of the world that have beene as farr above others in Wisedome as they have beene in power Wee have lived to see that sore evill which the Scripture by the pen of a King and the wisest of men complained of to see Princes on foote Servants on horsebacke when the Licentious insolence of the meanest tramples vpon the Soveraigntie of the highest and the basest of the people revile their King He saies for their sakes that have not more Seriously considered Kings then in the gawdy name of Majestie and admired them their doings as if they breathed not the same breath with other men he will for it seemes he saies a Challenge both of him and his partie take vp the gantlet though a Kings in the behalfe of libertie and the common wealth Loyaltie hath no friends that so admire Princes as if they breathed not common breath of nature they wel know who hath said of Kings I have said you are Gods the guilt of their sin that disobey or revile thē yet non are ignorant that their breath is in their nosthrils that they shall dye as others They that are best instructed most considerate give most reverence to Kings They vnderstand that Princes have greater promises of wisedome frō God greater meanes to attaine it then others that by obeying them humane societie is maintained though they breath the same breath with them When Saul was made King of Israel there were wicked men that said how shall this man save us contemning his Authoritie because he was taken from among them selves in our dayes there is a Confluence of all the Rebellious inclinations that troubled the world pride of base people and disdaine of all Authoritie Because Kings are men must they not therefore Rule Must Gods vicegerents be despysed because they are men And because we know Kings to be men must wee beleive that seditious slanderers are more then men which are carryed as naturall brute Beasts The Archangell disputing with the Devill durst not bring against him a rayling accusation and such as take vp Rayling accusations against Princes partake of the wickednes of the evill and hate the holynes of the blessed Angell When the woman told David he was as an Angell of God did shee thinke he breathed not the same breath with others This Author by pretending to rectifie an errour that never was of admiring kings as if they breathed not the common breath of men would perswade men to scorne despise kings and Rebell against the king of kings God himselfe who wil be called king and to style that Title a gaudy name expresseth rather a scoffing Atheist then a profest Christian Ambitious Rebells that sow the seedes of disaffection to their king among the people begin with a plausible trueth that kings are men that they may erre that they may be wicked thence they come to application of particular Actions of their king represented as deceitefully as falshood can frame to the vnwary hearers because it may be so therefore in their logicke it must be so and experience it selfe hath made apparent how few or none admire Kings as if they breathed not the common breath of men and how many forgett their dutie to them that in Scripture are called Gods the prevalence of corrupt nature is so farr above reason that men are sooner infatuated by the plausible discourses of ambitious aspirers to beleive absurdities making way for Rebellion then mistaken of the nature of Kings by their sacred Title or dignitie for wee have seene men seduced to beleive they might make warr against the King so as they said it was aganist his evill Councellours and for King and Parliament that because the two houses sate by the Kings authoritie therefore him selfe had none That they made warr in their owne defence against the King and yet said they fought for King and Parlament and contrary to the knowledge of the whole world traduced his Majest Government which was the time if ever when his three Kingdomes attained the height of honour strength and wealth above their neighbours As the Arts of those seedes-men of sathan were jnspired by their Master to the ruine of mankinde so how farr they have effected it in his Majest three kingdomes by this logicke of the Devill all men are wittnesses All boundaries of right and wrong broken downe and any wickednes acted by authoritie that serves to secure the Tyranicall power will of the Rebell Masters What flouds of Christian blood what starving pininge to death of poore Captives have our dayes been wittnes of in England what jmpudent pretences of justice for publique Murthers scenes of Iudicature and theaters of slaughter honour and vertue prostituted to the Common Executioner so as the miseries of former times were but an Epitome of those numerous evills that have been brought vpon his Majest Dominions in these few yeares the facts would seeme incredible in after ages did not such as this Author undauntedly boast of the insolencies they have committed no historie yeilding on example of the like whether we reguard the impudence crueltie insolence and hipocrisie of the contrivers deceite imposture profannes of preachers or credulitie and precipitation of the vulgar The author might have done well to shew why his Majest booke seemed a Challenge it provokes no answeare nor handles any thing by way of controversie but his very devotions and instructions to his son seeme a Challenge Evidence of worth in the sufferer torments the persecutour and they cannot rest while the vertues live though the bodies are laid in the dust by their wicked hands But he wil take vp the gantlet that no man threw downe though a Kings He lately said Kings were puny Antagomists and no honour to begotten by writing against them and now he will take vp the gantlet though a Kings it seemes he reckons it a condescention to stoope to take vp a Kings gantlet those todes that thus swell wil breake with their owne venom This Authors pen shewes what libertie he loves to endure no justice towards the living or Charitie to the dead and to breake those fetters of modestie and truth wherein a Christians libertie consists Those pests of Government allwayes talke of libertie but it s only a licence to exercise their own inperious Tyrany over the people and when fire breakes out of the bramble to consume the Cedars nothing can be expected but insolence and crueltie wee have seene the libertie vnder the Rebells in England which is to rayle and Rebell against the King and destroy such as are loyall He saies its the drift of a factious and defeated partie to make the same advantage of his booke as before of his name authoritie and intend not so much the defence of his former Actions as promoting future designes Those whome he calls a defeated partie in so great contempt are never the neerer a faction for the successe that confessed Rebells have gained over
Common right What needed written Acts when as it was anciently esteemed part of his Corwne oath His Crowne oath is well knowne and may not be tryed by estimation but inspection The libellers estimation hath as litle proofe as authoritie He referrs the lawerlie mooting of this point to a booke called the rights of the Kingdome written it seemes by some Author of as much fidelitie in his quotations as this libeller in his narrations and to other law Tracts being neither his Element nor proper worke since the booke which he hath to answeare pretends to reason not to Authoritie And he holds reason to be the best Arbitratour and the law of law it selfe And it appeares by his writings that reason is neither his Element nor worke heere for had he vse of reason he would not referr vs to bookes that are onely of Authoritie to prove the ignorance and boldnes of the writer neither could reason judge it a law that a king should not dissolve a Parliament till all particular greivances were considered though the setting of it might prove an incurable greivance but his reason would have the Parliament defend the Kingdome with their votes as the Roman Senatours their Capitall with their robes against the Gaules The King must not be at such distance from the people in judging what is better and what worse That the people are not the best judges of what is better and what is worse the libeller himselfe acknowledges saying they are excessive in all their motions and is it not reason that the King then should be at such distance in judging but the libeller seekes to be at greate distance with truth that sayes the Kings owne words condemned him that he had not knowne as well with moderation to vse as with tarnestnes to desire his owne advantages Where as the King spake not of himselfe but others his words were If some men had knowne as well with moderation to vse as with earnestnes to desire advantages of doing good or evill Doth this man thinke reason the law of law or falshood the Master of both law and reason that soe palpably belyes the booke before him The King sayes a continuael Parliament he thought would keepe the Commonwealth in tune To this sayes to Libeller Iudge Commonwealth what proofes he gave that this boasted profession was ever in his thought The king doubtles thought not that every Parliament would keepe the Commonwealth in tune but a Parliament that preferred publique good before private faction The King saith as he relates him some gave out that I repented me of that setling Act. The Libeller sayes his owne Actions gave it out beyound all supposition for be went about soe soone after to abrogate it by the sword Heere the Libeller omitts a materiall word which the King vsed which was soone for the Kings words are that I soone repented It is well knowne that the wicked vse which the Traytours made of that setling Act might give the king just cause to repent him of it but as the king vsed not the sword till many Moneths after the passing of that Bill soe the cause of his Armes were the violent and Trayterous Actions of a faction not the abrogation of that Bill The King calls those Acts which he confesses tended to their good noe more Princely then friendly contributions as if sayes the Libeller to doe his dutie were of Courtesie and the giving backe of our Liberties stood at the mercy of his contribution He would have it beleived that Parents can doe nothing for their childrens good out of favour all is of dutie and noe thankes belongs to them from their children nor any from subjects to their Soveraignes or rulers for the greatest benefitts they receive by good Government and all the vigilance watchfullnes pietie of Princes for the peoples good is not at all thankes worthy theis are the Maximes of Rebells and if Kings will not yeelde vp their power they may be compelled and the quitting of Government for which Kings must give account to God is by theis mens Divinitie the giving backe of liberties being noe other then to give licence to all wickednes and beare the sword in vaine The kings sayes he doubts not but the affections of his people will compensate his sufferings for those Acts of confidence To this sayes the libeller not his confidence but his distrust brought him to his sufferings and he trusted nere the sooner for what he tells of their pietie and Religious strictnes but rather hated them as Puritans whome he allwayes sought to extirpate The libeller himselfe cannot deny but that if the king had not had confidence that those Acts of his would not have beē abused he would not have graunted them for if the had not been so confident it had been much more eligible for him to hav run the peril of a war without graunting them and wee have seene by experience that many as well as the king were deceived in those that profest pietie and Religious strictnes and though the king had just cause to hate the faction of the hipocriticall Puritan yet he thought that there could not soe much impietie lurke in many vnder such profession of pietie and Religious strictnes as hath since exceeded the most blasphemous Atheist and had the king sooner distrusted he had in humane reason prevented much of the Calamitie that hath befallen himselfe and his kingdome That those Acts of the Kings did not argue that he meant peace knowing that what he graunted out of feare he might assoone repeale by force It is noe argument that he would doe it because he might doe it but it is one of the libellers vsuall Arguments to conclude from the possibilitie to the being and there cannot be a greater Argument of a mans desire of peace then to part with his right to prevent a warr and by this rule of the libeller there must never be peace nor end of Rebellion but by the destruction of the king because their guilt is still vnsecure That the Tumults threatned to abuse all acts of grace and turne them into wantonesse This sayes the libeller is abusing of Scripture not becomming such a saint to adulterate sacred words from the grace of God to the acts of his owne grace And is it an abuse of Scripture to say the King did Acts of grace and whence then comes it to be an abuse of Scripture to say the people abused the Kings grace or turned it into wantonesse was it not a sin of wantonesse in the people and may it not be soe exprest without any abuse of Scripture Scripture is abused when it is applyed to a prophane ludicrous sense but the words heere are not transferred from a right signification There are diverse words that signifie both divine and humane Actions there is noe abuse of them in either sense And the libeller having excepted to the vse of an expression of Scripture presently makes bold with Scripture saying that
for decision of controversies but it s a sorry inference that Counsellours in his affaires should have power over his person As the Parliaments right is circumscribed by lawes in regarde of the subject soe it cannot be imagined absolute over the King By what the Libeller hath said he might well conclude that kings are oblidged to doe justice but that the people or particular persons may judge their king by any law divine or humane he hath not offred a colour soe barren is he in an Argument which he calls over copious Who should better vnderstand their owne lawes and when they are transgresed then they who are governed by them and whose consent at first made them Certenly he might very wel have answeared himselfe that they which governed by such lawes and whose consent at first made them better vnderstand them and when they are transgressed then they that are governed and it is a course very agreable to these mens confusion that the suiter should teach the judge The Libeller askes who have more right to take knowledge of things done within a free nation then they within themselves And surely they will not be free long from destroying one another where that 's the libertie for there wil be as many Transgressours and as many lawes as there are opinions He goes about to answeare the taking the oath of Alleagiance and supreamacy And to this his answeare is very ready that these oaths were to his person invested with his Authoritie and his Authoritie was by the people given him conditionally vnder law and oath And if his Authoritie had been conditionall their oaths could not be absolute as they are This guift and condition they imagine were engraven in Seths Pillars and they have been long enquiringe for a Cabballisticke Rabbyn to finde out the Characters How the kings hereditary succession is become a conditionall guift must have better evidence then Aphorismes of confusion never law contained either the guift or condition nor was there ever such impudence before theis Traytours that avowed because they swore faith to their kings person invested with his Authoritie they might take away his Authoritie and not breake their oath And it were a prophane oath aswell as vaine that should be voyde at the will of the taker The kings oath added nothing to his right being only an obligation of his conscience noe condition annexed to his right and if he never tooke the oath his subjects obedience is noe whit diminished and a king by inheritance needes not admittance the death of his predecessour puts him in possession this is the knowne law of England The Couquerour tooke on oath at his Crowninge and other times that made noe condition to his Government There is not only reason but absolute necessitie for the avoyding of confusion ruine of mankinde that the subject be bound to the king though the kinge faile in his dutie for the destruction of Government is more sinfull and inconvenient to humane societie then any evill that can come by a kings misgovernment He proceedes to answeare objections touchinge the Covenant wherein we shall not much insist but to detect the shifts of Malefactours to elude the evidence of truth They were accused by the King and his partie to pretend libertie and reformation but to have noe other end then to make themselves greate and to destroy his person and Authoritie for which reason sayes the Libeller they added the third Article to preserve the Kings person and Authoritie in defence of Religion priviledge of Parliament and liberties of the Kingdome And to shew with what ingenuitie he dealt in seeking to avoyde that just accusation the Libeller tells vs that they added that cause for a shew only and they intended not to preserve the Kings person further then it might consist with their opinions touchinge Reformation extirpatinge of Prelacy preservinge liberties of Parliament and Kingdome and in this very clause they called the world to be wittnes with their consciences of their loyaltie and yet made the preservation of their Kings person and Authoritie arbitrary by their owne opinions and while this Libeller would have their Rebellion a defensive warr he forbeares not to tell the world that they resolved the Kings destruction to attaine their ends The sixth Article gives asmuch preservation and defence to all that enter into the league as to him And it seemes more for they have dealt with none of them as with him and he sayes if the Covenant were made absolute without respect to these superiour things it was an vnlawfull vow and not to be kept It is agreed that vnlawfull vowes are not to be made nor kept but it is an vnlawfull vow to destroy the Kinge in order to his supposed ends yet they feare not to vow the destruction of any that oppose them though the honour and innocence of the persons were without the reach of lawes and they will exempt neither callings nor integritie from their lawles Injustice and that appeared by his glosse vpon the fourth Article of the Covenant to bring persons offending to tryall and condigne punishment all that should be found guiltie of such Crymes and delinquencies whereof the King by his letters and proofes afterward was found guiltie in what they thought him at the taking of the Covenant to be over ruled only by evill Counsellours And had not he avowed all that ever his letters conteyned in his former declarations and hath the Libeller forgotten that the imputation of Crymes to evill Counsellours was but a Ceremony and are not his foregoinge words that their ends reformation and extirpatinge Prelacy were to be preferred before the preservation of the Kings person and authoritie This last age hath produced a generation that pretend they doe God service when they scorne all his lawes and Religion and hold forth their execrable villanies to the world as gratefull and well pleasinge sacrifices to God and make ostentations of their perjuries and Blaspheamies as services to him The nullities and vsurpation of those Monster judges that made themselves cut-throates of the King needed not the Kings exceptions to avoyde their illegallitie being soe apparent what the King did or said to of them wil remaine to his honour and the Libellers infamy that glories in the misfortunes of Princes sayinge it was learnt from his graund-mother It s a sad fate to haue his Enemies both accusers parties and Iudges The Libeller sayes what malefactour might not pleade the like if his Crymes have made all men his Enemies But there were hardly ever such malefactours vnles they who tooke vpon them to judge the Kinge He that is an Enemy before judgment cannot be a judge of the Cryme and he that is an Enemy to a Malefactour vncondemned is not fit to condemne him and such as are Enemies to Government and are common destroyers cannot be judges That they of the powder plot might have pleaded the same when their judges knew not their persons nor their
world may be informed how their cause hath been maintained They pretend to meete reason in any field but are resolved to contradict it and the Author will reproach and despise truth and reason as his Masters have fought against it and since their impietie cannot be denyed it must be avowed They glory in their victories in the field as theeves in their booties and boast that they can doe mischeife their victories being no other then the poysons and knives of Assassins that have destroyed Princes and successe is the evidence of their faith and reason He proceedes to say that he who at the Barr stood excepting against the forme and manner of his Iudicature and complained that he was not heard neither he nor his friends shall have that cause now to finde fault being mett and debated with in this Monumentall Court of his owne erectinge and not only heard but answeared But still he is vnwillingly heard and they which tooke his blood without hearing are loath to heare the cry of it and they endeavoured the same course with his booke they had taken with him to condemne it vnheard and as this worke was not chosen nor affected by Iconoclastes so was not the occasion acceptable to his Masters It hath been reported of some high way robbers that they vse a forme of Judicature vpon the Traveller when they take him and condemne him solemnely to lose his purse and Iconoclastes holds it strange he should stand excepting at the forme and manner of their Judicature It was the prodigie of insolence that Rebells presumed to bring their King to the Barr and the Prodigie of impudence in this libeller that imagines an expectation of the Kings submission to a Tribunall of Traytours But with Traytours where strength can act right and Justice are ridiculous considerations otherwise those Monsters that made themselves Judges without the least colour of authoritie the lower howse being not able to puinsh a wandring Rogue which the law allowes a Conestable would not so presumptuously sit in Judgment vpon a King and not only their own but of another Kingdome and professe wonder that any should thinke that they cannot bring any King to the blocke that they get into their hands Who may not defend the sins of intemperance to satisfie lust aswell as those of crueltie to satisfie ambition and why might not Ric 3 defame his mother and Kill his nephewes to secure his Tyrany aswell as theis men reproach and Kill their King doe outward solemnities legitimate Murthers and is a profest villanie innocent a secret only Cryminall Though those Murtherers before whome he stood at the Barr excepting had resolved that neither feare of God nor reverence to their lawfull king nor importunitie that moves such as the other respects doe not should prevaile with them yet he promises afaire debate though he justifies them and performes it with the same falshood offring clamorous reproaches and shamles vntruths instead of answeares erecting a Monument for him selfe wherein the defence of impietie and scorne of truth have engraven his infamy in everlasting Characters Which he sajes to do effectually if it be necessary that to his booke nothing the more respect be had for being his they of his owne partie can have no just reason to exclaime Truly his owne partie had reason to expect that from resolved Traytours his booke would have lesse respect for being his for having suffered greater crueltie in his person for being a King could they thinke his booke would have more respect for being his The Rebells themselves have published it a rule that a man borne in Scotland while the Kingdomes stood divided was not subject to their Judicature and therefore they vrged against Duke Hamilton that he was naturalized and yet they subjected the King to their will whome they could not pretend to have had that Ceremony and by the law of these miscreants the King must be more subject to them then any of his subjects of that nation and the Author might have spared the paines to seeke a reason for his impudent language for his Majest partie know it was for the interest of his Trayterous cause and a necessary effect of a Rebellious disposition The booke of any Author ought to finde respect according to its owne merit and its folly or injury to sleight or reproach it for the Authors sake and the like of a person for his office sake but they that reproach an office instituted by God or the person that beares that office for the office sake will hate a booke for the good that it conteynes and the Kings partie will never exclaime for the Authors detraction of the booke which they expected from him but they have just reason to detest his insolent language and impious assertions It were too vnreasonable that he because dead should have libertie to speake all evill of the Parliament and they because living or any for them have lesse Freedome It s too vnreasonable to bely the dead and to affirme his Majest to speake all evill of the Parliament when he well knowes that his Majest speakes nothing of them but what this breaker confesses to be true and if his Majest had spoken evill of a faction in Parliament it s too vnreasonable for him to censure it who not only speakes evill of a faction in Parliament but is the Advocate of those that not only speake evill of them but have destroyed them What if his Majest had spoken evill of the Lords house have this Authors Masters done lesse that have taken it away What if he had spoken evill of a part of the lower house have they done lesse that have imprisoned expelled the Members And if the King reprehend or reprove his subjects in the capacitie of Parliament or otherwise it is not only vnreasonable but damnable for them to censure and reproach him and most detestable for every licentious Pamphletter to traduce vilifie him Rebells vse not only feirce arrogancie but impudent petulancie and it makes for their designe that the scum of the people cast of all reverence and mention of superiours Have not the present Traytours reproacht and condemned the Parliament for their professions of loyaltie and dutie to the King Have they not made that the highest Cryme which the Parliament judged their necessary dutie to serve their King And may not the King complaine of their dealing with him as well as this Author with his new Masters can Iconoclastes reprove the Parliaments vote that it was Treason for the Army to overaw the Parliament which he doth in being Advocate for the Army against them And is it a Cryme in his Majest to represent their evill Actions against him The Parliament voted a Treatie with the King and voted his concessions to be a sufficient ground for peace the libeller taxes that vote for folly and falshood The Army remove that Parliament and call some Creatures of their owne the Parliament and they togeather take the person of
weakest capacities that can only suspect not prove nor descerne He concludes the King as Criminous as the Earle and therefore he sayes insteed of detesting his ambition evill Councell violence and oppression of the people he falls to prayse his greate a bilities It had been a Kinde of slander to forbeare the due commendation of such abilities as all men admired and an vnexcusable injustice to reproach the memory of the innocent with the false accusations of malicious Enemyes If his Majest had recounted any faults of the Earle it had byn no satisfaction to his conscience for consenting to his death but it had been a signe of an vnsound minde to seeke matter of excuse for an illegall sentence from the disposition of the suffering partie and such Actions as the law had not made the merit of such a sentence The world is well informed now that those Rebells account the due performance of just authoritie violence and oppression and that their cheife hatred against the Earle of Strafford was for his fidelitie to king and Kingdome and his opposition of Rebellion his evill Councell That beneath the decency of a King he compares him to the sun which in all figurative vse beares allusion to a King not to a subject If such be the Kingly Prerogative that the sun beares allusion only to Kings not to subjects then must this libeller confesse himselfe to be of that sordid generation which by that influence are raysed out of sinkes and puddles to obscure that gloryous luster and his observation of this allusion might justly make him reflect vpon himselfe with detestation contending against such cleere light and slandring truth it selfe But vertue in other persons besides Kings hath been set foorth by allusion to the sun and his triviall exception at the decency of that allusion shewes him as insignificant as will full He hath a conceite that the King Knitts contradictions as close as words can lie togeather not approving in his judgment and yet approving in his subsequent reason all that Stafford did as driven by the necessitie of times and the temper of that people The Kings words are I cannot in my judgment approve all he did driven it may be by the necessitie of times c. And let the reader judge whether this libellers falsification be not Knit as close and words can lie togeather and its like he knew it by his impertinent vse of the Phrase close Knit to his supposed contradictions Though the King justly excused some things which he could not approve doth he therefore approve all and doth the libeller thinke that what a man cannot approve he must thinke inexcusable and that Circumstances doe not alter the qualitie of Actions But he sayes it is the marvell and may be the astonishment of all that have a conscience how he durst with the same words of contrition wherewith David repented the murthering of Vriah repent his lawfull compliance to that just Act. It is noe marvell to men that know theis Rebells though heeretofore it might have been the astonishment of all that such should offer to perswade others of their esteeme of conscience that make it their common scoffe and while this libeller charges the King with no lesse then murder in consenting vnwillingly and consequently in him to an vnjust sentence makes an exclamation why he should repent in Davids words for the like Cryme The libeller well knowes that if it had been to a lawfull sentence of condemnation yet blood guiltines lies where consent with the tongue had not the perswasion of the heart when the King thought blood lay on him should he thinke to hide his sin from God this prophane Sectary wonders a sinner durst repent These miscreants are loath to behold their murders in those bloody colours which the truth of God gives them therefore they wil call that Act just against the cry of their Consciences as they stirred vp the people to cry justice without knowledge of the fact It would have taken much from the heavines of his sin to have told God in his confession how he laboured what darke plots he had contrived into what a League entred and with what conspiratours against his Parliament Kingdome to rescue so notable an instrument c. Doubtles the King would have taken that course if he could have charg'd himselfe with any sinfull labour in that kinde That he ought to have vsed all his power and skill to have rescued that Earle was his dutie to God and a person so cruelly shamelessely oppressed And all men know what false feares were pretended what ridiculous plots were imagined to disorder the people and when there is such apparent discovery of Trayterous plots and such avowing of Trayterous Actions there can be none so infatuated to beleive that all necessary prevention of such wicked designes was not to withstand the ruine of the Parliament and Kingdome It was feare which made him fayne both the scruple and the satisfacttion And what feare could make him fayne a scruple whome could he feare if he had not scrupled but God only and where doth in appeare that he fayned satisfaction but it s the libellers want of the fear of God and men that makes him thus feareles of slandering and contradicting Repentance came not on him till a long time after when he saw he could have suffred nothing more though he had denyed the Bill Though the King say he could have suffred nothing more though he had denyed the Bill he never finds that repentance came not from him till long after but knew very well his repentance followed the fact close at the heeles He askes a question how be could vnderstandingly repent of letting that be Treason which the Parliament and whole nation so judged He hath already told vs it was al most the whole nation and the greater part of the Parliament but he finds now that any diminution induces doubt and it must be the Parliament and whole nation May not a man vnderstandingly repent because the whole nation was in the same fault how many Acts of Parliament have been made whereof it had been happy for King and people they had repented there neede not an enumeration in so Knowne a truth It was a worldly repentance not a consciencious or els a strange Tyrany which his conscience had got over him to vex him like an evill spirit for doing one act of Iustice to fortefie his resolution from ever doing so any more We may see what account this man makes of sin or conscience that thus derides the terrours of conscience We may beleive their consciences cauterized that are such strangers to vexations of conscience and that sin and Rebellion have got a strange Mastery of them that fortifies their resolutions against all repentance and the approbation of it in others This libeller cannot perswade himselfe that when he calls murther Justice and Rebellion loyaltie that he is beleived though he professe admiration that men
have perused the Roman story he must acknowledge many causses Tumults in that state It like he holds that Demetrius and his Craftsmen had a cause for their Tumults and surely it was not soe violent as the Tumult he defends And if all Tumults and Rebellions be caused by ill Government we may reasonably conclude that the people needed not Governours that knew soe well how to governe themselves and did never judge a misse of the Actions or Councells of their Governours The libeller at first said he tooke vp the gantlet for libertie and the Commonwealth which he hath now expounded to be for destruction of libertie and Kingdome by Tumults If they prove extreame pernicious that is the Tumults the were never counted so to Monarchy but to Monarchical Tyrany Who doubts but Rebels wil pretend Tyrany oppression Did ever reasonable man before this vnreasonable creature pretend that Tumults were not pernicious to all governments can any maÌ„ conceive that they wil not grow extream if not prevented but left to their owne violence what is become now of his judgment of the peoples excessive and extravagant motions are these none in Tumults Can any Rebellion want a pretence if the extreamitie of it be a proofe of Tyrany in the Rulers There can hardly be supposed an assertion more voyde of truth modestie What publique wickednes was there ever acted to the subversion of Kingdomes but by Tumults How many vsurpations how many murthers of most vertuous Princes have been acted by Tumâ—ults But this libeller glories in those exploites of the rabble and makes the Calamities they have brought he on others the matter of his mirth Extreames he sayes are at most Antipathy If then the King soe extreamely flood in feare of Tumults the inference will endanger him to be the olliert extreame Where doth he finde in his learning that Tumults and Tyrany are at any Antipathy which are but one and same thing for was there ever greater Tyrany exercised then by Tumults And are not the lawes of all states most severe against Tumults And can there be any inference from thence that the Government is Tyrany are not Government and Tumults at most Antipathy It s a certen Rule that all watchfull Governours wil feare Tumults The King had just cause to seare the Galamities ensuing the violence of Tumults and this trisler vainely infers his fancied extreames from a prudent foresight and if there were noe other example of causeles and mischeivous Tumults then those the King complained of they only were sufficient to instruct the world vpon what mistaken rumours they are raysed and vnto what desperate impieties they proceede He never thought any thing more to presage the mischeifes that ensued then those Tumults To this sayes the libeller Those Tumults were but the milde effects of an evill and injurious Raigne Tumults the prodigious and pestilentiall raignes get vp in a milde and gracious Government wherein seditious and trayterous factionists take libertie to defuse their venom among the people and milde tumults and loyall Rebellion are phrases agreable to this mans modestie Those signes were to be read more apparent in his rage and purposed revenge of those clamours of the people That those tumults might overcome the patience of any King the severitie vsed vpon lesse provocations by others is a full evidence but his Majest moderation was constant rage and revenge being only legible in his Enemies That tumults did presage the mischeifes ensuinge al knowing men concurr with his Majest and descerne the libellers servile defence of popular clamours Not any thing portends more Gods displeasure against a nation then when he suffers the clamours of the vulgar to passe all bounds of law and reverence to Authoritie to this he sayes it portends rather his displeasure against a Tyranous King As God sometimes gives an evil King to a people soe whenever he destroyes that King by the contemptible vulgar it is a signe of the encrease of his displeasure and seldome or never was any King good or evill soe destroyed but the peoples sufferings were encreased That those whome he calls a supplicating people and that did noe hurt to law or authoritie but stood for it in the Parliament were a Rebell rabble cannot be doubted since the libeller defends them and he cannot be believed they did noe hurt to law in as much as he defends the subversion of law and the attempts of this supplicating people that were in order to that end This supplicating is one of his abolisht Ceremonies The libeller tells that they ought to have stood for law the world knownes they did the contrary and he is wittnes both of their guilt and his owne falshood That they invaded the honour and freedome of the two houses To this he sayes It is his officious accusation not seconded by the Parliament who had they seene cause were best able to complaine And how were they able when they were threatned if they did complaine and because the Parliament is overawed by Tumults that they cannot complaine therefore their fredome is not invaded But how shamelesly he charges the King with the officious accusation he tells vs in the next words for he sayes if they strucke or menaced any as the King said they were such as had more relation to the Court then to the Common wealth Enemies not Patrons of the people Is not the honour and freedome of the two housce invaded when their members ar strucke and menaced And is it an officious accusation to say soe Can this man pretend the name of Parliament when he will allow the base rabble to abuse them at pleasure And could any man but he tell the King that persons elected were not sent to be Cavelled at by him or entertained with an vndervalue of their temper judgment or affection and heere defend the rascallitie in striking and menacing the members and not only vndervaluing their temper judgment and affection but handling them as cullions Never was libeller more passionately malicious more blindly absurd more wilfully false yet he thinkes he hath a reserve against all opposition for he sayes if their petitioning vnarmed were an invasion of both houses what was his besetting it with armed men Is striking and menacing soe quickly returned to petitioning Is it a way of answeare not to speake to the question Did ever Kings of England come without an armed guard to the Parliament and doe they beset the house when the guard is at the doore And can he say that the Kings comming with his guard to the house is a greater invasion of the honour freedome of the houses then the striking and menacing the members by the Tumults Doubtles he had consulted better to his credit to have said nothing then that which was soe different from the case himselfe had stated and his repetition of petitioning and supplicating people is noe other then the noyse of the Ephesian Rabble that greate is Diana of the Ephesians The
giddy wicked Rebellion in the people By what law was the king bound to attend these Lords or what authoritie had they to prepare matter for the Parliament more then any others of the Kingdome Is it not a knowne Treason to endeavour to depose the King and did not the late Parliament professe to abhorre the thought of it And how comes it to passe that these Lords have a power to threaten the King with deposing him What Rebells can be convicted by any law if this Action be not Treason The libeller getts nothing by this example but an evidence against his Masters for these Lords and their assistants had their pardon for that Rebellion And wherein did this Rebellion of these Lords differ from that of Jach straw and other Traytours mentioned by Mr. Sollicitour against the Earle of Strafford His folly in seeking to draw an Argument from the Actions of Rebells to prove a Cryme in the King is ridiculous to any reasonable man and it s not imaginable that the king should be bound to attend any meeting of his Peeres and Councellours which did tend towards a Parliament for by that Rule he must attend in as many places as there are factions noe sober time ever pretended that the king was bound to attend the Parliament which was to be called and dissolved by him and our Ancestours would be esteemed as voyde of reason as loyaltie if their Parliaments were governed by a Tumultuous rabble and the king were oblidged to doe what they would have though the whole kingdome were bleeding to death of those wounds which their impious and inconsiderate violence and fury had inflicted The king sayes the shame was to see the barbarous Rudenes of those Tumulte to demaund any thing And this the libeller beleives was the truest cause of his deserting the Parliament And was it not a just cause for him to desert the Parliament or faction in it when either they could not or would not restrayne that barbarous rudenes The worst and strangest of that any thing they demaunded was but the vnlording of Bishopps and expelling them the house and the reducing of Church discipline to a conformitie with other Protestant Churches And this the libeller would have noe Barbarisme What did the Parliament there if the Tumults may demaund the alteration of the Government of Church or state Can it be presumed that a rowte of Mechannicks could determine what was conformitie to other Protestant Churches The libeller at first remembred Mr. Solicitours discourse against the Earle of Strafford there he might have found that it was Treason to goe about assemble a multitude to alter the Government of Church or state And to seeke the vnlording of Bishopps by force in that manner they did was Treason by the law and we have seene that this desperate rabble whose demaunds the libeller sayes were but the vnlording of Bishopps and the like thinke the murther of the king and destruction of his family noe other then a but. They were demaunded by the Parliament which is vntrue but they were demaunded by a factton who suborned these Tumults to overaw and drive away the greatest part of the members of both houses The King in a most tempestuous season forsooke the helme and steerage of the Common wealth He withdrew himselfe from that storme which the Traytours had raysed against him and admitted not any steerage when all was whirled by tempestuous Tumults The libeller would willingly mince the causes of his Majest departure and therefore he catches hold of the mention of shame to exclude feare from the barbarous rudenes of the Tumults to demaund any thing he would conclude there were only demaunds noe barbarous rudenes and would make the last word to exclude all that went before To be importuned the removing of evill Councellours and other greivances was to him an intollerable oppression To offer violence to him for his protection of faithful Councellours the support of Government in Church and state was intollerable and though the libeller doe commend the violence of the Tumults yet heere he calls it only importunitie and the Kings denyall of the impetuous demaunds of a rabble to change the Government in Church and state denyall and delay of Justice If violence be lawful as he oftē affirmes why doth he mince his defence and soe often fly to these termes of importunitie and petitioning The advice of his Parliament was esteemed a bondage because the the King sayes of them whose agreeing votes were not by any law conclusive to his judgment for sayes the libeller the law ordaines a Parliament to advise him in his greate affaires but if it ordaine also that the single judgment of a King shall outballance all the wisedome of his Parliament it ordaines that which frustrates the end of its owne ordaining There is no doubt but in a Monarchy the dependence of the people is vpon the King the greatenes of whose interest in the prosperitie of the Kingdome is more likely to oblidge him to their preservation then any number of private men can be encleined to and as the law ordained a Parliament to advise him soe it forbidds them to commaund or prescribe him though the Major part of Parliament involve the whole It s against all reason to include the King who is allwayes furnisht by law with his other Councells may see good reason to preferr the Counsell of the smaller number and that law which ordained the Parliament to be called and dissolved by the King had destroyed what it ordained if the King had been bound to consent to all advices given him by the Parliament Such a restraint vpon the King not only makes voyde and vseles those select Councells which by law are continually to advise him but destroyes the Government of Monarchy which the law cannot intend and gives the Parliament the absolute soveraigntie which the people would not live vnder being contrary to their desires and dispositions the trust reposed in such as they elected The Kings judgment may dissent he sayes to the destruction of himselfe and Kingdome And soe doubtles may the judgment of a major part in Parliament and we have found by long experience that Parliaments have produced Acts to the preiudice of the state and corruption of Religion but this libeller holds all meanes frustraneous that beget not Rebellion and as in his affection he preferrs the judgment of the Parliament before the Kings soe any Company or committee of Lords that conspire against him as appeares by his late remembred instance against Rich the 2 And what power he would have in the Parliament over the King he would place in the Tumults his admired Iron flaile over the Parliament and prayes vnto God to send them that they may purge the Parliament and prescribe lawes both to the King and them and therefore he judges that it is vnlawlike that a remedy soe slender should be the vtmost meanes of publique safetie And we are sure that
Treason in Kings to have sold Jewells of the Crowne would have made it some Cryme to have bought Jewells for the Crowne and it is noe Treason now to sell the Crowne Jewells and all by his cut throate crew The Parliament was not ignorant to what intent these summs were raysed their owne actions told all the world they were necessary to be raysed The Kings refusing to settle the military power in trustie hands vpon their petitions and doubting he would possesse himselfe of Hull they were necessitated by the turbulence and danger of the times of their owne authoritie to putt the Kingdome into a posture of defence and to send Sr. Iohn Hotham to take Hull into his possession How many lewde lyes have they sent abroade into the world that the King made warr vpon them and it was the Libellers owne pretence in the beginning of the last Chapter now plainly tells they seized Hull because they suspected the King intended it and because he would not settle the militia as they desired If he had no power over the Militia why did they petition him If the Parliament be his superiour why did they petition at all Doe superiours petition inferiours But what was that turbulence danger of the Kingdome was there any more then what themselves had made by rumours and Tumults and is not the seizing of a fort an Act of warr The King had attempted the same before And was that any cause for them because the King sends to his Castles or forts must they therefore take them from him And he sayes letters of the Lord Digby were intercepted wishing the King to retire to some safe place And therefore these Rebells would provide he should be safe in noe place The King offred to goe in person into Ireland and that he would Arme his guard from his Magazine of Hull The Parliament he sayes foreseeing the kings drift petition him that they might have leave to remove the Magazine of Hull to the Tower of London Soe carefull they were to have the Rebellion in Ireland proceede that they desired his Majest to forbeare his going into Ireland out of consideration of danger to his person when as they intended to destroy him at home and the true cause was that they would deteine theis Armes to make warr against him if he would not submitt to be deposed and to keepe the money given for Ireland to drive on the warr heere The King afterward going to Hull required the Governour to deliver him the Towne whereof the Governour humbly desired to be excused till be could send to the Parliament It seemes the libeller would not have that a denyall The King proclaimed Hotham Traytour before the Towne walls And noe man dobuted but he was soe The King gave order to stopp all passages betweene him and the Parliament And had he not reason to prevent supplies and intelligences to a Traytour Yet sayes the Libeller he demaunded Iustice as vpon a Traytour vsing a strange iniquitie to require Iustice vpon him whome he had debarred from his apparence Traytours must be apprehended before their apparence and it was a strange iniquitie in them that would not apprehend a Traytour as in Justice they ought but a most execrable impietie in such as pretend Justice to cleere a malefactour without hearing both parties as the libeller sayes the Parliament did Sr. Iohn Hotham for he sayes the Parliament noe sooner vnderstood what had passed they declare Sr. Iohn Hotham had done noe more then was his dutie They meant noe doubt his dutie to them as fellow Traytours not to his king and soveraigne That this proves that to be false which is heere affirmed by the King that his greatest Enemies had scarce confidence enough to abett or owne it And such as knew the manner of their proceedings at that time know the truth of what the King affirmes and though the necessitie of their engagement made them owne it yet there were very few or none that esteemed it an act of Justice in them but of Policie for their owne securitie The king sayes it affected him more with sorrow for others then anger for himselfe nor did the affront trouble him soe much as their sin The libeller sayes there is vse of this booke to shew vs what a deluded thing the creature is which is called the vulgar who will believe such vaine glories as these And surely we cannot believe any creature soe deluded as those for whose capacitie the libeller writes that makes the deluded vulgar judges of lawes and kings yet heere spurnes it as a despised creature The strangenes of beleife that he imagines as that the King proclaimed him Traytour without due proces of law If he could have told what the due proces of law was no doubt he would If a theife or murtherer be taken in the Act or escape must there not be a proclamation for his apprehension If Traytours be in Armes against their King is it choler or rashnes to proclaime them Traytours The King had lately been convinced of his illegallitie with the five members He was injuriously denyed Justice against them which produced the second insolence of Hotham The Kings relation declares his anger to be incensed as he had but doth it follow from thence that he was not more sorry for others then angry May not a fathers sorrow for his sons disobedience exceede his anger and may not a King desire the punishment of a Malefactour because he pitties his person greives for the ill consequence of his offence Yet this trifling Libeller would inferr that the king could not be more sorry then angry because his words testifie impatience of delay till Hotham be punished It s a strange operation of sorrow that stirred him soe vehemently to have Hotham punished and not to have him repent But this exception is more strange that a man may not be vehement for the punishment of one for whose offence he is greived and there may be just cause of sorrow for an Act which the repentance of the Actour cannott remedy He knowes well how litle his Majest was likely to worke vpon Hotham at that time obstinate but it was a necessitie vpon his Majest to endeavour that he should be proceeded against injustice There hath not been observed in the King a sorrow for his owne sins nor for such sins of others as cannot be supposed a direct injury to himselfe This man will not have the Kings sorrow for his sins observed nor acknowledged wee have seene his malicious detractions of the Kings sorrow for his consent to the death of the Earle of Strafford and it cannot be expected from such men that they will give Testimony to any truth that deny all evidence of it The Kings labour to have the sinner only punished wil be called revenge And why They pretended justice not revenge that after cut of Sr. John Hothams head May not a King doe justice without revenge The jnjustice in abettinge protecting Sr.
imbroyle others How well he performes the first period of his booke not to descant on the kings misfortunes his readers may heere see that makes the kings misfortune his reproach and a ground of their wicked confidence to Rebell against him but that such men are readiest to imbroyle others is not soe certaine but vndoubted they are not readiest to imbroyle themselves and noe valour nor experience whereof his Majest is wel knowne to have had a greate measure can stopp a slandrous tongue The mischeifes brought vpon his Majest kingdomes sprung from such persons as sought their advantage by such broyles which all men see the King could never expect The King sayes he had a soule invincible And the Libeller sayes what prayse is that the vnteachable man hath a soule to all reason invincible And is an invincible courage noe prayse He seekes to shew his witt by applying invincible to vnteachable when as if he had cited the Kings next words as he ought he had lost his jest for the King sayes he had a soule invincible through Gods grace enabling him but he breaketh sentences and truth least he should breake for want of matter That the King labours to have it thought that his fearing God more then man was the ground of his sufferings The Libeller sayes he pretended to feare God more then the Parliament who never vrged him to doe otherwise And did they not vrge him to doe otherwise when they vrged him to doe that which was against his conscience But there neede not more be spoken of this for the Libeller calls that a narrow conscience which will not follow a multitude against its owne perswasion He shewes his levitie beyound that Creature he calls the vulgar who now affirmes the King was drawne by his Courtiers and Bishopps and yet in the beginning of his booke he sayes that the discourses and preachings of Courtiers and Prelates against the Parliament was but a Copy taken from his owne words and Actions that all remissenes in Religion issued originally from his owne authoritie all miscarriages in state may be imputed to noe other person cheifely then to himselfe He goes on to compare the words of Saul that he had performed the Commaundement of God to the Kings mention of his fearing God the kings vpholding the Prelates against the advice of the Parliament example of al reformations is not much vnlike if not much worse noe neerer like then this Authors writings to modestie loyaltie Is the advice of the Parliament and the example of all reformations equall to the expresse Commaund of God The examples of all Reformations himselfe tells afterward are not concurrent in the matter he mentions and if they were soe are all points of reformation equally necessary and of the same obligation with the commaund of God and was the Reformation of the Church of England noe reformation Why then doth he say all Reformation And is not the Church of England equall if not superiour to any part of the world that hath reformed But we see what account these hipocrites make of the Example of all Reformation that have set vp schismaticall confusions of Religion in contempt of all Reformation His Majest did noe more in vpholding the Prelates then what the example of the most primitive times Godly Emperours holy martyrs instructed him in which noe Reformation ever contradicted and he had no reason to hearken to the advice of such as then called themselves a Parliament who had broken and the lawes and priviledges of Parliament expelled the members and were governed by Tumults a company of Bedlam Sectaries against de doctrine and practice of the vinversall Church The practice of Saul in persecuting David wel sutes with the course of these Rebells but they have gone beyound him in malice and disobedience in the matter both of David and alsoe the Amalekites he brake the Commaundement of God in sparing Amaleke these traytours presumptuously breake the Commaund of God in destroying their King Church And this man exceedes Sauls presumption that makes the preservation of an order continued in the Church in all ages as bad or worse then the sin of Saul He sayes acts of grace are proud vnselfe knowing words in the mouth of any King who affects not to be a God Certainly this Libellers words shew him not only in affection but in Act a proud vnselfe knowing man Are there noe Acts of favour noe Acts of mercy in Kings but all of necessitie but enough hath been said to these brainesicke dreames Never King was lesse in danger of violence from his subjects till he vnsheathed his sword nay long after when he had spilt the blood of thousands they had still his person in a foolish veneratiō Should a Christian cal that which God Commaunded David practised foolish veneration but they whose wisedome is Rebellion hold Divine wisedome foolishnes And was he in so litle danger from those that held that veneration foolish were there none that held soe when they affronted him and threatned him every day To what end should multitudes come about his Pallace and cry Justice when they sought murder What would they have done if he had denyed their demaunds shall we beleive they intended noe violence or shall wee beleive that they who had seised the forts and navy and vsurpt the Government would have used noe violence to his person when they had him if he plyed not with them It s true many were not wholy vnshamed at the first but the malice and ambition of others was sufficiently confirmed and the multitude easily falls by Example The King complaines that Civill warr must be the fruites of his seventeene yeares raigning with such a measure of Iustice peace plentie and Religion as all nations either admired or envyed The Libeller sayes for Iustice let the Councell table starr Chamber and high Commission speake the prayse of it Wee may be assured that malefactours will never prayse Court of justice we know Sectaries and seducers hated the high Commission and seditious Libellers the starr chamber conspiratours incendiaries the councells of Kings and there were noe Acts past in these places of such exception as the measure of justice which he enjoyed was not admired or envyed by all nations His mention of abolishing Parliaments detracts not from the measure of justice peace plentie and Religion we have found what injustice hath succeeded The displacing of honest Iudges he hath misplaced to detract from the justice of his Majest Government and as the placing of judges was in his Majest choise soe he might take notice whether their places might not be better supplyed by others and the change of two judges for that 's the number in seventeene yeares is beneath an exception his rayling declamation against corrupt Government being only in generall deserves not an answeare and the knowne prosperitie peace and plentie of the Kingdome are a sufficient confutation of such imaginary oppressions He sayes what
them Though Armyes have been defeated a good cause can never and though he would have his Trayterous faction beleive them that followed the king a defeated partie yet it seemes by his jealosie him selfe doth not Tyrants cannot sleepe while lawfull heires survive and the guilt of their consciences and vsurped power make their Enemies as terrible after they have lost Armyes as before When Rebells prevaile they declaime against Treason and in contempt of God and their consciences reproach such with their Crymes that most oppose them in their first Actions they made vse of the Kings name and authoritie their declarations cannot be retracted wherein they profest to be for King and Parliament that they fought not against the king but his evil councell The Cryme of fighting against the king was a Treason so knowne that shame as well as feare would have lessened their partie had they not made vse of the kings name pretended his authoritie and vnles they thinke that their assertions of apparent vntruths will have the same power over the reasons of men as their Armes have gotten over their persons they would not patch vp discourses with such incongruities objecting that the kings partie vsed his name and authoritie which vndoudtedly they had and which those men professe to destroy and which had been vseles to any had it not been the acknowledged power of the kingdome and a confessed Cryme to oppose it and which those Traytours would never have pretended had not the evidence of its right been so apparent nor have destroyed after so much vse of it had they not exceeded all former Traytours as farr as he did his Predecessours of whom the spirit of God saies there was none like him that sold himselfe to worke wickednes It s the drift of the Rebell partie to confirme and continue their power by the same Arts they have gained it deny justice to the memory of his Majest as before obedience to his Government Those whose power hath been gottē by the peoples credulitie would willingly deprive them of reason whereby they might see their errour which is the cause that the Rebells having misted many into the present mischeyfe by Calumnies of insufficiencie in his Majest and disaffection to the established Religion account any proofe published to the contrary the plot of a faction against their Rebell Common-wealth and although their often accesses to him and debates with him during his restraint and the observation of his devotion gave such proofe of both as diverse of their followers were vndeceived both in him and the cause they had prosecuted yet this they would have an effect of faction any relation of his Maj afflictions a designe His Maj actions neede no defence the Rebells impious actions against him are incapable of any this Author hath some reason to coniecture that all mention of the sufferings of his late Maj tends to the ruine of the Rebell power True narrations of the horrid Actions of Traytours though they recount the greatenes glory of theyr triumphs sting them with an expectation of vengeance destruction of their power There are a great number that since they have seene that booke thinke it had been agreat losse to the world if it had perished yet they are farr from designe by it and if it were published with any designe it was an innocent one to publish what a murthered King had left written of himselfe for the reason of his Actions and cleering of mistakes The designe is now the third time to corrupt the people to the dishonour of the present Government retarde a generall peace so needeful to this afflicted nation They cannot say any were corrupted that followed their King vnles the lawes their legall oaths and Scripture it selfe corrupted them for theis were the guides they followed and the Rebells may rest assured that if there were not these bonds vpon the loyall English humane Treatises though never so excellent would little move them to the losse of life and fortunes For the dishonour of that which he calls the present Government themselves have written enough though the King and his partie were silent Their power was gotten by often repeated propositions protestations of affection and loyaltie to his late Majest which they never meant to performe many false pretences to the people to defend the King and estabilshed lawes and Religion breach of oaths murther of the King and of theis nothing can be denyed by themselves and there is nothing can be said of any to dishonour beyound swearing and fore swearing Treason and Murther And can they thinke their peace is retarded by the Kings partie when themselves have so often sworne by the name af God in hipocrisie to deceive made Religion the Maske of sacriledge and murther and pretend pittie to the afflicted nation while they afflict it continue the same wickednes where by they brought the miserie vpon it They may be sure though they destroy the King and his partie God will raise them Enemies they thinke not of and prepare destroyers they feare not It s a Good deede he sajes to the living by remembring men of the truth of what they know to he misaffirmed to keepe them from entring into warr But it is wickednes to oppose truth and offer that to be beleived by men which they know to be false If this Author would remember men only of truth he would finde no adversary and if his partie would act accordingly there would be no neede of a new warr for then they would restore King and lawes but this Author by falsifying of Actions att corrupting of principles endeavours to draw men into a state of Rebellion against God and their King and make the warr endles the people helpeles and his pretended Charitie is more odious then the Hipocrites Almes this respecting only selfe glory that of this Author a snare to destroy others As to moment of soliditie he sayes in the booke it selfe stuft with nought els but the Common grounds of Tyranny and Poperie suguered a little over or any neede of answearing in respect of stayed and well principled men I take it on me as a worke assigned rather then by me chosen or affected He would have it thought there was no moment of soliditie because he hath none in this Iconoclastes stuft full of the common grounds of Rebellion confusion which are only of Moment to the support of vsurpation the measure of his well principeld men to whome a rayling libell is more convincing then a Logicall Argument That the booke is stuft with nought els but grounds of Tyrany and Popery when the most part of his exceptions comprehended not those heads is an Hiperbole vnbefitting any but such as had sacrificed shame and conscience to a wicked cause If the publishing of his Majest booke as he sajes conteyning nothing but grounds of Tyrany and Popery were a designe of his partie surely it must concurre with the Authors ends for
preservation or welfare cause him to call a Parliament may he not vse these words Whence would the Image breaker have it a cause of trembling more then any thing spoken in the presence of God The permitting mans wickednes is no approbation of it nor a token of his hatred to those that are afflicted by it There are some whome God hath given over to delusion and of that the libeller appeares to have a greate measure who not only beleives lies but is the Author of them making the names of Religion and conscience and the feare of God baites to deceive and venom to reproach Vpon the EARLE Of STRAFFORDS DEATH THis chapter he sayes is a penitent confession of the King and the strangest if it be well weighed that ever was auricular for he repents heere of giving his consent though most vnwillingly to the most seasonable and solemne peice of Iustice that had been done of many yeares in the land But his sole conscience thought the contrary Impieties that were strange heeretofore are common with this libeller and it is vnheard of that repentance of an act conceiveded sinfull by the athour was reproached by and before this Atheist he never weighed neither repentance nor confession if he had he would never have thought it strange that his Majest should confesse that he sinned in following a multitude to doe evill and if the murther of the Earle of strafford had been Justice is it strange that such as had acted in it without sufficient satisfaction to their conscienc should confesse their sin in concurring to such an Action Was it not an injustice that was done vnwillingly and ought it not to be repented of If his Majest sole conscience thought the contrary was it not sin in him to consent to the fact and is it without experience that a single man in an Assembly hath judged the right and the rest proceeded in the wrong but he applies himselfe to readers whose affections and capacities are proportioned to his expressions and therefore his Majest confession is the strangest that ever was auricular He would have them beleive that his Majest discourse in this Chapter was popish auricular confession els his Jnigly of auricular had no congruitie with a written confession For the merit of that which he calls solemne peice of Justice no age had produced such a solemne and formall piece of villany which is by so much more odious as it had the figures of law and Justice And thus was the welfare the safetie and within a litle the vnannimous demaund of three populous nations to have attended still on the Singularitie of one mans opinionated conscience if men had allwayes been so tame and spiritles and had not vnexpectedly found the grace to vnderstand that if his conscience were so narroa and peculiar to it selfe it in as not fit his authoritie should be so ample and vinversall over others for certainly a private conscience sortes not with a publique calling The welfare and safetie of these three populous Kingdomes had been probably preserved if they had attended on his Maj conscience and what hath been the consequence of that spirit and grace which he sayes they found and was indeede the infusion of impious inclinations into many by the spirit of errour disobedience but the most desperate I anguishing miserie danger that ever lay vpon the Kingdome And these graceles miscreants sport at the nam af grace prophane the profession of it He would be vnderstood a litle modest in adding with in a litle to vnannimous but being weighed his impudence wil appeare litle lesse in this then former passages If the three Kingdomes be considered in comparison to that small number that vnderstood the case of the Earle of Strafford it was a very litle part of the Kingdomes that made the demaund be mentions if he would advantage his cause by the cryes of those that were stirred vp by the Seditious Seducers to cry Justice their giddy wilfullnes aswel as ignorance lewdenes wil add litle to the weight though it encreas the number of these demaunders But this man thinkes conscience vnfitt for a King therefore would not have so narrow a conscience have so large an authority for he sayes a private conscience sorts not with publique calling declares that person rather meant by nature for a private fortune The must profest Atheists loose debauches never avowed a greater scorne of Christianitie neither is there an Author extant that hath adventured so farr vpon the reasons of men as to complaine vpon a King for Tyrany and errours in Religion with the same breath charging him with vnfitnes to be a King for want of a wide conscience These mē are true to their principles to make vehement professions of Religion though they hate it and in the middest of their prophane fasts presumptuous thankes giving they jeere at al Religion conscience professe to the world that a publique conscience ought not to be narrow nor sticke at any thing as their conscience is so is their practice they that made no conscienc of their loyalty mak no conscienc of exercising their power He whose conscience thinkes it sin to putt to death a Capitall offender will as oft thinke it meritorious to kill a right cous person If his Majest had thought the Earle of Strafford a Capital offender he had made no conscience of his death and this libeller vainely supposes conscience of sin to put to death a Capital offender which cannot consist with a conscience so informed neither doth an erroneous conscience in sparing blood as oft thinke it meritorious to kill vndeservedly though it be nothing to the present purpose for he can fasten neither vpon his Majest conscience of sparing a Capitall offender or killing a righteous person But in this whereof he repents That the sin of signing the Bill of straffords execution he would not have mattor to trouble the Kings conscience and his reasons are That all men looked vpon him as one of the most impetuous instruments to advance any illegall designe The Earle of strafford was a man that the Seditious disturbers of the state hated and feared and sought vnder hand to rayse the malevolence of others against him If any men have so farr lost reason as to measure the Ministers of Kings by the libells of Traytours they are likely to take the best men for most guiltie and if a King should sacrifice his faithfull Servants because they are not looked vpon with a good eye by the multitude he may not expect to be served by men of fidelitie or merit and we have seene how the peoples lookes have been won and lost That he had rul'd Ireland some part of England in an Arbitrary manner The word Arbitrary in the beginning of the late Parliament was vsed to scare the people and made to signifie greate affrightments to them but that bugbeare is now growne rediculous to children for
delivered from such madnes and yet this libeller sayes that the king praying to be delivered from the Tumults prayeth to be delivered from the people and blasphemously concludes God save the people from such intercessours And we cannot beleive that God is in his thoughts whose mouth soe often abuseth his name Vpon the Bill for TRIENNIALL PARLIAMENTS and for setling this c. HE sayes the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments was a good Bill and the other for setling this at that time very expedient And this he sayes in the Kings owne words was noe more then what the world was full confirmed he might in Iustice reason honour and conscience graunt them for to that end he affirmes to have done it This man hath a confirmed enmitie against truth cannot make a right recitall The Kings words are that the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice reason honour and conscience I could to the happy succes of this Parliament I willingly past the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments The greatenes of the trust which his Majest put vpon the people by passing that Bill was a strong Argument that he would deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he might graunt not that the world was confirmed he might graunt that Bill in reason honour and conscience in respect of the matter of it for a greate part of the world was of opinion he might with better reason have denyed it had not his desire to shew his purposes of contributing what he could to the happy successe of the Parliament moved him And they might be confirmed thereby of his purposes to deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he could contribute to the happy successe of the Parliament It is the Kings manner to make vertues of his necessities and that neither prayse nor thankes are due to him for these beneficiall Acts. It cannot be expected that Rebells will retaine gratitude that have cast of loyaltie but let vs looke on his reasons and the first is that this first Bill graunts much lesse then two former statutes yet in force by Edw. the 3. that a Parliament should be called every yeare or oftner if neede were Either the libeller is vaine in producing this instance or in commending the Bill that gave much lesse then two former lawes in force and he must make the Parliament very inconsiderate that would soe much Importune a law soe farr short of what former lawes had enacted His ancient law booke called the mirror and his late Treatise that Parliaments by our old lawes were to be twice a yeare at London carry as litle Authoritie as cleerenes what those Parliaments were they mention but neither the statutes nor law bookes did ever affirme the right of calling Parliaments in any other then the King or that he might not deferr the calling of them if he saw cause and these statutes were made to declare the subjects dutie to attend the King in his Parliament once a yeare or oftner if neede were and there was noe reason why oftner should have been inserted into the law if any obligation were intended thereby vpon the King And its contrary vnto the writt whereby Parliaments are called that the time of Parliaments should be defined for it is recited to be an Act of Councell to call a Parliament which needed not if it were necessary at a prefixed time The second Bill he sayes was soe necessary that nothing in the power of man more seemed to be the stay of all things from ruine then that Act. We are sure that nothing did more confirme the designes of the Traytours nor hasten that ruine of the Kingdome they have wrought then that Act. All men descerne the fraudulent artifices vsed to gaine that Bill by pretending publique debts which seditious faction had contracted and intended to encrease for the carrying on of their Rebellion and his Majest in graunting that Bill hoped to take of those occasions of it the Reports which they cast out among the people of his vnwillingnes to rayse money for discharge of the Armyes These charges were occasioned by the Kings ill stewardshipp but the world satisfied it was from a trayterous conspiracie of the guides of this Rebellion He alleadges his needeles raysing of two Armies to withstand the Scotts which noe man but a profest Rebell can soe call for should he have raysed noe Army but left all to the mercy of the invader next he had beggerd both himselfe the publique When by this libellers owne confession the King had received noe supplies from the publique for raysing those Armies and these shameles Traytours blush not to talke of the Kings beggering of the people when the greate plentie his Government had enriched them with is soe visible in those vast leavies which the Rebells have since made vpon them The King left vs vpon the score of his needy Enemies If they had not been too much friends to the traytours of England there had been noe score to them for all men know whatever they received from England was by the contrivance of the Trayterous faction in Parliament to accomplish their ends To disengage him greate summs were borrowed Which its well knowne was not to disengage the King but to advance the designes of the Traytours who dealt vnder hand with some of the Scotts to protract the Treatie that the charges might be encreast The errours of his Government had brought the Kingdomes to such extreames as were incapable of recovery without the absolute continuance of this Parliament They never did one act after that Bill but in order to the Kingdomes confusion and all men saw there were noe extreames to be recovered at the time of passing that Bill but the returne of the Scotts and the disbanding the faction in Parliament and the only recovery had been by setting an end to the Parliament which they that made it their propertie could not endure The King past these Acts vnwillingly It cannot be doubted but the King foresaw the danger of both and the libeller might have seene in the first section of this Chapter that his Maj was not without doubt that what he intended for a remedy might prove a disease beyound all remedy and though to avoyde a Civill warr he made some concessions in hope to bring the people to see their owne good which might turne to his and their greater mischeife if by them ill applyed yet his Majest deserves prayse and thankes for such Acts of grace and the necessitie which this libeller soe impudently vrges to take of his Majest just thankes was the danger of a Civill warr which his Majest sought by these Act to prevent and might have entred into with lesse hazard before the passing of these Bills then after The libeller only encreases the infamy of the Rebells ingratitude and his owne impudence by obtruding necessities to take of the Kings grace in passing those Bills and it had not the
low condition themselves were in and the power of the Rebells But the Libeller would prove that the Protestants there were on the winning hand because they kept their owne not withstanding the misse of those forces which were landed in walls and Cheshire who without difficultie Mastered a greate part of these Countreyes The Protestants keeping of their owne was by the benifitt of that cessation without which they hoped not to keepe it and those Countreyes of walls and Cheshire were not mastered by those forces as the Libeller supposes but protected by them against the Tyrany of the Rebellion then entring vpon them The Declaration which he vouches for proofe is an infamy to the Authors conteyning neither colour of proofe nor soundnes of Argument and of as litle creditt as his owne assertions In the meane time those forces of the Protestants which the king gott by that cessation declare to the world that the Irish Rebellion crossed his ends and advanced those of the English Rebells The way-laying of provisions was contradicted by such apparent proofes in his Majest answeares that vntill they make some reply to those particulars their clamours will signifie nothing but want of matter The forces he called over stood him in noe small steede against our maine forces That noe way hinders but that they might be termed handfulls in respect of the numerous Rebells both in Ireland England The reasons of the cessation besides the knowne evidence of truth and weight have an addition of Authoritie from the Libellers calling them false and frivolous without the least shew of reason it being his custome to stile truth and reason by such Titles He reprehends the king for likening his punishments to Iobs Tryalls before he saw them have Iobs endings And vpon the same reason he will not allow the Tryalls of the Martirs to have a likenes to Jobs because the end in respect of Temporall felicitie was not the same The king sayes he hath not leisure to make prolix Apologies from whence the libeller concludes those long declarations and Remonstrances which he calls Pamphletts set out in his name were none of his And is not on of the cruell designes of the Traytours had noe leisure to make prolix Apologies therefore the declarations and Remonstrances published by him while he was at libertie were none of his The king hath given sufficient Testimony to stopp the mouth af a destractour that noe writings published in his name were above his abilitie If his declarations were weightie and just why are they Pamphletts if not why will not the Libeller believe him the Author whome he seeks to vilifie but the world knowes the declarations in the name of Parliament were none of theirs but voted vpon the word of a junto by such as had not capacitie to vnderstand them That though the Common saying that it is Kingly to doe well and heare ill be sometimes true yet more frequently to doe ill and heare well by the multitude of flatterers that deifie the name of Kings It can hardly be proved that ever evill king had soe many flatterers as the best kings have detractours and himselfe produces instances how the multitude deified Simon Mountford and such popular brovillions against their kings For the peace in Ireland the Justice of it is now apparent and he that pardons Rebells to save the effusion of the blood of his good subjects shewes greater tendernes to the good then they that by endeavouring to exclude all from mercy expose them promiscuously to mutuall slaughter and may justly be judged to looke vpon both with an indifferent eye and that neither Justice nor pittie but greedy and rapacious disires carry them to that crueltie The King prayes at large for the Irish Rebells It seemes Charitie for Enemies is held a sin by these miscreants otherwise he would not have censured a prayer soe becoming a Christian that God would not give over the whole stocke of that seduced nation to the wrath of those whose covetuousnes makes them cruell nor to their anger which is too feirce and therefore justly cursed The King deprecates the Rebellion of Ireland and in his prayer concludes his innocence and that if he had not studied the composing of the differences sayes let thy hand be vpon me my fathers house And this the Libeller calls a solemne Curse which is his judgment of the Cryme and the assertion of his innocence Though God afflict his servants his hand is not against them in wrath as this wretch presumes to say and lookes not on that curse which God denounces against bloody and deceitefull men that pretend his service in the destruction of his servants Vpon the calling in of the SCOTTS and their COMMINGE HE that observes how greate a part of this Libellers booke his invectives against Monarchy take vp how frequently and impertinently he offers his exceptions against Kingly Government in excuse of falshood and Rebellion may well wonder at his exceptions to pretended repetitions in the Kings booke he enters vpon this Chapter with his opinion of the originall of Kings to be servants of the publique And yet the people were subjects to them and how farr Kings mistake the nature of their office that thinke they are Masters of the people And yet God gave nations to serve them Though their power is for publique good yet they have a peculiar proprietie in that power and Estate as private men in their private fortunes its more for the peoples good to be subject though to an evill King then to fall to confusion And if rulers may not retaine their power because factious multitudes say that they are but intrusted for the peoples good that it is for the peoples good that they yeilde vp the sword they bare it in vaine Such a wooden sword have the Rebells provided for all Rulers but themselves for when they get power by their swords of steele or mines of powder the people may not thinke that they shall finde such Lords of straw as they pretend governours of the people ought to be We are taught by Scripture that the people are commaunded to hearken and obey not teach commaund and though his supposition that Government is in the people and that they ordained Kings be vaine and false by the examples of Scripture and of most Authenticke histories yet were it admitted that a King came in by the peoples consent they are not after such submission Judges of their owne obedience or their Kings power It were vaine to follow the Libeller in his exceptions to the words of favour and gratification as sounding pride and Lordly vsurpation as if kings only had nothing in their power to oblidge men with all these are the spleenetique vapours of Rebellious distemper For the Kings concessions to the Scotts either touching Episcopacie or the Militia wee shall heare his answeare in due time howsoever the king was not bound to the same Actions where Circumstances varied nor after a fuller
in an apparent inequallitie and subjection both in the state Civill Ecclesiasticall And this broode of Sectaries have heeretofore complained that the doctrines were traduced as opposite to Monarchy And neither Libertie nor equallitie is sought for to the people but to betray them to the power of these deceivers who are growne to that impudence to pretend doctrines of confusion and Rebellion to be the true Religion The Church as ancient prophesies foretold should dissolve all their power Dominion Few sects professing Christ have appeared more Turkish then these present of England they fancie an earthly Kingdome for the Church as Mahomett his Paradise and then that themselves are the true Church and shall have Dominion ever all and avow their intention to destroy all Kings and whoever submitt not to them But certenly Kings vnderstood not any such prophesies nor feared such pretenders who make prophesies to agree with their owne wicked Actions and ambitions desires His first instance is in Pharaohs oppressing of the Israelites And doth he beleive that Pharaoh knew their doctrines or prophesies the man might have learnt more from the Text that being strangers they might over power him and thence grew his persecution not from the libellers imaginary doctrine He makes a strange leape that passes by all stories els and would prove his position by his owne authoritie and expects that his libell against the King shall make good his position that Kings ever feared and hated the true Church a strong way of disputing to prove that kings hated and feared the true Church because the King did soe and to prove the King did soe because kings did soe this is a stout Champion There neede no answeare to his bawling of the kings suspition of men most Religioâ—s for time hath tryed that they were Rebellious and wicked Traytours vnder the Masque of Religion He could not vse violence as Pharaoh did and therefore chuses a more misticall way of Antichristian fraude and like Balak to hire against a nation of Prophetts other esteemed Prophetts and to meare out the Church by a false Ecclasiasticall Policie The Summe is to supresse Sectaries and prevent Traytours is this Ecclesiasticall Policie but where is this Misterie of Kings hating the true Church is there noe true Church of God where there is Government And what proportion hath this supposition of his to the kings proceedings Did he erect Bishopps or was there any Religion established or publiquely profest which he opposed but only false and hipocriticall factionists which outwardly professing the established Religion sought for gaine and pride secretly to draw disciples after them to the disturbance subversion of the Church There needes not any thing be said to his rayling his corruption being apparent by objecting it to the calling of Bishopps and hates it for the remedy against schisme which the Church had by them The King bestowed livings according to the law and the Policie was not his but the ancient constitution of the Church and this Monster that reproaches the retaining any thing in Leiturgie or Government practised by the ancient Church is not ashamed to charge the king with breach of Canons and the ancient practice of the Church in conferring Ecclesiasticall dignities and the peoples right in Elections was never pretended in England and justly and anciently forbidden in the Church neither doe any Canons in force support that pretence That influence which the king sayes is necessarie for the Prince to have vpon Churchmen noe man that beleives the Scripture will thinke vnfitt but how can the Libeller make good that the many Emperours and Kings that imbraced the Christian Religion hated and feared it for soe they must by his grounds And how can he conclude from Pagans hatred to Religion that it was only from their kings when as the stories are soe plentifull in setting downe the madd rage of the multitude the truth is seditious innovatours know that their hopes and strength lie to seduce the silly people and that it is the interest of governours to prevent their lewde endeavours and thence proceede their declamations against Rulers and their proclamations of Libertie and that which they cal the Bishopps Tyrany is only their office to take away schisme and schisme is the way to Rebellion The Libellers judgment touching callings founded on Scripture reformation or graces of the Bishopps and others is of the same authoritie as the determinations of Traytours touching loyaltie and heretickes touching sound doctrine and his end never agrees with his beginning but in rayling and incongruitie for but now he made it the Kings Policie to hire the Bishopps now it is the Bishopps Policie to worke that perswasion in the King of noe Bishopp noe King the man well knowes that noe Bishopp noe king was the perswasion of King James who found it true by his owne experience without the helpe of Bishopps and vet soe sottish doth this Libeller presume his readers that makes the dependence which Bishopps have only of the king the cause of such perswasions yet in their owne subtill sense they were of another minde how theÌ„ could their dependence be a cause of their perswasion or was their sense subtill and grossely mistaken Thus those blattering devills that in the beginning of the Parliament charged the Bishopps to be Antimonarchicall thereby to conceale their malice against the king now make it their Cryme to favour Monarchy He hath found a very strong proofe as he would have it out of the Historie of the Councell of Trent that Bishopps are most potent when Princes are weakest that argues not their dependence vpon Princes nor that aversion to Bishopps is not aversion to Princes it was spoken of Bishopps depending on the Pope not on Princes and such Clergy men as have their dependence on Pope or people wil never wish that the king should be potent to master their dependencie From this the King sett himselfe to the removall of those men whose doctrine he feared would be the vndoing of Monarchy And needed he the Councells of Bishopps to provide for his safetie against such men And is that the evill interest of Tyrany and Episcopacie to prevent the designes of Traytours Who were Traytours if they were not that would vndoe Monarchy The doctrine and designes of the schismatickes are heereby apparent to be against Monarchy and yet the prevention of such conspiracies is the Tyrany and the corrupt Councells of Bishopps which the hipocrites cry out on Noe temporall law could touch the innocencie of their lives And had they innocency that plotted the vndoing of Monarchy vnder which they lived and could not the law touch it Their disobedience to lawes was a Cryme inconsistent with innocence and must necessarily be punished by the lawes they disobey and that which he calls persecution of their consciences and laying scandalls before them was only the requiring of their obedience to Acts of Parliament whose authoritie he soe frequently cryes vp and the