City at last fell on all sides into their hands The Town being taken thus as it were by assault it was impossible for the Prince and other Commanders to refrain the Souldiers fury who fell with exceeding cruelty upon the conquered Passing from anger into rage and from rage almost to inhumanity they put all to the sword without respect of age sex or condition and those who did not perish by the sword perisht by the River whereinto they desperately threw themselves rather encountring thereby death then eschewing it Nor was the Victors greediness of Prey lesser afterwards then their thirst after Blood had been before for they so miserably plundered the City as it was questionable whether avaritiousness or cruelty was therein the greater Yet suffered they Tapine to live out of the valuation they put upon the great valour which he had shewn The City suffered so much calamity as being almost altogether unpeopled it was a long while ere it could be remitted into its former condition Whilst the Prince of Parma was thus diligent about Mastrick he was not idle in the Agreement which was in treaty between him and the Walloon Provinces and at last he came to a happy end therein though he met with such difficulties as he oftentimes had but small hopes All the other Provinces opposed themselves against this Treaty and Orange in particular with all possible diligence endeavoured to cross it But the difficulties arose no less from the self Walloon Provinces and from the obstinacie of the Malcontents they persisted more then ever in their resolution of having the Peace of Gaunt fully made good and especially that the Foraigners should again be sent away and they would have so bounded the Kings authority in other points also as there should hardly have been any the least appearance thereof They pretended among other things That the King should send one of his Sons into Flanders to be bred up there and to be the proper Prince of that Province They would have it in their power to enter into Confederacie again both at home and abroad if the King should fail on his part in performing the Agreement And their end was in fine so far to advance their own prerogatives as they might never have reason to suspect such as should be left for the King to enjoy The Prince of Parma was chiefly troubled to think that he must deprive himself wholly of all his Foreign Forces and be inforced to put himself into the hands of the Walloons For though their Forces should prove never so faithful they would hardly ever be sufficient to maintain the Kings cause so powerfully as it ought to be But as in Don Johns time all the Provinces joyntly would have the same Covenant with him before he should be admitted into the Government so the Walloons were now inflexible in their desire to have the same thing done by the Prince in the first place and that in all things else as it was then so now the Peace of Gaunt should be made good The Prince was in a great strait On the one side he knew how requisite it was to joyn the Walloon Provinces to the Kings party and on the other side he feared lest he might quickly run upon the same rocks as Don John had done He therefore wrote to the King to know his direct pleasure in a business of such weight Who after having weighed all things well resolved by all means to draw over the Walloon Provinces to joyn with him not doubting but that time it self together with his good usage particularly towards the Nobility would make the Walloons willing to receive again those Forces into their company which were now to be sent out of the Country The Prince this mean while still sweetned the Malcontents grievances Amongst others of their Faction the Count de Laleign Governour of Henault and the Marquis of Rubais Governour of Artois who was formerly called Viscount of Gaunt were in great authority with them The Prince had endeavoured to win over these two together with divers others of the Nobility who were in good esteem with the Walloon Provinces to the Kings service and the King himself was not wanting in doing the same by his Letters and other carriages towards them Matthew Mulart Bishop of Arras had been very serviceable in all the Negotiation especially with the Ecclesiastical Orders of those Provinces So as coming at last to the conclusion of the Treaty the Deputies of all sides met in Arras about the end of May and made up the Agreement There were theeein the Provinces of Henault and Artois together with all the Gallicant Flanders under which are particularly comprehended the Towns of Doway Lilla and Orsies The rest of the Walloon Country were not there because they were already at the Kings devotion The chief Articles of the Agreement were these That the Peace of Gaunt should be fully performed That according to the Articles of that Peace all Foreign Souldiers should be gone out of the Country within the space of six weeks and that they should not return without the express pleasure of the Provinces That the mean while an Army should be raised out of their own Country by the Kings mony and by what the Provinces should contribute on their behalf That all the Magistrates and other Officers should swear to profess only the Catholick Religion That the Country should without any violation keep all its wonted priviledges and that the Government in all other points should be maintained in the same form as it was in the Emperour Charles the Fifth's time That the King should alwayes send a Prince of his own blood to be Governour and should be pleased if it might be to confirm for the present the Archduke Mathias in the Government That he would be pleased to give ear unto their earnest desires whereby they beseeched him him to send some one of his Sons as soon as conveniently might be to be bred up in those Provinces who might afterwards succeed his Father therein Thus was the Agreement made at which it is not to be said how much Orange and the rest who were of a contrary opinion stormed At the same time that this Agreement was in agitation and was concluded on apart with the Walloon Provinces other greater practises were had to make a full and general Accommodation between the King and the other Provinces also To this purpose the Emperor was not only resolved to use as formerly all the means he could but Pope Gregory the 13. had shewed the like desire of using all diligence on his behalf that Flanders might be brought to return wholly to the Catholick unity and to their former obedience to their natural Prince The City of Colen was judged a fit place to treat in of such an important business For the better to facilitate the event the Elector of Colen had offer'd to interpose his endeavours as also the nearer Elector of Treves The resolution being taken to
that the Dutchess was not much troubled to see Granville gone as one who was upheld by the King in too great Authority with her Yet the truer opinion was that she was very much grieved to be deprived of such a man and one so well experienced in the affairs of Flanders To boot that upon any sinister events whereof many and of very great moment did ensue after his departure he might have justified her behaviour therein unto the King and have easily freed her from those accusations which were afterwards often laid unto her charge in the Councel in Spain THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO BOOK II. The Contents The Nobility are glad at Granvilles departure Factions in the Councel of State The Regent makes the Councel of Trent be received Orange opposeth it and shews an unquiet disposition Heresie begins to appear bare-faced in Flanders The Inquisition still more detested Egmont goes into Spain The King persists in his former resolutions Egmont returns and the Country is distasted The Nobility do in particular conspire and form an Instrument in writing by the name of Compromise or Covenant Some of the chiefest meet together at Breda a Town belonging to the Prince of Orange The Dutchess grows very apprehensive of these proceedings She understands that a great many of the Nobility meet together to present her with a Petition she endeavours but in vain to hinder the delivery of it Brederodes Oration to his other Companions They present the Petition They take upon them the name of Beggers And why they do so The Marquis of Berghen and Monsieur Montigni are sent into Spain and are not admitted of by the King The practise and profession of heresie is publickly introduced in Flanders The Nobilities audaciousness in defending it Their assembling together at Getrinberg The Regent endeavours to satisfie them And is at last inforced to take away all manner of Inquisition The hereticks and unquiet people are hereby encouraged From whence they come to open violencies against the Churches WHen Cardinal Granville was gone from Flanders occasion of complaining did rather cease in Orange and the rest then a will to complain And therefore seeming very well satisfied with this the Kings resolution they made publick demonstrations of joy in all places That now the Country was freed of him who sought to oppress it The Councel left in its former dignity and the Regent her self in the reputation which was due to her in the Government That Flanders had not a sorer enemy then the Cardinal nor the Nobility a more malitious interpreter of their actions to the King Let him in Gods name carry that pride and arrogancy which he so much joy'd in somewhere else and let him exalt himself where either the obscurity of his birth was not known or where the splendor of others was less esteemed of They accompanied the Cardinals deperture with these words full of bitterness not yet satisfied with the hatred which whilst present they had in so many sorts shewed towards him On the other side they shewed all due observancy to the Regent they never intermitted commg to Councel neither did they let slip any other occasion by which they might reconcile her unto them and make her their protect or unto the King We told you before that the President Vighlio and Barlemont did side with the Cardinal in all things in Councel he had made the King have a great good opinion of their fidelity and wisdom as also the Councel of Spain so as when the Cardinal was gone 't was soon seen that the Regent confided more in these two in many resolutions then in all the rest and 't was easily to be judged that she had Orders from the King so to do and that though the Cardinal was gone yet his Councels remained still in Flanders Vighlio was an upright man and no less pious in matters of Religion then faithfull in what concern'd the King And where it was needfull he opposed the ambition and arrogancy of great ones more then became his condition Succeeding then in Granvilles sence and encouraged thereunto by the esteem which was put upon his Councels in Spain he forbore not to put the Regent in mind How little cause she had to confide in those great ones who having no other end then to make themselves every day greater could not receive any addition to their Authority which tended not to the diminution of the Regal power That their eyes were now upon France and by the example of those Contrivers of Innovations they would introduce the same troubles and Faction into Flanders that they might afterwards fall out within themselves who should have the greatest share of their Country when they had made a prey of her Was there any doubt but that all those pretences were false which they had made use of to remove Granville from Flanders How had he offended them unless they would esteem themselves injured by the service which he had done the King and which with such loyalty and constancie of mind he had alwayes endeavoured to sustain not regarding their complaint nor threats That she would be soon enough aware of this For one pretence failing they would raise up others and after having warred against the Kings Ministers of State they would bare-faced make war against the King himself This speech of Vighlio's proved a prophesie so fully was it confirmed by the event Nor was it long ere just as he had foretold Orange and the rest took up new occasion of Complaints in a business which fell out in Religion and 't was this The Councel of Trent was already published and the controversies which arose between the Catholicks and Hereticks in matter of religion were truly determined by that divine Oracle of the Church neither had her sacred Decree brought forth less fruit in the reformation of Ecclesiastical discipline Of all the Princes of Christendom the King of Spain had made it his particular care to see that Councel take good effect He was alwayes fixed and unalterable not to admit of any Religion in his Kingdoms and States but the Catholike profession For his Territories being so far divided one from another he thought that they might be the easilier united in their obedience under him by the bond of an uniform zeal which might equally fasten them in their devotion to the Church The Councel then being ended the King was resolved for what concerned his Temporal authority that the Decrees made thereby should be observed in all his Dominions and therefore had given such orders as were needfull to the Dutchess of Parma to make them be received and observed in Flanders She propounded this to the Councel of State and there wanted not some who presently opposed the proposition They said That the Conncel was in many things contrary to the priviledges of the Provinces that the Ecclesiastical government would be too much advantaged thereby that the strictness thereof did too much
the Heretick government which she had introduced within her Kingdom began to totter that a great many Catholicks were still in England that Ireland was almost wholly Catholick and that to cause innovations in those parts particularly in matters of Religion no Prince would be more forward therein then the King of Spain She therefore desired to see her neighbour Countries involved in Heresie hoping that people withdrawing themselves from the obedience of the Church would the easelier be perswaded to doe the like from that of their Prince and that one rebellion added to another affairs should be so imbroiled in those parts as there should be no design of troubling her To this purpose the Hugonot Faction in France was at first favoured by her and now more then ever who joyed to see the progress thereof so great in that Kingdom But her design in this point was chiefly upon Flanders for from thence by reason of the vicinity of those Countries unto hers both before and much more after the Duke of Alva was entred there with his Forces grew the greatest suspitions which she had of the King of Spains power Wherefore she graciously received all those who fled from Flanders to England and nourisht the complaints which they made against the Spaniard and much more the hatred and ill will which they bore them Nor content to favour them in her own Dominions she did the like with the Hereticks of France and Germany with whom she held continual correspondencie and bore great sway But though these offices did help yet were they more then needed either for the one or the other faction That of the Hugonots was already so increased in France as they designed to ground a popular Commonwealth upon the ruines of the Monarchy The government in Religion which they had imbraced was of this form And desirous that their Politick interests should be guided by the like they pretended that the King should permit them to meet in the general and in the particular Assemblies and to treat of what concerned their body apart which was to make a total separation from the State within the State King Charles was then got out of his minority and shewed himself to be both generously and piously given But by reason of his youth the government was still managed by the Queen his mother who set upon by the ambition of the Hereticks and almost no less by the like of the Catholicks did temporise amongst so many and so fierce storms and sought to shun danger since she knew not how to oppose it Arms had already been several times both taken up and laid down and the King had endeavoured to allay the fire of Civil wars by divers Edicts of Pacification as they termed them since the times would not suffer him totally to extinguish it But the Edicts served but to little purpose to restore quiet to that Kingdom since the factions were more inflamed then ever Nor were Arms laid down but that they might be taken up again with more advantage To this end the Hugonots held close intelligence with the Queen of England and with the Hereticks of Germany And because the King of Spain assisted King Charles and did integrally favour the Catholick cause and especially by the Flanders Forces therefore did not the Hugonots omit to foment the Flemish in their bad inclinations Secret intelligence had ever past as we have already said between the Prince of Orange and Coligni the Admiral of France But after Orange his retreat to Germany their practises grew hotter The one of them plotted the ruine of France which was already begun the other the ruine of Flanders which was shortly to begin Nor is it to be said how much the Hugonots desired to see the like troubles ensue in Flanders as France did already suffer under that they might have companions abroad and to make but one cause of two to the end that it might be so much the better defended by common forces and honested by reciprocal examples So that Coligni and the other Chieftains of the Heretick faction used all possible diligence to make the Flemish who were fled into France suddenly endeavour the like novelty which they greatly desired to raise up of themselves in their Country From Germany likewise the Heretick Princes and the Hans-Towns of the same Faction seemed for the same reasons to have the same ends in the affairs of Flanders Yea before the rise of Luthers Heresie all the Princes and the Hans-Towns of Germany which together with the Emperor their head doe compose the body of the Empire were not well pleased to see that the House of Austria first by the addition of Flanders and then by that of Spain should be so much exalted Till then they had looked upon the fortune of that House with an envious eye When Charles the Fifth was come to the Imperial Crown they turned their envy into open fear lest from being Head of the German government he might become absolute Prince of that Empire They saw that how great soever his design might be his Forces were equivalent in greatness thereunto And their fear in this point was rather increased then diminished by the entry of Heresie into Germany For they apprehended lest under the colour of reordering the affairs concerning Religion he might intend to advantage his own Authority the more easily in those which regarded the State Hence in a great part were occasioned the troubles of those Countries hence their so many Dyets and particularly the Accords which insued in point of Religion And though when Charles dyed the House of Austria was divided and that the greatest power thereof remained in that Branch which was transplanted into Spain and that on the other side the Hereticks had great Forces in Germany yet feared they much the neighbourhood of Flanders They suspected that the Forces of that House might upon all occasions be on that side united against them to boot that by the opportunity of that situation they saw too great advantages arose to the Austrians in Germany to continue the enjoyment of the Empire and that in stead of being elective it might become hereditary in that Family and that the possession might remain in the Catholick part with the exclusion of the Heretical They therefore fauthor'd by all the means they might the Novelties which had insued in Flanders in the Government of the Dutchess of Parma They favoured Heresie fomented Sedition counsell'd their chief Leaders and endeavoured by all other means to cause such Troubles in those Provinces as that the King of Spain might either wholly lose them or not quietly enjoy them They termed Flanders the Lower-Germany and reputed it as joyned to the body of their own Upper-Germany by reason of the connexion of Countries the conformity of speech and manner of living and by the community of Traffick and Rivers of which 't is arguable whether the Rhine be more commodious to higher Germany by the longer course thereof or
to suffer something in accommodating them then to run hazard of greater dangers by going about to punish them too severely I heartily wish that in the like cases as also in divers others of the world Necessity prevailed not too much above Reason Kingdoms give way and Empires bow to this force To this we must now likewise submit The Spaniards are too much incensed to see Flanders every where so hatefully bent against them they storm already for being declarea Enemies how much more will they doe so when they shall be declared Rebels The other Spaniards will flock to defend the Mutiniers and will make this a common interest And with whom is it that we shall contend What Nation is there to be found which hath been longer trained up in Arms more acquainted with blood and more accustomed to fight and overcome To what a rage will despair carry them I therefore am of opinion that this wound is to be cured by the accustomed ways Armies as well as humane bodies are liable to infirmities And if this may be easily cured we ought not by danger of so great an impairment make it our selves incurable The Reasons alleadged by Vightio and divers others other Considerations offered by the two Counts did no whit avail to alter the opinion of the opposite part of the Councel which was the more numerous and the more powerfull But these accusing the other of perfidiousness injuriously said that they were Spaniards and no longer Flemings and broke forth into open threats against them Nor were they long in putting them in execution taking new pretences and still palliating the appearances thereof the more they imprisoned the three above-named Councellors as also Signior d' Asonville and made the Duke of Ariscot President of the Councel I hey then proclaimed on Edict of Rebellion against the Spaniards the Contents whereof was in substance this That all the mischiefs of Flanders had proceeded from the Spaniards That to have the total domination thereof they had taken away the government from the Dutchess of Parma and given it to the Duke of Alva That from that time forward the Country was opprest in all parts by sad and fatal chances Amongst which that of Mutinies was to be accounted among the most fatal That one of these was now on foot in the very heart of the Provinces and that under pretence of having their Pay the Spaniards design was generally to devoure the substances and to drink the blood of all the Flemish That therefore the Councel of State which by order from the King did now govern judging it necessary to withstand with Arms this threatening ruine had therefore put on the most convenient resolutions That notwithstanding in this so great necessity there were some Councellors who shewed themselves averse to the common good so as the rest had thought fit to secure them That the Spaniards desired now more then ever to bring in the Inquisition into Flanders That out of their zeal to the Kings service the Councel of State had published this Edict whereby the aforenamed Spaniards were declared Rebels to the King and whereby it was ordered that they should be pursued every where and slain as Enemies The Edict concluded with an invitation to all the Provinces to joyn in the same sense and opinion since the same was the cause amongst them all It is not to be believed how much the minds of the Flemish were moved after this publication and how as if the Edict had been a general Trumpet which had summoned them they strove who should shew themselves readiest to goe against the Spaniards and drive them out of the Country The Councel of States chief intention was to call together the States Generall to the end that the resolutions which they had already taken might be of greater authority as also those which they should hereafter take Nor was there need of any great trouble herein At the very first invitation every Province except that of Luxenburg as hath been said shewed themselves willing to meet in this General Assembly either by express Deputies or by open consent In Governments where the Kings Prerogative and the Subjects Priviledge doe interfere the one fide is usually glad to get the advantage of the other And therefore in Flanders Princes have alwayes been unwilling to have the Generall Assembly of the Provinces meet it being a time wherein they pretend rather to give Laws then to rceive them And on the contrary the Provinces have always imbraced such occasions wherein by the meeting of their whole body together they might keep the power of Princes within its precincts And the Flemish did this now the more readily for that they thought it a fit conjuncture of time having no Kingly Governour amongst them who might oppose them or at least be over them When then the Edict against the Spaniards was published and the convocation of the States Generall made Hostility began suddenly on all sides The chief design of the States was to have Mastrick and the Citadels of Antwerp and Gaunt in their possession hoping that by their examples the other Castles would soon doe the like On the other side the Spaniards studied chiefly how to keep all the aforesaid strong Holds and Towns but especially Mastrick and the Citadel of Antwerp for the reasons above mentioned Many Souldiers were mustered together in Gaunt to besiege that Castle and a greater number were gathered together in Antwerp because they thought that would prove the harder work The Governour Champigny and Colonel Erbestine had already discovered themselves to be for the States and received all that came into the City who were sent from them But the States chief endeavour was to keep the Spaniards and also such Germans as adhered to them from meeting together The Walloons as natives of the Country did already intirely obey the orders of the Flemish Nay after the surrender of Ziricsce those Walloons who were at the taking thereof seased upon their Colonel Mandragone and kept him forth-coming The Flemish Commanders did then to the aforementioned end shut up all the Passes and fortified them and placed many men about them in sundry parts The Spaniards on the contrary were very diligent in getting together as many of their Forces as they could and to quarter themselves in some of the most commodious parts in Brabant From this opposition of designes they came quickly to the like of arms and the first effect thereof fell out about Lovain The Spaniards had assembled together a good strength of horse in the parts about Mastrike towards the Country of Liege and came towards Lovain that they might get to Alst and by new endeavours try whether they could get the mutiners from thence or no and make them joyn with the other Spaniards Which they refused to do till they should have received their full pretended pay The Councel of State had notice of this their moving and speedily dispatched away the Seignior di Glimes with
exceeding great preparations both by Sea and Land He gave the care of the maritime preparations to the Marquis de la Croce and destin'd him to the Naval command As for the Land he would have the greatest Forces be raised in Flanders and that the Duke of Parma should carry that Army which was under his command over into England and that he should have the chief command thereof as also of all the rest who were brought in the Fleet to land in the Island These Orders being given out by the King the noise thereof began to be heard throughout all his Kingdoms each of them strove which should provide most ships greatest store of victuals and warlike ammunition in so great ampleness as so high a design did require Great preparations of all these things were made in Sicily in the Kingdom of Naples and in all the maritime Coasts of Spain and especially in the building of great abundance of ships whereof the Fleet was to be composed Such men as were necessary for the service were also raised in all parts and in fine the resolution was to make an Armado so powerfull in all conditions as the like had never been known at any time to be upon the Sea The Duke of Parma's diligence in making preparations in Flanders in behalf of the enterprise was this mean while no whit less After the getting of Sluce he went to Bruges and kept there as in the fittest place of all the Province of Flanders to dispose of all things necessary for the transporting of his Army into England To recrute it with men the King had given order that Biaggio Cappizucchi in Italy should raise a Brigado of Foot in the State of Urbin and that Carlo Spinulli should do the like in the Kingdom of Naples That the Marquess of Brogaut brother to the Cardinal Andrea d' Austrea should raise another in Germany greater then ordinary That the rest of the German Nation that were on foot should be filled up and that the like should be done amongst the Burgonians and Walloons That a good body of men should be sent from Spain to recruit the old Brigadoes That in in fine the field Army of Flanders should be composed of 30000 Foot and of 4000 choise Horse all of which or at least the greatest part were to be imployed in the expedition for England An infinite provision of things was required to transport such an Army and to provide it with all things necessary to lead on the enterprise successfully on that side They purposed to embarke the men at Newport and Dunkirk and a great number of vessels was necessary to transport them And though these were rather to be for burthen then war and rather low built then high yet the assembling so many of them brought with it both great expence of time and monies and amongst other things a great number of Artificers were requisite to be had to do the workmanship and of Mariners to govern them The Duke of Parma had great scarcity of both these and was likewise jealous of them by reason of such mens being inclined to follow rather the Hollanders and Zealanders in whose Seas they were for the most part born and bred up then the Kings party where their profession was but little practised insomuch as the Duke was glad to send for some from the Baltick Sea and to make provision of them in divers other parts of the lower side of Germany The aforesaid Vessels were most of them built in Antwerp and many in Gaunt Newport and Dunkirk Those of Antwerp were to be brought by the Scheld to Gaunt and from thence to Bruges by a Channel cut by hand which goes from the one City to the other And upon this occasion the Duke cut another channel likewise from Bruges to Newport to the end that the Vessels might fall the more commodiously into the sea and there joyn with those of Dunkirk During the noise of so great preparations made in all parts of Italy Spain and Flanders to assault England that year ended and the year 1588 commenced which was particularly remarkable for this enterprise sake The designe was not notwithstanding publickly declared but the King striving as much as he could to conceal it made it be given out that so great a preparation by land and by sea was intended against the Rebels in Flanders And to keep them likewise in suspence he caused the begun negotiation between him and the Queen touching the accommodation of the Affairs in those parts to be continued Other reports were given out that the King intended a good part of the Fleet by sea for new designes which he had upon the Indies Some times the preparations seemed to cool But at last they grew to such a greatness and so many signes appeared of their being precisely destin'd for England as there was no room left for doubt The Queen seeing her self threatned by so great a tempest betook her self to make all such preparations likewise on her part as might be necessary to withstand it She gave order to Charls Howard Admiral of England a Lord of a very Noble Family and of great imployment that he should powerfully reinforce her usual Fleet and that he should make all other such provisions as were needfull to furnish it with Souldiers Mariners Victuals and Ammunition of War But she gave unto him Sir Francis Drake for a particular assistant herein one that was then the most esteemed amongst all the English for sea affairs and famous likewise thorowout all other Nations for many memorable sea-voyages which he had made and for many enterprises which he with great boldness had effected Such a preparation required great expence and a great inclination of the Kingdom to effect it Wherefore the Queen called a Parliament without the Authority whereof the Kings of England cannot receive any supplies of monies upon any extraordinary occasion The Parliament being met at London the Queen would one day appear there in person and went thither in the greatest glory that might be Where being placed under her cloth of State and having so composed her countenance and other gestures of body as might most take the Assembly she spake thus What a weight of war my Lords and you my beloved of the House of Commons is threatned against me at this time by the King of Spain each of you who know the preparation will easily believe the designe nor is the pretence less apparent That King complains that I have always favoured his Rebels as he is pleased to term them of Flanders And especially with so many forces and so openly in these their last necessities I confess the action and do still more commend the advice given unto me therein by my Councel Since in effect I could do nothing which was more praise worthy for Justice or more necessary for convenience Every one knows the near Confederacies which past between the Kings my predecessors and the house of Burgony whilst
oppose the liberty of the Country and 〈◊〉 that the Catholike Princes of Germany had refused to receive it and that the same contrarieties appeared to be in France Orange in particular moved these oppositions Though it was not true that any evil could redound to the Country by the Councel as experience did afterwards shew But he did this that he might not let slip any occasion in shewing himself zealous in whatsoever might appeare serviceable for the common good of the Flemish To boot that it was already begun to be feared that these might proceed from some corruption in him in point of religion He had already two years ago married for his second wife Anne daughter to Maurice Elector of Saxony a woman who was an Heretick whereat the King was displeased neither was the Regent nor Cardinal Granville well pleased thereat Bringing her afterwards to Brussels he gave way that not only she but many others under colour of belonging to her family had the exercise of the Lutheran religion used amongst them So as the ceremonies thereof were observed in his house and his wife had with her some of her sisters of the same sect Orange excused himself herein by reason of the Liberty of Conscience which was enjoyed in Germany and by his being obliged so to doe in his conditions of marriage But whatsoever his opinion was then in point of Religion it was thought that he had willingly allied himself to a Prince so considerable in Germany to the end that he might get new adherences in those parts and thereby advantage or aggrandise himself upon any occasion that might arise He therefore under the abovesaid pretences did oppose the introducing of the Councel more then any other And being egg'd on by Ambition and by those ends which till then he had secretly hatched in his mind not stopping at those difficulties which arose of Religion he propounded many other things by way of Reformation of Government under pretence of doing the King service and of the good which would thereby redound unto the Country He proposed how that it would be much better to have all things discust in the Councell of State which were now severally agitated in the Cabinet Councell and Councel of the Treasurie He said that many times the results of one Councel did thwart those of another and that by reason of the affairs being thus divided they were usually spun out into much length and great difficulties were occasioned That the Councel of State being esteemed the chiefest it was as the eye of the Prince which watched over the common good of his people that therefore the Government thereof should be answerable to its dignitie That notwithstanding not to ingrosse the whole body of business into the Counsel of State a deputation might be made to some inferior officers who might discuss the more common affairs of the two other Councels and that these of greatest importance being thus united and choice being made of the ablest Councellors to manage them the expedition would doubtlesly be much greater and the profit much more But all the rest of the Councel did not agree in this Egmont though he was oft times drawn to be of Orange his opinion through the advantage which the subtile craft of the one had over the others more open nature seemed not to approve of these innovations touching the Councels and in the business of the Councel of Trent he said that it was a business to be maturelty considered upon to the end that the Kings orders therein might be effected so as might give best satisfaction to the Provinces But Veghlio was for the present putting of the Councel in Execution He said That the Church in all ages had endeavoured by the way of Councels to preserve the Purity of her decrees and the order of her Discipline And how salutiferous would such a remedy be in particular to those evils wherewith Flanders did at the present labour and which did still threaten her more and more that if the Councel could any wise prejudice the priviledges of the Provinces some accomodation might be thought upon therein For what remain'd that the King ought to boast and glory himself that he had not either the same necessity or the same sence as other Princes had and that his was so conformable to that of the Church and grounded upon such reasons which did so well unite Wisdom and Piety together Neither did he lesse oppose Orange his proposition touching the reducing the three above said Councels into one Shewing That that would be not to order but to confound businesses which being so many and of such weight and labor might be sufficiently digested in each of them apart that the introducing of those Councels did not then begin but that the use of them was so Ancient as shewed the good use which was made of them and that therefore they ought not by any means to be altered And afterward inciting the Regent in secret against Orange his Ambition he shewed how dangerous such propositions were to the Kingly Authority and that of her her self For that the Councel of State would by this means not only be superiour to her Regencie but to the power of the very King Barlemont agreed in opinion with the President Vighlto and these two together with some others which they had drawn over to side with them were by Orange and the rest who had shewed themselves enemies to Granville called by the name of Cardinalists Complaining still that his sence remained in Flanders though not his person the complaints and contrarieties of opinions in the Councel did therefore daily increase more and more and from these disorders the like in the Provinces where the Edicts met with such difficulties as some of the meaner sort of Hereticks had lately had the boldnes in Antwerp to hinder the publike execution of justice which was to have been done upon one of them by burning him in the place appointed thereunto The like had not long before happened in Valenciennes and the like was feared in Tourney to this was added that in these and others Cities the Hereticks were heard to sing their vulgar Psalms by night publikely in the streets And did by day exercise their sects in more then one place and did almost threaten that they would have the free use thereof by force since they could not have it by Toleration The Dutchess wavered between the inconveniencies and dangers which might insue as well by putting the Edicts rigorously into execution as by giving any the least connivencie to the exercise of Heresie she therefore thought good that Count Egmont should go to Spain to inform the King fully by word of mouth of all the occurrences of Flanders and in particular of those which had respect to Religion and to solicit such remedies as should be thought most fit The Councel approved of his going and because in the informations which were given unto the Count of those things which he was
the Provinces neerest thereunto Norchermes was also sent thither so as they quickly drove Brederode from thence who of a chief Commander being become a single man and of a mutiner an exile was forced to flie to the nearest parts of Germany and tarrying at Embden a Sea-Town he not long after dyed there The Regent encouraged by this good success betook her self suddenly to re-order the affairs of Antwerp To this purpose she shewed at one and the same time both lenity and force Orange and Hostrat laboured to compose the affairs of that City the best they could though to place a Garison there which was the Regents chiefe drift stood not with their particular Interests Divers tumults had happened there since that first great one wherein the hereticks had violated the Churches trampled the sacred things and insulted in all unworthy manner over the Catholicks One sedition being allayd another was presently ready to be set on foot which made still more for the advantage of the hereticks They grumbled that they had not so many Churches as they desired There were almost as many sects as sectarists with the Inhabitants Foreigners did combine and plots from abroad accompanied those within They strove to provide themselves of arms to better their cause thereby One Tolose appeared more seditious then all the rest a bold man and of good retinue This man betaking himself to raise men had gathered a considerable number together not above a league from Antwerp in a certain Village called Ostervel on the other side the Scheld The Dutches had notice of this and making those men be set upon on the sudden by a good many of hers they were soon scattered Tolose endeavored to save himself in a house but was therein burat the rest either fled or were slain or drowned in the river This success caused a great revolt in Antwerp and they were ready to fall together by the ears in the City the hereticks growing mad hereat on the one side and the Catholicks taking advantage and courage on the other side But Orange Hostrat and others of Authority with the people did so handle the business as the apparent danger was provided for by a new agreement which was there made in matter of Religion This agreement had much reference to the others which had preceded but in this some things were added touching the Government of the City the better to prevent future tumults To which purpose the City itself raised certain foot Companies and armed some boats to guard the Scheld where it was most needfull yet let them do what they could to keep peace in that City none took effect or at least they lasted not In fine where Religion is not united there can be no union in obedience This new agreement was soon observed to be kept as ill as were the former The Regent whose forces still increased taking occasion from hence resolved to put a good Garison into Antwerp which she could not very well do before All necessary preparations being had to this end and the Catholick party in Antwerp being much advantaged the Cities deliberations were sutable to her desires She first sent for some to Brussels who were chosen by the City to this purpose and treated with them touching the form of re-ordering the Government wherein the Catholick religion and obedience to the King were above all things to be considered The agreement being made wherein she now no longer received but gave conditions the City seemed willing to execute them All heretical exercises were thereby forbidden and all new erection of Temples for sectarists their preachers were driven out and order taken for the repairing of the Churches by them violated A Magistrate was chosen who was zealous for the affairs of religion and of the King And the soldiers which the City had taken into Garison took an oath to be faithfull to the King and to execute if need should require all things which were agreed upon The Regent immediately sent Charls Count Mansfield into Antwerp with his Regiment of Walloons to establish all things better by arms and that it might be seen she would no longer use only intreaties The Garison was received by the City whereinto Mansfield entred in good order so as the hereticks could neither endeavour any novelty nor the soldiers on the other side use any licentiousness The Garison being placed in Antwerp the Regent thought she her self might now safely and with honour go thither so as leaving Brussels she went thither waited on by many of the Nobility and chief Lords She entred as it were in triumph so great a concourse of people met her and with such acclamations was she received though the heretick party forbore not to murmure seeing themselves reduced to so mean terms The Regent staid awhile in Antwerp till she thought she had reduced the affairs of the Church and King into convenient order she used severity tempered with clemency She returned from thence to Brussels It cannot be said what good consequences this example of Antwerp wrought in amendment of the preceding evils The tottering condition of the Provinces was on a sudden reduced to tranquility almost in all parts the Churches were repaired Altars restored Images worshiped and wonted obedience given to Magistrates The chief Lords strove who should be forwardest in their service to the Church and to the King in their obsequiousness to the Regent and in waiting personally upon her in so much as it was generally hoped that the peace of those Provinces should for ever be perpetuated and that heresie being either totally extinguisht in them or at least mightily quel'd the antient worship of God and their former devotion and loyalty to their Prince was to flourish again Whilst affairs went thus in Flanders great consultations were had in Spain to resolve how the disorders which had hapned in those Provinces might best be remedi'd One of the chiefest debates was whether the King should go thither himself in person or no or whether he should send a Commander of known valour and authority It was not doubted but that his going in person would be the most efficacious remedy which could be apply'd to the necessities of those Countries Many examples were hereupon alleadged to shew of what power the very presence of the Prince was with the people And amongst the rest that which the King might take from his Father the Emperour who with the very sole majesty of his aspect had assoon queld as seen those of Gaunt The Dutchess urged this as the only remedy and shewed how that assoon as the King should be arrived Flanders would suddenly be quieted and that his presence would in all other respects be very acceptable to those people The Marquis of Berghen and Montigni gave out the same opinions in Madrid were it either that they did really desire the King should go into the Low-Countries or that thinking it very hard to be effected they believed it would be yet much more difficult
to the lower by her breadth In these respects their friendships adherents and allyances were very great in those parts Moreover divers of the best Families of Flanders derived from Germany and amongst others that of the Prince of Orange who afterwards married with the house of Saxony as hath been said The heretick Princes held therefore their streightest corespondencies with him and to him did discover their most intimate sence of the affairs of Flanders because it was most conformable with his own Orange being afterwards gon to them by reason of the Duke of Alva's being come into Flanders he still indeavoured to increase in them a resolution not to tollerate that oppression which he in the most horrid manner he could invent affirmed to be already introduced by the Spaniards amongst the Flemish Affirming that this cause was common to both the Germanies he mingled the Interest of Religion together with that of State and by the strength and vivacity of wit made dangers a far off seem very near at hand He chiefly propounded a meeting between those Princes who were most to dread the Spanish forces in Flanders the Queen of England assisted him herein by her authority and the Hugonots of France by their practices So as the resolution was soon put on and divers Hans Towns joyned therein likewise by sending their Deputies thither particularly those which are situated upon the Rhine in which by reason of their neighbourhood with Flanders the aforesaid power of the Spanish forces was most dreaded Of the Princes the Count Palatine of Rhine was most remarkable his State lay nearest to Flanders he had the best forces and being past on from Luthers heresie to that of Calvin he held greater corespondency with the hereticks of France and with the Queen of England The rest were the Duke of Wittenberg the Landgrave of Hesse the Marquis of Bada the Marquis of Durlack and some neighbouring Counts besides those of Nassaw The King of Denmark and the house of Saxony sent likewise their particular Deputies to the Diet. Business doth still proceed slowly which is to be agitated by many either they differ in their ends or agree not in the means or for the most part are lost through confusion But their progress is more slow then ordinarily in Germany where negotiations are not had without much prolixity more by writing then by word of mouth and where more time is spent in banqueting then in business The Diet proceeded on then but slowly and by reason of the variety of opinions many difficulties were met with in the things proposed Whereupon the Prince of Orange being all on fire himself and that he might set others on fire likewise spake one day thus It is not assuredly any waies to be doubted most Noble Princes and worthy Deputies but that we now treat upon a common cause The one and the other Germany are sufficiently united in situation tongue name traffick life and in all things else And who knows not that in former times they both made but one body their people do chiefly affect liberty And though in Flanders the Prince be heriditory whereas in Germany he is elective yet almost the same preeminence is due by them to their States as is here attributed to your Dyets But how oft and with how much labour and danger hath it behoved the one and the other Nation to oppose themselves to the avaritiousness of their Princes I will leave the pursuit of ancient affairs that I may come to the more modern and those of Germany that I may descend to the present affairs of Flanders When the Emperour Charls the fifth was dead every one knows the King his son's chiefest desire was to leave those parts and settle himself in Spain Being there wholly transformed into the sence and Customs of that people he grew desirous to govern Flanders after the same manner and Empire as Spain was governed And what more imperious Minister of State could he leave behind him with the Dutchess of Parma then the Cardinal Granville Did I say Minister of State nay rather supream Governor since whilst he was there the Dutchess bore only the name of Regent the whole power lay in him base Burgundian The first Author of Flanders's mischiefs and who deserves chiefly to be punished since the fault was chiefly his The Government of the Ecclesiastical and Temporal affairs was suddenly altered in divers sorts by absolute Authority but chiefly by new Edicts still more grievous to the conscience and by introducing the Inquisition The secretest Oracles are come from the Councel of Spain and are executed by secret consultations in Flanders If the Nobility have complained their complaints have proved vain to Petition is counted treachery to seem troubled rebellion and the casual headdy giddiness of the common people a premeditated insurrection of the whole Country In fine nothing but to have a pretence to use force against Flanders was expected in Spain And what more light pretence could be taken then to go about to suppress those tumults which were seen to cease almost assoon as begun When so suddenly hereupon the Flemish are insolently declared in Spain to be rebels to God and to the King and a foreign Army marches to cause Flanders to be treated hereafter not as a successive Nation but as a Conquered Countrey And who could be better chosen to execute such violences then the Duke of Alva the most haughty minded man of all Spain Flanders greatest enemy and who knows better then any other how to extinguish all remainders of religion and in lieu thereof to use all sorts of Tyranny And just so it fell out He hath begun to raise Citadels in the chiefest Cities he hath placed Garisons every where the places of execution run down with bloud in all Towns no more home-Laws are heard of but forein ones The Country is almost unpeopled by exilement imprisonment and running away And nothing but gastly looks complaints misery desparation and calamity is seen every where In this deplorable estate is Flanders at the present How much more happie then is Germany which enjoys her former libertie and which abhorring all forein force knows no other Empire then her own I partake of this felicity for from hence I derive my bloud and my first stem remains still here Nay I am more hated in Spain then any other of the Flemish by reason of my German spirit I am held to be the contriver of Conspiracies the head of sedition the pestilence of those Countries Their greatest anger thunders against me and the severest punishments are already fallen upon me Thus they seek to turn my glory to infamy And what greater glory can there be then to maintain the liberty of a mans Country and to die rather then be inslaved I then most high Princes and Noble Deputies who am both a German and a Fleming after having laid before you the miseries of the Lower Germany whose tears and supplications I bring hither with me
being likewise come up had brought the whole burthen of the war on that part hither but the hereticks still giving ground they at last began to run The business was better disputed between the horse of both sides the Kings horse Harquebusiers were so furiously assaulted by Lodovicks Rutters and especially the Germans led on by Schinck who stood forwardest as being first broken and then totally disordered they did not only forsake the place but running away to the next neighbouring Towns they gave out every where that the enemy had won the day The Rutters having discharged their first Volly of shot wheeled about to charge again and make a second more furious assault but the Kings Lanciers afforded them not time who fell on with such violence and did so vigorously charge them on divers sides as breaking their orders they forced them back and opened them In this the foot-wing played their part miraculously by whom the Rutters being gauled on their flank were put yet into greater disorder Lodovick and the Palatine couragiously endcavoured to re-order them and incouraged them by their own examples acting the parts rather of common souldiers then of Commanders in chief But the Kings horse still more inheartned both by the apparent victory of the foot and by the advantage which they themselves continually got did so closely pursue the Rutters as not being able longer to be withheld and fear getting the upper hand of shame they turned their backs and at last ran directly away Fortune would likewise have her share in this battel as usually she hath in all For just as the Rutters began to give back three Company of Lanciers came up to the Catholicks led on by Nicholas Basti by George Macuca and by Peter Tassis all of them Captains and this new inforcement finisht the business so as instead of fighting they fell to execution The Kings men being masters of the field slaughtered the enemy horribly in all places and it was commonly believed that above 4000 of them perisht About 200 of the Kings men were missing This success was particularly innobled by the death of the two brothers of Nassaw and of the Palatine which being all of them joyntly resolved either to make their way by their swords or by indeavouring to do so to lose their lives were slain fighting valiantly The Kings forces got great advantage and reputation by this victory For though the battel was not between numerous Armies yet the chief consequences of Flanders lay at stake on both sides And those which concerned the King being particularly considered 't is no doubt but if the enemy had got the better of the day their Forces being joyned with those of the Prince of Orange would have overrun the Country every where and would have made the Stanshest raise new rebellions But this so important victory was not well gotten when they who had been the chief Authors of it spoyled the effect thereof Instead of expecting their reward from the King the Spaniards to the great disservice of his Majesty would be their own pay-masters The very night after the day of battel and upon the very place where the battel was fought they resolved to mutiny And the effect thereof was seen before the thing it self could be imagined It began at first to be whispered by a few afterwards it was put in practise by many and at last it was fully consented unto by all They complained and seemed much incensed to see their labours so ill rewarded 'T was their hands and their bodies by which Towns were taken Battels won and all other actions of greatest danger done The honour and advantage redounded to the Commanders their reward was only wounds and poverty That their bare pay was given them rather as a reward then as of due Which yet being so far in arrear they could not fully receive How could so miserable a condition be longer tollerated that it was in their own power to satisfie themselves for the monies which were every day promised them and never paid And that therefore they were now rather to have it at their command then to wait for it any longer and that perhaps in vain They made no long delay they in a great hurly-burly flew to their arms and violently laying aside their former Officers they chose new ones This being done they went immediately from Mouch and marched towards Antwerp intending to enter the City and there with all safety and commodiousness to cause their whole pay to be given them Sancio d'Avila and all the Camp-masters used all possible diligence to remedy so great and so unexpected a disorder but they could do nothing that would prevail And because after this mutiny so many others of the like nature insued in the progress of this war whereby the Kings affairs in Flanders were more prejudiced by the arms of his own souldiers then by those of his enemies It will not be amiss to relate here anticipately with as much brevity as may be what is best worthy knowledge in a business which we shall so often have occasion to treat of An Army in the field is a great moveable City governed by Military Laws within walls of Iron this City is distinguished into personages of divers qualities The chiefest place is possest by the Captain-General who hath supream Authority in the Government thereof The other chiefest Commanders follow after him and after them the lesser And in the last place remains the inferior order of common Souldiers who having no share in Command are only to obey In this popular order of the Army if I may term it so do mutinies fall out the usual cause whereof is the want of pay In the meaner sort of souldiers Interest prevails more then Honour wherefore being unpayed first they complain then they grow angry and at last mutiny In long Wars this is oftner seen by reason of the excessive expences which they occasion This length of time makes souldiers mary whereby they have children and in that respect grow still more necessitous and this necessity at last turning into corruption they mutiny many times rather because they will do so then that they have any just occasion to do it The Laws of obedience being then broken this popular order riseth up against their Superiors and out of their body do tumultuarily chuse new Officers This happens usually when the Armys are in the field because it would be almost impossible to compass it with security in Garisons In the change of Government 't is commonly seen that we degenerate from the better to the worse And thus it happens upon this occasion The supreme Command of one only passeth then into the whole multitude which being composed of horse and foot makes a body of each of them which they call the Squadron of the incensed so to shun the always ignominious title of mutiners The Authority consists then in the Squadron and all the command in the united body thereof This tumultuous Commonwealth
arise on all sides and from thence troublâ— The Queen of Navar passeth by the Frontiers of Flanders towards France Don John goes himself in person to receive her and to carry her to Namures Upon which occasion he makes himself Master of the Castle of that City The States complain hereof unto the King They resolve to call the Prince of Orange into 〈◊〉 and receive him with unusual honours Which causeth jealousies in the â—â—st of the chief Nobility who therefore determine to offer the Government of Flanders to Archduke Mathias He accepts of the offer and comes thither privatly Orange his opinion and the opinion of the States General touching his coming They resolve to accept of him for the Governour of the Country The Flemish take up arms on all sides against Don John And endeavour to besiege Namures The Kings men return speedily into Flanders And a battel insues thereupon near Geblurs wherein they have the victory The proceedings of the Kings Forces Preparations on the behalf of the Flemish do encrease continually more against them To this end an Army is raised in Germany by the Palatine John Casimere And the Duke of Alanson prepares another in France John Casimere moves first and being come to Brabant takes Diste The Flemish quarter themselves strongly in the fields to expect the arrival of all the foreign fâ—râ—es Don John marches with all his men towards them but cannot draw them forth to battel His hopes of seeing the enemies foot soon dissolve By favour of the he etical aids the Flemish sectarists demand a general liberty of conscience and obtain it The Catholicks are much scandalized hereat A new action of the Malecontents Some accommodation of the affairs of Flanders is again endeavoured by tht Emperour by the King of France and by the Queen of England but in vain Alanson exters the Country with his Army Orange doth all he can that the Flemish and the foreign forces may joyn Don John fals sick dies And leaves the Prince of Parma in the administration of the Government The Prince of Orange was as the Oracle of the Provinces after the agreement made between them so as he was the main wheel upon which all their resolutions were turned wherefore the Councel of State and Deputies of the States General desired to know his opinion concerning the coming of Don John and in what manner he would have him received into the Government before they would take any resolution therein Whereupon Orange began a long discourse the substance whereof was this That the larger Don Johns promises were the more they were to be suspected That it was apparent the Spaniards end was to cheat the Flemish and to lull them asleep that they might the more easily oppress them That Don John was not to be received day otherwise then upon such terms as their obedience always preserved unto the King the former Government might be restored unto the Provinces That therefore in the first place all the Spaniards should be expelled That the Citadels should be all demolished and put into the hands of the Flemish That no Authority at all should be granted to Don John not so much as over the Militia of the Country That the States General should retain the prerogatives due unto them That to this purpose they might have a power to meet once or twice a year to preserve the priviledges of the Provinces And that Don John should resolve on nothing without the Authority of the said States General That it better behoved him to trust the Flemish then the Flemish him And that howsoever it was not to be believed that the King would ever pardon them since he held himself too much injured by them That therefore they ought to consider his anger together with his forces and put themselves into such a posture as since they could never secure themselves from the one they might not at least be opprest by the other This was Orange his opinion which he desired to distill into all the Flemish And this was the foundation which he even then laid of that Commonwealth of the United Provinces which hath been since so formed and established in these our times by powerfull forces and of which we formerly sent a particular Relation from Brussels to Rome which together with some other writings of ours touching the affairs of Flanders were afterwards published by Ericio Puteano our very good friend and the worthy successor of Justus Lipsius no less in learning then in place and in the Inheritance of his fame no less then of his labours Orange hoped by this means to make himself Moderator and Arbitrator of the Government and assisted by the present conjuncture of time to make himself at least as good as Prince of Holland and Zealand if he should not arrive at the Principality of all the Provinces joyned together in one body And peradventure he would not have missed in his designe had he not been slain as shall be said in its proper place and so had the thread of his life as well as that of his hopes cut off This answer increased such jealousies in the Flemish as not thinking themselves sufficiently united by the agreement made at Gaunt they resolved to make another union which should be more strict and more efficacious They therefore drew up a Declaration in the name and Authority of the States General wherein repeating the calamities suffered by the Spaniards they did again confirm the confederation of Gaunt promised to observe it inviolably and declared all such to be Traitors and infamous persons who should in any whatsoever manner countervene it This Writing or Declaration was afterwards signed and sealed in every Province by every Magistrate and Governour and was imbraced with great applause by the whole Country And because Orange had chiefly minded them that the States should put themselves in Arms shewing what danger they were again to expect from the Spaniards therefore the States General betook themselves to raise new men which they brought together in a good body under the command of Count Di Saleigne of the Vicecount of Gaunt and Monsieur de la Mota to Vaures a Town between Brussels and Namures very opportunely seated especially to withstand Don John The States General made likewise divers expeditions into Germany France and England to pray aide in all those parts and to make the cause of the Flemish common with all their neighbours A considerable sum of money was sent from the Queen of England who under hand shewed her self well inclined to greater demonstrations On the part of Germany the greatest confederacy was had with John Casimere one of the Count Palatines of Rheine and the thing desired was to furnish him with monies whereby to raise men in that Nation and lead them into Flanders On France's side they did not only endeavour to raise the Hugonot Faction but to draw likewise the Catholick party to be of the same mind under the Duke of Alanson brother to
which had happened since the so solemn agreement made between him and the Provinces as if that he had desired to govern rather armed then unarmed and that he believed he might compass some of his own ends easilyer by troubles then by quiet So as by reason of these jealousies which were had of Don John and which had got a little rooting in Spain peace in Flanders was the more desired by the Spaniards Wherefore about the end of August all these Ambassadors met in Antwerp The Count Zuarzemburg from the Emperour President Belliure from the King of France and from the Queen of England Walsingam her first Secretary and with him another called Gobham But it was soon seen that Cesars endeavours wanted authority and the rest candidness For both England and France did sufficiently desire to have the troubles and disorders wherewith Flanders was afflicted continue Nor did this opinion prove vain The meetings were more for shew then substance and their endeavours ended almost as soon as they were begun to boot that in very deed the difficulties which were met with on all sides were very great Each party would justifie all they had done and all that they pretended to Wherefore all Treaty of Agreement being suddenly broken they continued in their former heat of preparing for war The Flemish regained Ariscot and Nevile and tryed but in vain to recover Lovain On the other side the French entring into the Province of Henault besieged Bins and after some assault took it and put it to the plunder But these were businesses of small importance in respect of what the Rebels hoped for from the union of so many Forces which they had received to side with them from all parts Orange laboured more then all the rest to bring them together and herein his adherents used likewise their best diligence Miserable Flanders every where so full of Arms and so lacerated as it was questionable whether she were more afflicted by her own or by foreign Forces and whether those or these in seeming assistance bore the most spetious title Don John this mean while kept with his men within his quarters which he had fortified without Namures to withstand the assaults of the enemy These Fortifications were about two miles and a half in compass and did so much the more shelter the City so as that passage towards Germany and Italy was very well secured and his Army very well provided of all things necessary for the maintenance thereof Wherefore Don John hoped shortly both to receive powerfull aid and to see those disband which the enemy had assembled together for their service These were his designs these were his hopes when in their very hight he fell sick his malady so increasing as he died within a few days When he was near his end he sent for the Duke of Parma and after having in a very affectionate manner recommended the Kings service to him he substituted him in his own place not any ways doubting but that by the so many Prerogatives both of bloud and valour which met in him the King would suddenly confirm him in that Government Thus dyed Don John not being yet full thirty three years old The Emperour Charles the Fifth was his Father and Madam de Plombes a Lady of noble birth in Germany his Mother The Emperour before his death gave the King his Son great charge of him who at first had in his private thoughts destin'd him to an Ecclesiastical life but afterward changing his mind bred him up in the Military profession Wherein by three memorable enterprises he eterniz'd his name In the first he bridled the Moors Audacity in the second the Ottoman Pride and in the third the Fury of the Flemish In each of these his successes did much exceed his years He overcame the Moors when but yet a Youth he abated the edge of the Turk at the very entrance into the flower of his age and he did so master-like suppress the Belgiques as greater skill could not have been shewn by any whatsoever antient and most perfect Commander He had in him very excellent gifts both of body and mind In his aspect Majesty and Grace strength of Body to undergoe labour He was affable with the Souldiery vigilant answerable to his Command wise in the greatest difficulties but having a heart much willinger to encounter then to shun them Many could have desired that he had been less amorous and not so easie to believe reports He was so greedy of Glory as many judged it to be an aspiring after Empire Which made him at last be envied and so far suspected as made his service to the King doubtful as if from being Governour he had aspired to be Prince of Flanders and that to this purpose he had held private correspondencie with the Queen of England and proceeded more secretly to express negotiations of Marriage Which was cause why his death was thought to be rather procured then natural But whatsoever the business was wherein truth might be overclouded by Calumny He dyed with the fame of singular valour and great applause Worthy assuredly to have lived longer and not less worthy to have proceeded from a Conjugal bed and to have commanded rather as absolute Prince then as a subordinate Officer Finis Partis Primae THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO The Second Part. BOOK I. The Contents The Prince of Parma is confirmed Governour of Flanders by the King The Prince thought first to draw the Walloon Provinces to side with the King by the way of negotiation but in the interim he applies himself with all fervor to the management of Arms. He stands at first upon his defence The Foreign Forces vanish Alanson returns for France and John Casimir for Germany The Prince here upon passeth from the defensive part to the offensive He resolves to besiege Mastrick The description of that place The Royalists endeavours in oppugning it and the resistance made by the Defendants The Royalists at last prevail and the Prince is master of the Town An agreement between him and the Walloon Provinces It is endeavoured to reconcile all the other Provinces likewise to the King but in vain Small successes of War on all sides The Flemish think of choosing a new Prince and to cast off their obedience to the King of Spain This is chiefly fomented by Orange Their Deputies meet together in Antwerp to this purpose and there is much consultation about it Some of the Hereticks are for the Queen of England other some for the Duke of Alanson The Catholicks opinion in this point The Assembly leans much more to Alanson The Deputies depart and return to their own Provinces to make each of them severally resolve fully upon the choise The war continues this mean while on both sides The King would have the Dutchess of Parma return to Flanders and why She is not well come thither when she earnestly desires to go back to Italy which
with the Flemish This so unexpected design of the French against the Flemish being divulged it is not to be said how much the Confederate Provinces were troubled at it But the Province of Flanders was most troubled wherein the design was laid and in a good part effected In so much as Gaunt Bruges and generally all the Flemicant part of the Province broke forth into grievous complaints against the Duke and seemed to be fully minded no longer to endure Alansons Principality The rest of the Provinces were of the same opinion But Orange his sole power was sufficient to make his sense prevail over all those who were of a contrary mind At first he did very much blame this action of the French that he might be of more credit afterwards in excusing them He laid the fault much more upon the Advisers then upon the Duke alleadging That of his own nature he was a Prince of great goodness and that he was rather inforced by the others then advised to do what he had done That an agreement should not by any means be broken which had formerly been ripened by so many consultations and at last through so many difficulties established That it was apparent if it should be broken their affairs would be in worse condition then before For France would be thereby alienated and offended whereas otherwise they might receive favour and advantages from thence That sometimes a great disorder proves very beneficial That therefore it was to be believed that the French by this rash action would learn to be better advised in their future proceedings and the Flemish on the contrary would better satisfie their duties on their behalf And finally that by all means it was necessary to piece up with Alanson so to get the French out of the places which they were possessed of by way of Treaty since that to go about to get them by force would be both a bloudy difficult and uncertain business and that the mean while the King of Spains forces would the more freely and with the more advantage overrun all places The Antwerpians and all the rest being wrought upon by Orange his Authority and by reason listned to a new agreement with Alanson He first excused himself and by express Messengers representing the wrong that was done to his men by not paying them and that afterwards it was not in his power to hinder them Proceeding from hence to Treaties The Duke obliged himself to retire for the present to Dunkirk taking with him but a reasonable number of horse and foot to leave the other Towns free to the Flemish taking a new Oath to imploy all his souldiery in all faithfullness in the common service of himself and of the Provinces On the other side the French prisoners were set at liberty the Dukes men had some moneys paid them and he was promised that they should be well treated in all other kinds afterwards And so affairs returned to their former condition between the Duke and the Provinces but rather in a feigned then real way of Demonstration for indeed there never past any good correspondency betweem them afterward though the King of France by very efficacious endeavours and by Agents of his own had strove to appease the Flemish and to confirm them in their former favour to his brother The Prince of Parma hoped some notable advantage might accrue to the Kings service from this occasion which had so exasperated the Flemish against the French To this purpose he opportunely moved the chief Cities of Flanders and Brabant which were alienated from the King thinking that if he could reduce those two important Provinces wholly to their allegiance the restmight the more easily be reduced afterwards either by the way of Treaty or force But these his endeavours wrought no other effect then the others had done which he had used when Orange was wounded He therefore resolved wholly to use force wherein he found himself already so far to exceed the enemy as he doubted not but that by this means only he might promise unto himself all good success in the Kings affairs Before Alansons Frenchmen had endeavoured the aforesaid novelties Monsieur de Bonivette one of their Commanders had at unawares taken the Town of Eyndoven in Campigni which is a very considerable part of Brabant Which Fernese was not slow in regaining to which purpose he dispatched away Count Charls Mans field towards it with good forces On the other side the Confederate Flemish desired greatly to keep that Town in their hands wherfore after their agreement with Alanson they carried it so as some of his men went thitherward to make Mansfield raise the siege But he had already so fortified himself about it as those within not receiving any relief from those without they were at last forced to yield The French which were in Eyndoven went to joyn with the other French which were with Marishall Byronne in Brabant on that side which lies nearest Holland Here he stormed the Castle of Woude and took some other places thereabouts On the contrary part Turnault Hostrat and Diste fell into Mansfields hands with some other places of less moment This mean while Fernese arrived who presently marched towards Byronne The French had fortified themselves towards the Town of Rosendal but yet the Prince assaulted them with such resolution as they thought it their safest course to retreat to within the Town which they could not do in such order but that what by slaughter running away and by being taken prisoners they lost a great many of their men and Byronn's self was hurt in the foot Fernese resolved afterward to take Herentale and therefore incompassed it with considerable forces But understanding that the Duke of Alanson either for the small satisfaction he received in Flanders or for some other affairs in France was gon from Dunkirk to Call is Fernese changing his mind marched suddenly with all his Camp towards Dunkirk to recover that Town which stands upon the Sea and which for other considerations is of very great consequence There was but a weak Garison in it and the Townsmen could not be worse minded towards the French The States got Bironne to go with those French which he had with him to succour it But such was the abhorrition which the Flemish had for the French as they could effect nothing in time to any purpose wherefore Fernese within a few days recovered that Town suffering the French to march out with all honourable conditions He likewise recovered Newport a Town of great consequence likewise upon the sea-side And from thence he tryed to take Ostend a Town upon the same level but he found it so strongly situated and so well provided of men as he would not spend any long time in besieging it and leave so many other happy opportunities which presented themselves unto him in divers other parts Having soon recovered Dixmund he besieged the City of Ypri and set divers other practises on foot
incouraged for that he saw his Authority and power did daily increase in France He therefore proclaimed War against the King of Spain and endeavoured by a bitter Declaration to invite all his Subjects to the War Nor was it long ere another contrary manifesto came from Flanders wherein the King of Spain indeavoured to justifie all that he had done in order to the affairs of France And some other Declarations were added which were requisite upon such an occurrence War being thus declared between the two Kings the greatest designs of both sides were turned towards the Frontiers of France and Flanders The King of France had sent the Duke of Bullion with good Forces a little before into the Country of Lucemburg Wherein the United States did likewise joyn with a certain number of horse and foot on their behalfs Wherefore Bullion having soon won the Towns of Frette Yvois which lay nearest the Frontiers of France he marched further into the Country pillaging and preying upon that Province in hostile manner At the same time the States took likewise the Town of Huy in the Country of Liege that they might advance nearer the Confines of France on that side and in the mutual communication of their designs communicate their Forces also the easilier The Town of Huy lies upon the Mause with a Bridg which expedites that passage and a Castle eminently seated which commands the Town The Town belongs to the Bishoprick of Liege and till this time had always enjoyed Neutrality between the Kings Forces and the adverse party as all the rest of that Country had likewise done Ernestus the Elector of Bavaria enjoyed that Bishoprick together with the Archbishoprick of Colen The invasion being made he applied himself to the United States for the restitution of that Town which was taken But his endeavours proving vain he had afterwards recourse to the Kings forces to which he promised to joyn his also that such a novelty might be the sooner remedied The Archduke was no less moved upon this occasion nor less ready on his part to remedy it And he being dead Count Fuentes appear'd to be of the same mind He therefore and 't was his first action sent Monsieur de la Motte with good Forces to recover Huy which were quickly augmented by those which the Elector added unto them La Motte being come near the Town began to play upon it and within a few dayes took it and reduced the State of Liege into total security He being afterwards sent for back by Count Fuentes to Brussels who intended to imploy him elswhere Colonel Verdugo was sent by the Count with a great strength of men to free the Country of Lucemburg from the excursions made by the French and to recover the Towns which Bullion had taken Verdugo went thither and did so handle the French as making them first forsake the field he made them afterward quit the Country and the Towns which they had taken The King of France his Forces were then chiefly turned upon the Dukedom of Burgony to take it from the Duke Du Mayn To the defence whereof as also of the County of Burgony which was likewise threatned by the King the Constable of Castile Governour of Millan was come with very gallant Forces from Italy Fuentes had thought to have sent Verdugo thither also with some assistance from Flanders But he dying at that time it could not be effected In him the Spanish Nation lost one of the most valiant and best experienced Commanders in War that was then in all those Provinces Wherein he had served the King of Spain little less then â—0 years And passing through all the degrees of the Militia he had still shewed himself most worthy in the last and particularly most in such as required either greater vigilancy in command or greater wisdom in advice He commanded the Kings Forces with great authority a long time on the further side of the Rhine with much variety of acquisitions and losses till that the Spanish Forces being diverted too much in France the Kings own affairs in Flanders were brought to too bad a condition Count Fuentes being freed from that diversion which the enemy had occasioned in the Countries of Liege and Lucemburg and leaving Colonel Mandragone well furnished with forces thereabouts he applyed himself wholly to the Frontiers of Picardy resolving to go thither himself accompanied with a great strength of men and to advantage the Kings affairs there as much as he could Count Charls Mansfield did formerly command the Kings Flemish Forces which were upon that Frontier as hath been often said But he being gon into Germany to serve the Emperour against the Turk in the VVars of Hungary the Archduke before he died had substituted the Marquis of Barambone in his place who was Governour of Artois which joyns upon Picardy VVho being entred into that Province had overrun it in divers parts and taken Anker and some other Towns all but of small importance He afterwards returning into his own Province had sent Monsieur di Rone in his place of whom and whose Military worth mention hath been often made already He was one of the chief of the League of France but resolving at last actually to establish himself in the King of Spains Service he was received thereunto and had a great stipend allowed him and was made Campmaster General of the Army VVherefore the command of those parts being past into his hands he went thither and made likewise some small acquisitions The Spring was by this time over and Count Fuentes did no longer delay to prepare for putting his designs into execution He desired above all things to take the City of Cambray from the French and to reduce it as formerly it was under the particular Authority of the King of Spain In the revolutions of Flanders soon after the death of Don John that City was fallen into the hands of the Duke of Alanson as was then said Alanson at his death left the Queen his mother heir to those parts which he could pretend to by such an acquisition and she had confirmed the Government of Cambray and of the Castle and Territory of Cambresis upon Signor di Baligni who had the same charge whilst Alanson lived Nor did Baligni omit to make use of the present conjuncture of times by becoming as it were absolute Lord of that City and of all that depended upon the Dominion thereof He having always wrought his advantage on both sides during the troubles of France and Flanders had brought that Country into a condition as it were of neutrality Yet upon all occurrences he lean'd much more to the French where his acquisition might cause less jealousie and consequently receive more protection But the King of France his affairs bettering every day in that Kingdom and especially upon that Frontier Baligni had condescended to put the City of Cambray under the direct dominion of the King reserving unto himself the usefull part
at last effected and all of them concurring now in the same resolution the Ambassadors began again to labour to overcome the difficulties in dispute Continual correspondency was had by Letters between Jannines and Richardotto so as the Negotiation of what was needful past between them but the King of Spain needed no less labouring to be brought to give way to the Truce news was sent to the King of Spain of the Proposition made by the Ambassadors of France and England and of the new Negotiation introduced by their means The King would have been well enough pleased with the Truce had it been according to usual form and all things left in the same terms on both sides as they were at present but to declare the United Provinces to be altogether free and to suffer them in express words to traffick in the Indies seemed to put too great a difference between the present Treaty and ordinary Truces yet 't was seen that 't was impossible ever to come to any accomodation without this Declaration of Liberty and that if the United Provinces had stood so absolutely upon it before they would be brought to a bare suspention of Arms for a few months they would now be much more resolute in it in a Truce which was to endure for many years The Arch-dukes who saw the difficulties and dangers of the war in case it should be continued at a nearer distance were easilyer induced to give way to the Proposal made by the Ambassadors and Jannines both by word of mouth and by Letters had endeavoured to perswade the Catholick Deputies that to declare they made Truce with the United Provinces as with free Provinces and States unto which the King and the Arch-dukes made no pretence at all did not any waies prejudice the right which the King or Arch-dukes might pretend to have over them He had shewed how that it was a general Declaration that the word as bore with it a sense of similitude and not of propriety That in the declaring of one mans being friends with another 't was never said I hold him as a friend that the adding in the last words not to pretend unto any thing had reference to the ambiguity of the former words And finally that such a Declaration could not admit of any interpretation save onely during the time of the Truce That then the King and the Arch-dukes ought to be content to make it since it was involved in words which might satisfie both parties First The unskilful multitude of the Vnited Provinces for the outward appearance of their pretended Liberty then the King and the Arch-dukes for the true substance which was retained in them of leaving their former right still unhurt Then opening himself more freely Jannines said My King in such a case would not make any difficulty in granting this Declaration for if the Vnited Provinces when they shall betake themselves to Arms shall not have better Canons and Muskets words and interpretations will avail them but little In this manner and by these wary and wily waies Jannines as a good mediator endeavoured to draw both sides to a Truce to which the Arch-dukes were easily perswaded and endeavoured to bring the King to be so likewise shewing that by this neither they nor the King should do any thing more then what was yeilded unto at the first suspension of Arms much repugnancy did notwithstanding appear in the King 'T was thought in Spain that the Clause wherewith the Vnited Provinces were to be declared Free States though it were limited vvould generally be interpreted in savour of their Liberty and that vvhen they should have got their desires in that behalf the King vvould not obtain leave for the exercise of the Catholick Religion in their Country vvhich he vvas resolved to have by vvay of interchange and moreover if the Article concerning the Indies should be condiscended unto how much would the King be thereby damnified How much reputation would he thereby lose To which difficulties the Archdukes replyed shewing that when the King resolved to have the abovesaid requital 't was onely to be understood if the peace should be concluded and that the King and the Arch-dukes having absolutely renounced all their right the Vnited Provinces were absolutely free that the present Negotiation of the Truce did differ very much by which the King nor the Arch-dukes could not lose any piece of their former right that it was not to be doubted but that a clause so general and so limitated would be interpreted rather in favour of them then of the contrary party That the Ambassadors themselves thought so as also divers of the Inhabitants of the Vnited Provinces who were against the Truce as that which would be no whit more advantagious for them then was the bare suspension of Arms. And as for the point of the Indies they seemed to have hopes to end it so as it should be no considerable prejudice to the King These reasons were not taken as fully satisfactory in Spain but on the other side the King did very much desire the Truce and that the so great and so unnecessary expences of Flanders should cease The Duke of Lerma was then in great authority with the King and having gotten the sole power over the King by such arts as were available in peace he was unwilling to share it with them who might gain it by such means as war affords which made him from the very beginning very earnest in endeavouring the Negotiation and he did now no less labour that it might come to some good event of agreement the same desires were known to be in the Arch-duke who therefore resolved to send his Confessor to the Court of Spain to answer all the difficulties which were insisted on in Spain the which was thought necessary also to put an end to so long a Negotiation wherein above two years had already been spent which had so tyred the two mediating Kings as they began already to protest that they would meddle no more therein if it were not all the more speedily ended Father Inico di Brazuela of the Order of the Dominicans was the Arch-dukes Confessor a very learned and upright man and one who had been long experienced in the affairs of Flanders so as men hoped well of him and of his fidelity that he might reconcile affairs with the King and State-Officers he being a Spaniard a Votary and of a very noble Family and commendable life He was particularly to take all scruples from the King in the point of pretending by way of interchange the exercise of the Catholick profession in the time of Truce whereof he was to press the necessity even for the cause of Religion it self By representing That if they should return to Arms again manifest hazard would yet be run of losing more then formerly on the King and the Arch-Dukes behalf in Flanders and consequenly of quite losing the Catholick Religion in the yet obedient Provinces instead of