Dureuâ— tel vs when Alexandria depended on Rome as on a mother But Dureus saith further that we might learne the meaning of the canon from Paschasinus the Popes Legate in the couÌ„sel of Chalcedon where he recited that sixt canon thus The Church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacy Tre centorum decem octo patrum sextus canon quod Ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum The sixt canon of the 318. fathers that the church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacy Wel may this be the preface of the Popes Legate before he came to the Canon but the canon it could not be in coÌ„mon sense and reason But Dureus hath broken the Ise set in his foot and Bellarmine must finish the rest This of Paschasinus but the church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacie was spokeÌ„ by him 120. yeares after the canon was made and yet Bellarmine is come to this that those words should be the beginning of the canon and that the canon wanted a beginning til nowe of late where it is plaine that those were but the Legates words in fauour of the sea of Rome and no part of their meaning Fowre several times doth Bellarmine assay this canon to make it serue his turne 1. Bellar. de Rom. pont l. 1. c. 24. fol. 151. 2. l. 2. c. 13. fol. 221. 3. l. 2. c. 17. fol. 250. 4. l. 2. c. 18. fol. 266. In the first hee alloweth the canon only as we read it without claiming any addition to it In the second hee handleth it roughly but yet confesseth against himselfe that as the canon is extant in the coÌ„mon prints the beginning lacketh which is Ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum mos auteÌ„ perduret The church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacie let the ancient custome remaine c. For so saith he did Paschasinus read it in the counsel of ChalcedoÌ„ If it be so then doth Dureus abuse his reader for he saith The Church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacy Ruffinus expoundeth the canon as weâ— doe Paschasinus read it thus The sixt canon of the 318. fathers That the church of Rome hath c. why doth Bollarmine suppresse the word That but to make vs Beleeue the recital of the eanon is the canon it selfe But Bellarmine doth freely confesse that the ancient father Ruffinus for more than 1200. yeares since expounded the canons as we do that is That the bishop of Alexandria should haue the care of all Egypt as the Bishop of Rome hath of the Churches neere about him But Bellarmine saith that this expositioÌ„ is false as also that of Theodoret Balsamon a greeke borne who doth also to that effect interpret the Canon who howsoeuer hee displeaseth them now Cope dial 1. f. 166. yet doth Alan Cope confesse him to bee a learned diuine But that exposition amongst many that pleaseth Bellarmine best is That the bishop of Alexandria should gouerne those prouinces allotted to
him because the bishop of RoÌ„e is so accustomed that is because the bishop of Rome before any definition of any councell did accustome to permitt the gouernment of Egypt Libia and Pentapolis to the Bishop of Alexandria or was accustomed to gouerne those prouinces by the bishop of Alexandria Oratio pro Muraena Iacerent in tenebris omnia nisi literarum lumen accesserit saith Tully Althings had lien buried in darknesse had not the light of good letters awaked them How doe these men with the knowledge of good letters involue althings into more darknesse then if they were reduced to the first Chaos There is none of them al but knowe that the canon about which they keepe so much stirre is directly against them The verie recitall of it is a sufficient confutation of the argumeÌ„ts brought to the contrarie They only desire to force their witts to vphold their wills If the beginning of the canon hath bin wanting so long time as Bellarmine maketh account it hath how did Eckius Hardinge Saunders Andradius and Dureus make it serue their turne against vs when it was wanting are they so good workmeÌ„ that any tooles wil serue their turnes whether they bee blunt or sharp wil any thinge against the Protestants serue But popery was neuer fully cloathed in all hir colours til the late Iesuits set it to sale How or by whose means that peece was waÌ„ting so long or how it came to be wanting or how to be fouÌ„d Bellarmine doth not shew What record maketh mention of it ether counsell or father or Doctor or whoeuer said so but he he is taken with maner and vntill he doth manfully acquite himselfe he must slaÌ„d charged with the wrong don to those 318. fathers whose words he hath falcified If hee bringe out an other Iesuite elder then himselfe to testifie with him it may not serue the intelligence shal bee but as betweene an incendiarie and a robber the one to fire the house and the other to rifle it There was a time when the shewing of this canon if it doe make for the bishop of Romes authoritie wold haun greatly pleasured the Roman bishops namely in their great and longe conflict with the Bishops of Aphrica even touching superioritie and command duâ—ing the full time almost of three Popes Zozoman Bonisacius Iâ—…ocentius 1. presently after the Niceâ—e counsell who contended with them denied it them Then or neuer had that canon beene to bee shewed had it bin at all and fitter oportunitie to haue found it was neuer offered But none of the Bishops of Rome euer hard of the making of it which is an vndoubted argument there was none such On the other side wee haue testimonie both for the Canon ever since it was made that it was neuer altered and beside the evidence of the truth in the verie language of it we haue Ruffinus for 1200. yeares agoe expounding of it as wee doe But let vs compare their new patch with the whole cloth Mat 9.16 Contraria interse apposita magis elucescunt The right canon as they al agree and see whether that that should fill it vp do not take from the garment and so the breach be worse Let the ancient custome be kept thorough out Egipt Lybia and Pentapolis that the bishop of Alaxandria haue the goverment of all these for the bishop of Rome hath the like order Likewise also in Antiochia and in other provinces the priviledges are to be kept to the churches After their forgery we may read it thus The sixt canon of the 318. fathors That the church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacie Dureus vt ante let the ancient enstomes remaine c. After Bellarmine thus The church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacie let the auncient customes remaine thorough out Egipt Libia Bellar. vt ante and Pentapolis that the bishop of Alexandria governe those provinces because the bishop of Rome is accustomed so to do that is because the bishop before the definition of any councell accustomed to permit the gouerment of Egipt Libia and Pentapolis to the bishop of Alexandria or accustomed to governe those provinces by the bishop of Alexandria Hauing this liberty to do and say what they list to adde or take away wheÌ„ they wil they were to bee reckoned as simple and childlike as now they are found fraudulent and base if they would ever yeeld to any authority that is alleadged against them But yet they shal not loose their labors it shal be with them as with the Grecian artificers cos aulados esse Cicero pro L. Muraena orat 23. fol. 750. qui citharaedi fieri non potuerint Who were taken to be pipers when they coulde not attaine to be good plaiers on the harpe and they shal be accounted Coblers and botchers for faire and good worke they set vp none I could cloy you with proofe against them in this kind of dealing but I wil only adde one or two more and so an end Antwerpiae ex cudebat Ioannes Crinitus anno 1541. Cypr. de simppraelat siue de vnit eccles Al the Apostles were equall The ancient father and martyr S. Cyprian who liued aboue 1300. yeares agoe within 250. yeares of Christ hath this sentence Hoc crant vtique caeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus pari consortio praediti honoris potestatis Verily the rest of the Apostles were the same that Peter was indued with like fellowship both of honor and power From which the Protestants argue that S. Cyprian knew no rule or dominion that S. Peter had ouer the rest of the Apostles for saith he they were equal both in honor and in power Iuel con Hard. art 4. diuis 6. fol. 239. Caus 24. q 1. loquitur dominus Caiet de rom pont instit toÌ„ 1. tract 3 c. 3. de author papae conc toÌ„ 1. tract 1. c. 2. Saund l. 7. nuÌ„ 46. fol. 262. and so hath shut out the bishop of Rome from hauing that soueraignty over the rest of the bishops of the church Bishop Iuell in his time without any mistrust thought this authority of CypriaÌ„s stroÌ„g enough amongst others to shew the ancient fathers mindes in that point Gratian who compiled the decrees hath recorded this sentence of Cyprian even in this forme that we lay it downe Cardinal Caietane eiteth it twife in two seueral tracts writing of the Popes authority even as we do without any addition at al to it Saunders also in his visible monarchy argueth vpon this text of Cyprian for Peters supremacie over the rest of the Apostles but quoteth the text as we do without the late addition added by the Iesuits so that for our warrant wee haue al the ancient texts of Cyprian The decrees of Gratian the testimony of Caietane and the allowance of Sanders Nothwithstanding which testimony witnes they haue of late found out a piece belonging to this text of
Cyprian which shall not only contrary the true reading but even palpably groslie cause him to confound overthrow his own former words They read it thus Hoc erant vtique caeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus pariconsortio praediti honoris potestatis Bellar. de rom pont l. 1. c. 12. sol 103. lege lib. 4. c 23. sol 591. Et primatus Petro datur the primacy is giuen to Peter is added to Ciprian by theÌ„ sed exerdium ab vnitate proficiscitur Primatus Petrodatur vi Ecclesia vna monstretur The rest of the Apostles were the same that Peter was indued with like fellowship both of honor power but the be ginning coÌ„meth from vnity And the primacy is given to Peter that the Church might be shewed to be one Et primatus Petro datur and the primacy is giuen to Peter hath been added vnto CypriaÌ„ of late becuse they saw the former words did quite overthrow them and so in adding them they haue overthrowne vs and Cyprian too Wil they haue any man to thinke that S. Cyprian would say first The rest of the Apostles were the same that Peter was indued with like fellowship both of honor and power and to adde presently And the primacie is given to Peter How were they the same how were they indued with like fellowship both of honor and power if Peter had the Primacie Vnlesse such a primacy be ment as notwithstanding wil leaue them the same that he was so the same that they shall be like in honor and power such a primacy I hope they haue wit enough to discard and yet any other primacy shall contrary Cyprian and proue them forgers They are Masters of the presses beyond the seas they coÌ„passe sea land to make a proselite they spare no cost shal we think that if the auncieÌ„t manuscripts of Cyprians text had had that clause that the first printed copies would haue waÌ„ted it Would Gratian haue omitted it in his decrees or Caietane or Saunders Dial. dial i. s 123. Rhem annot Ioh. c. 21. f. 280 Dureus rat 6. fol. 286. Fulk against the Rhem. lo lo citato Rey. coÌ„f with Hart c 5 diuis 2. fol. 165. Whit. coÌ„t â—ur l. 6. fol 433. not haue seene the very words that should point out the supremacy it is hard so to thinke against former experiences And yet doth Alane Cope in his dialogues The Rhemists in their testament Dureus against Whitakers in defence of Campian al which go along in that stringe and holde in that addition but most crookedly in so straight a cause Doth not this iustifie the complaint of our meÌ„ against them who lay it soundly to their charge that they from beyonde the seas haue twenty such devises as these to make their religion go currant among their novices here in England You haue seene in the former examples of the Nicene counsel and S. Cyprians authority how bold without shame they haue bin to adde vnto their texts that which the original bookes had not Nowe will I shew you with how great shew of diligence they can handle other authorities when they do but seeme to make for them The thing is this The Ecclesiastical histories of Socrates Sozomene Eccles histor Socrat. l. 2. c. 11. Sozom. l. 3. c. 7. do make meÌ„tion of certaine troubles that befel vnto Athanasius Paulus and Marcellus Asclepas and Lucius al Archbishops of great places in the East who being expulsed from their churches fled vnto Rome where Iulius was bishop who bestirred himselfe as wel as the time would giue him leaue to see them restored to their seas if possible it might be This authority record seeming to make for the bishop of Romes power and dominion is garnished with glorious titles and often alledged with great pompe as if the matter were cleare and to be received without further examination that the bishoppe of Rome had supreme power on earth over all other bishops Bellarmine alleadgeth it fowre several times Bellar. de rom pont l. 2. c. 15. fol. 237. vnder fowre seueral titles and in al fowre agreeth with himselfe That Athanasius the rest being deposed froÌ„ their seas fly to Rome where Iulius for the dignity of his place gaue them comfort and reliefe and in plaine termes restored theÌ„ to their bishopricks 1. By the witnesse of Greek fathers First he alleadgeth it in the Chapter of proofes for the Popes monarchy by the witnesse of Greeke fathers because the historian Sozomene who reporteth it was a GreciaÌ„ Next 2. Bell. vt ante l. 2. c. 18. by his authority ouer other bishops 3. Bell vt ante l. 2 c. 21. by appeales made vnto him 4. Bel de conc auth l. 2. c 17. The first reporter of this is Socrates Eccles histor l. 2. c. 11. You shall read before that they fled to Constantinus the younger l. 2. c. 2. Loco contumeliae Cap. 14. Constans Emperour of the West Cap. 16. for the authority which the bishop of Rome exercised over other bishops because hee wrote to the Easterne bishops about them Then in the chapter of appeales because they came from the East into the West for succour In the fourth place he bringeth it in for the Popes authority over counsels because the Easterne bishops had deposed the other in a couÌ„cell It is a signe that Bellarmine would play the good husband with the whole peece that can doe so much with such smal rags The first reporter of this is Socrates a Greeke writer aswel as Sozomene before him in the history He sheweth how that Athanasius Paulus Asclepas Marcellus and Lucius being depriued of their churches came to Rome the princely citty and cettifie Iulius of their troubles Iulius by reason of the prerogatiue of his church vphelde their partes writing his letters into the East which they trusting vnto go euery man to his owne home and send the letters according to their seueral directions But those of the East tooke the letters of Iulius in skorne wil not be directed by him After this the Emperour Constans writeth to his brother in the behalfe of them desiring him to send those thither who might render a reason before him of the iust causes of their deposition His letters tooke none effecte in so much that they make humble suit that an other counsel might bee called wherin both parties might be the better known By the commandement of both Emperours a general counfell was proclaimed at Sardice a citty of Illirium by the better part of the counsel is Paulus Athanasius and Marcellus restored to their bishopricks Notwithstanding these things Edicitur concilium generale idque de sententia duoruÌ„ Imperarorum Constantius Emperour of the East Cap 18. Constantius the Emperour of the East deferred from day to day the execution of his brothers request concerning the deposed biships wherefore he gaue him in choise either to restore Paulus and Athanasius
of the celebrating of that one councel Sanders againe in an other place 5. Sand. declaue Dauid I. 4. sol 81. The cosent of the bishop of Rome preambulateth from the matter before hee come to it thus Although the consent of the bishop of Rome alwaies had obtained did confirme the summoning of a general couÌ„sell yet that in a great matter no error should creep in it was the order that the Pope should send his letters to the Emperour touching that matter As who shuld say the Pope commanded the Emperour to summon counsells and then the Emperour having received those letters did by his own letters assemble the bishops wherevpon the bishops assembled at Constantinople do write vnto Damasus in these words you did send for vs as for meÌ„bers of your owne body by the letters of the most holy Emperour to come vnto the counsel which is gathered togither at Rome by the wil pleasure of God And a little after By the commandement of letters from your holinesse sent the last yere vnto the Emperor Theodosius after the councel held at Aquila wee prepared our selues only for our iourney to Constantinople It therefore appeareth saith Sanders from this testimony That there were two Councels holden at once one at Rome the other at Constantinople and to both of them the Pope sent for those bishops by the letters of the Emperour Thus much from Sanders in that place of that matter 6. Staplet ret oâ— untruths art 4. fol. 139. D. Stapleton an other of that side maintaining the Popes soveraignety is no more abashed to abuse the history than those other haue done in the places going before For saith hee Those bishops of Constantinople doe write-vnto Damasus the Pope and shewing a cause of there not coÌ„ming to Rome do further say vnto him That they had assembled themselues but lately at Constantinople by the late letter of your honor sent after the councell holden in Aquilicato the most Godly Emperour Theodosius Letters from your honor which was the reason why they could not come to Rome Now touching this present matter saith he the bishops here doe witnesse that to that counsel of Rome the Pope called them by the letters of the Emperour not as a warrant they haue no such word but rather as a meane For they witnes he calleth theÌ„ as his proper members Bellar. thrise Saund. twise already Staplet once 7. 8 and. de vifib monar l. 7. fol. 312. num 145. 146. The whole masse of falsehood is diseouered The Easterne bishops write to all the bishops of the West and so the letters go in the plurall number This it the sixt canvasse they haue had touching this place of Theodoret The seauenth set downe by Sanders in a thirde place of his booke will quite overthrow both himselfe and them being inlighted a little by the history which they al haue most shamefully abused For in this third place of his hee hath bewraied their shameful dealing There he confesseth that the Bishops of the East did write to other bishops of the West and namely to Ambrose aswel as to Damasus not to him alone as hitherto they al made vs beleeue they did and there he confesseth more over that the Easterne bishops receiued a letter from the Westerne gathered togither at Rome in which letter they were praied to come thither and that in their answere back they declare that all the westerne bishoppes sent for them by letters from the most holie Emperour But saith he further it appeareth from this place that the first beginning of a general counsel is the bishop of Rome but the meanes which the Pope vseth in that matter is to call them by the Emperours letters This is all their report that I finde of this matter I would now but aske them this questioÌ„ whether they tell vs thus much because they beleeue it or beleeue is because they tell it vs If they tell it vs as beleeuing it themselues we can say no otherwise of them than of him that did accustome to tel lies so fast to others that in the end he tooke them for truthes himselfe if they beleeue it because they tell it vs our incredulity in this case shal do them good in aduising theÌ„ not to beleeue that wee will any more take the reporte of any such matter vpon their words so that if our deniall wil profit them I assure theÌ„ I will not credit them in any thing without due evidence of the iustnesse of it Ter. in Eunuc act 2. scen 1. Nihil aliud quam Philumenam volo And therefore I giue them the councel in the Poet quoniam id fieri quod voluâ—t non potest velint id quod possit since they caÌ„not haue what they would that they woulde take what they may But they answere they would haue nothing but the Bishop of Romes supremacy I say again as the Poet saith in that place it were much better for theÌ„ to leaue that fansie rather than by this palpable fraud to go about to perswade it Al their inferences from that text of Theodoret are false and merely suggested either of the Popes power in calling that counsell of Constantinople or of their writing to Damasus oulie to Damasus or that they called him their head or that they confessed themselues his proper members as they haue abused the history The writing which the bishops of the East sent to them of the West is called The true report out of Theodorete eccles l. 5. c. â— Libellus Sinodicus à Concilio Constantinopolitano ad Episcopas missus The Councel of Constantinoples declaration sent vnto the Bishops The superscription is Dominis honoratissimis cum primis reverendis fratribus ac collegis Damaso Ambrosio Brittoni valeriano Acholio Avemio Basilio et cateris sanct is Episcopis To the most renowned Reverend bretheren fellowes and most especial reverend brethren and fellows Damasus Ambrose Briton Valerian Acholius Avemius Basill and the rest of the holy bishops gathered togither in the famous citty of Rome The holy councell of Catholike bishops gathered togither in the famous citty of Constantinople send health in our Lord. Num quid nam hic quod nolis Ter in Eunuc act 2. scen 2. vides Bellarmine Is there any thing here ô Bellarmine that thou wouldest not see Yes neither me nor that which I haue brought Where do they write to Damasus Where do they acknowledge him the head they the members Where be the letters sens froÌ„ his honor All this like religious and loving fathers to the Church of God they confesse each to other because they consented in one catholike doctrine were of one Catholike church though divided by East and West whose head is Christ as S. Paule saith Ephes 4.5 One Lord one faith one baptisme But if you wil speake of what they were in respect of themselues and their authoritie over each other SozoÌ„ l. 6. c.
submoto per vim Pontificatum RomanuÌ„ occuparit Onuph annot on Plat. in vit Vigilij Agapetus and Sylverius were both Preists sonns Denoâ—is eccles l 4. c. 8. Bell. ibideÌ„ 303. 304. Ibid fol. 306. Bell. de Rom. pont l. 2. c. 26. de conc eccles l. 2. c. 18. Gregory the Great Bellar de RoÌ„ pont l. 2. c 31. fol. 324. Stap. ret of vntruths against Mâ—uell art 4. fol. 6. Vigilius wrought meanes with the Empresse Theodora for the remouing of his predecessor Silverius out of the Popedome promising her if shee would help him therto to cal home Anthemius the heretike whom Agapetus had banished and so as Bellarmine saith hee plaied the Catholike at Rome and the heretike abroad for when hee had obtained by most vnlawfull meanes what he sought for hee kept no promise with her by whose procuremeÌ„t he caÌ„e into the seat and in effect aunswered as the fore-sworne men in times past were wont Iurauilingua mentem iniuratam gero I sweare with my tongue but I meant otherwise A very Machivellian resolution But since Vigilius came in by this indirect meanes I demand with what face Bellarmine can make successioÌ„ of bishops in that sea an emineÌ„t note of the true church Al that come not in by lawfull succession and ordination are theeues and robbers And succession takes no place but either when bishops die or are lawfully deposed For the pope cannot be deposed by any coactiue power ether Ecclesiastial or ciuill which conclusions inevitably proue that Vigilius succeeded vnlawfully Siluerius being nether dead nor lawfully desposed And as Bellarmine saith the pride and ambition of Vigilius droue him into those straights of periurie shifts which hee vsed so hath Bellarmines bad cause coloured with clenly words made him gaine say in one place what hee affirmeth in an other which hee cannot doe since there are so many eies to looke on but he shal be discouered Gregory the great being the last of those I named last vtterly denied the name of vniuersall bishoppe and prainly said Saint Peter was neuer called vniuersall Apostle yet Bellarmine reackoneth it amongst the titles of his holynesse and the title vniversall bishoppe to be the 15. in number Howsoeuer D. Stapleton not so soveraigne for the Pope as Bellarmine saith plainely we cal not the Pope vniversall bishop The Pope writeth not himselfe so but servum servorum dei the servant of Gods servants But what would he practise if he might I leaue that to M. Doctors secret discussing Thus haue you Tuberius a tast of your succession and manners of Popes for the first sixe hundred yeares In none of the Popes of the first three hundred yeres appeared any stomacke towards other churches abroad saue in Victor Victor reproued by Ireneus Euseb eccles history l. 5. c. 23. 24. who was next to Eleutherius who shewed himselfe earnest in excommunicating the Churches of Asia for not keeping the feast of Easter according to the maner of Rome But he was sharply rebuked for attempting it especially by Ireneus bishop of Lions in Fraunce in the name of the rest of the brethren there who would not yeeld vnto him After Constantines time downe to Gregory the great I deny not but men they were tollerable enough saving for a little ambitioÌ„ creeping in amongst them And because men are denominated vertuous whose good gifts are many and faults not too great they may go al in the number of good men euen till Gregorie who may be said to be the last of the good and first of the bad And of all these passed I will say in respect of theÌ„ that follow after as noble Sr. Phillip Sidney was wont to say of Captaines and learders in the warres when complainte had bin made to him of some of them Sr Roger Williams reporte in his breefe discourse of warre pag. 2. Let vs loue him for his small vertues for a number haue none at all And so is it with those former Popes in respect of those that followed after onlie here and there one religious amongst a number of miscreants as one Râ—scius now and theÌ„ inriching a whole rable of counterfeits For intrusions into the sea heresie witchcraft murder adulteries and such like Rome was the Sentina a sinke of sinnes a lake of all lewdnesse which euer yeeldeth perpetual vapours of pernitious and execrable villanies God do so and more to me if I report them otherwise than their owne histories record After Gregorie the great followed Sabinianus Bonifacius Geneb chro l. 3 fol. 664. Fase tempor Platina in vita sabi 3. Bonifacius 4. Deus dedit Bonifacius 5. Honorius the first Sabinianus hated his predecessor Gregory insomuch that he burned al his bookes he did not any good worthy of memory This is the 3. infamous Pope as the Papists theÌ„selues confesse who liued a bad life and died a feareful death After Sabinianus came Bonifacius Carion in chro l. 4. f. 568. l. 3. fol. 369. The first setting of Mahumets foot in Arabia was wheÌ„ the Empire began to bee devided by the bishop of RoÌ„e meanes vide Fascicu temp anno 614. Honorius amo nothelite heretike who held that christ had but one wil. Geneb Chro. l. 3. fol. 675. ea est vis cathedrae vt cogat bona vera dicere noÌ„ bona facientes neque vera sentientes nec suâ—… docere sed aliena permittit Apolog. thesiuÌ„ Ioan. Reyn. de sacra scrip eccles a pag. 351. vsque ad finem Anno. 687. Geneb Chro. l. 3. fol. 698. Genebi ibid. fo 708. 3. who obtained of the Emperour Phocas to be called vniuersall bishop and head of all churches about which time when the fury of Mahumet had prevailed against the churches in the East the bishop of Romes authority increased in Europe And the mistery of iniquity having before wrought did then shew it selfe And this Phocas who gaue that title to the bishop of Rome was he that trecherously slew his Master Mauricius to make himselfe way to the Empire postea multa seelera addidit and after that he coÌ„mitted many mischeifes else And in the end for his reward he was vntimely slaine according to that saying Omnis qÌ„ acceperit gladiuÌ„ gladio peribit Whosoever slaieth with the sword shal perish with the sword And the reason why Phocas gratified the bishop of Rome with such a title was be cause vpoÌ„ the slaughter of his Mr Mauricius he feared the fal of Italy froÌ„ the Empire that by the Popes means he might keepe the West in safty Touching Honorius 1. it is notoriously knowen that he was an heretike condemned by generall councells and witnesse of diuerse ancients both Greeks Latins They that are disposed to read of him or his cause may consult with Aâ—dradius def Trid. conc l. 2. fol. 244. Canus loc theol lib. 6. fol. 213. Pighius eccles bie l. 4. c. 8. Bellarm. de Rom. pont lib. 4. c. 11. And
23. being president at the beginning whereat was present the Emperour Segismundus against the schisme of the three Popes that then were Iohn 23. sate at Benonia Gregory the 12 at Ariminum and Benedict 13. in Spaine TheÌ„ had christ neuer a vicar at that time Lib. de Rom. Pont. l. 4 c. 14. Counsel of Constance Camp ratio 4. de concilijs The counsell vndid what the Emperour confirmed Bellar. de coÌ„ ecces l. 1. c. 5. 6. 7. Why doth Bellarmine giue vs such a distinctioÌ„ of couÌ„sells which none of his fellowes ever did but because hee ever hath one deuise which they never thought of Ter. in Phor. act 2. scen 2. non te horum pudet at si talentum reÌ„ reliquisset deceâ—… primus esses memoriter progenieÌ„ vestram vsque ab avo atqueâ—tarâ— preferenâ— which three were quite throwne out and Martin 5. elected the vndoubted Pope Iohn was accused in that counsel as denying the life everlasting and the resurrection of the flesh It is answered hee was not the lawful true Pope because there were 3. at that time whose factions had al great favorites and learned advouchers The counsel pronounced of him that he was a sinke of sins a devill incarnate Bellarmine coÌ„fesseth there were 53. articles proved against him and that he was of so lewd a life as though hee had beleeued there should be no iudgment hereafter But see the mischiefe This councel of Constance that thus condemned and threw out the Pope condemned also Iohn Husse a good ChristiaÌ„ for an hereticke In that they extol receiue the counsel in renouncing the Pope they do not Husse had the Emperours safe conduct to come and goe freely to the counsel but the bishops nothing regarding the Emperours warrant overthrew the deed and put him to death who put himselfe into their hands Caesar obsignavit Christianus orbis resignanit maior Caesare The Emperor signed the warrant saith Campion but the Counsel disanulled it who is greater than the Emperour To saue the credit of this counsel for dealing against Husse and the Pope too Bellarmine hath devised a quadruple partition of the allowing or disallowing of counsels by them 1. he meÌ„tioneth general CouÌ„cels which he alloweth then general couÌ„cels which he disaloweth 3. he hath soÌ„e couÌ„sels which are partly to be allowed partly to be disallowed of which last sort of the couÌ„sel of ConstaÌ„ce with him For saith he touching the first sessioÌ„s wher they did enact that a general couÌ„sel should be aboue the Pope it is to be disalowed But in respect of the last sessioÌ„s those things which Pope Martin 5. alowd it is receued by al Catholiks But what saith the Poet Vide avaritia quid facit see what covetousnes caÌ„ do no Vide impudentia quiafacit see what impudeÌ„cy caÌ„ do Are they not a shaÌ„ed of this now that they fle their own Pops their own couÌ„sels Let vs now see how the forme of that Church stood after Martin 5. to whom succeeded Eugenius 4. against whoÌ„ was chosen by the Counsel of Bazil one Foelix 5. called before Anadaeus Duke of Savoy The counsell of Basill deposed Pope Eugenius which Felix after hee had sitteÌ„ 9. yeres did freely giue it over againe Then there was a new schisme began the cause was whether the Pope were aboue a generall counsell Fasc temp fol. 89. Conscientia Conscience Solum entia sponsaÌ„ Christi gubernaâ—e videmus Sand. de visib monar l. 7. fol. 516. Eccles hieâ—ar l. 6. c. 2. fo 402. or a counsell aboue the Pope These times were so miserable touching their Popes and Church that of CONSCIENS which before that time was somewhat the two first syllables were abated and only ENS stocks and blocks left to governe the spowse of Christ which is his church This couÌ„sel of Bazil is reakoned by Bellarmine amongst those which are partly allowed and partly disallowed And yet Sanders absolutely condemneth it as vnlawful for offering to depose Eugenius and therfore saith he it gaue occasion of a great schisme Albertus Pighius with one breath concludeth that both those counsels of Constance and Basill concludeth both against order and nature against the cleâ—re light of the Gospell and against all antiquity In opusc Caiet de author pap conc c. 8. in princ and against the Catholike church Caietane is much busied also with the credit of those two counsels the one confirming the decrees of the other he feareth to call that of ConstaÌ„ce a general or Occumenical counsel because it subiected the Pope to a councell and so opened a gappe which should haue bin shut Defenc. Trid. Conc. l. 2. fol. 428. 429. Andradius is resolute that the counsel was generall and may be so reakoned and interpreteth it not as if they had decreed simply that the Pope should be subiected to a councel in general The shephard renteth teareth the flock Now they praise those 2. councels vnto vs. Hard. cont Iuell twise in the 2. artic for the communion in on kind but onlie when they rend and teare Church by dissention and making of parts to get the popedome as then they did then for a generall councel to be stickler amongst them is not amisse The testimony of these men before-prized what shal we say to those who do obtrude both these Councels of Constance and Bazil vnto vs not only in matters of fact touching the coÌ„demning of Iohn Husse and Ierome of Prage but also in matters of doctrine faith in no smal matters nether but for proofe of their masse and the denying of the Laity the vse of the cup in the Lords supper Alien for the Masse de euch sacraf l. 2. fol. 558. l 1. c. 21. fol. 343 Canus loc theol lib. 12. fol. 416. Sand. de visib monar l. 8. c. 10. For the Church of Romes credit Andrad Orth. explic l. 7. fol. 615. Horace epist l. 1. ad Fuscum Arist Vrbis amatorem Fuscum salvere iubemus iuris ama tores hac in re scilicet vna multuÌ„ dissimiles ad caetera penè gemelli The residue downe to our time Alexander 6. father vnto Caesar Borgia Duke of Valence L. 6. c. 23. L. 3. 6. Geneb chron l. 4. fol. 1097. Bellica gloria quam pontificia clarior that without any manner of scruple or doubt of the authority and credit of them whereof their former fellows do dispute but as if their decrees were the perfect sound oracles of Gods vniversal church agreeing with the sacred and holy scripture They are in this like to those friendes in Horace who though they studied all one thing yet they did chuse a diverse kinde of life And so the Poet biddeth the lovers of the CouÌ„try life to salut the lovers of the citty life and though in that they were much vnlike yet in other things they were even twins So must Andradius Harding Allen Canus shake hands with