Cyprian which shall not only contrary the true reading but even palpably groslie cause him to confound overthrow his own former words They read it thus Hoc erant vtique caeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus pariconsortio praediti honoris potestatis Bellar. de rom pont l. 1. c. 12. sol 103. lege lib. 4. c 23. sol 591. Et primatus Petro datur the primacy is giuen to Peter is added to Ciprian by theÌ„ sed exerdium ab vnitate proficiscitur Primatus Petrodatur vi Ecclesia vna monstretur The rest of the Apostles were the same that Peter was indued with like fellowship both of honor power but the be ginning coÌ„meth from vnity And the primacy is given to Peter that the Church might be shewed to be one Et primatus Petro datur and the primacy is giuen to Peter hath been added vnto CypriaÌ„ of late becuse they saw the former words did quite overthrow them and so in adding them they haue overthrowne vs and Cyprian too Wil they haue any man to thinke that S. Cyprian would say first The rest of the Apostles were the same that Peter was indued with like fellowship both of honor and power and to adde presently And the primacie is given to Peter How were they the same how were they indued with like fellowship both of honor and power if Peter had the Primacie Vnlesse such a primacy be ment as notwithstanding wil leaue them the same that he was so the same that they shall be like in honor and power such a primacy I hope they haue wit enough to discard and yet any other primacy shall contrary Cyprian and proue them forgers They are Masters of the presses beyond the seas they coÌ„passe sea land to make a proselite they spare no cost shal we think that if the auncieÌ„t manuscripts of Cyprians text had had that clause that the first printed copies would haue waÌ„ted it Would Gratian haue omitted it in his decrees or Caietane or Saunders Dial. dial i. s 123. Rhem annot Ioh. c. 21. f. 280 Dureus rat 6. fol. 286. Fulk against the Rhem. lo lo citato Rey. coÌ„f with Hart c 5 diuis 2. fol. 165. Whit. coÌ„t â—ur l. 6. fol 433. not haue seene the very words that should point out the supremacy it is hard so to thinke against former experiences And yet doth Alane Cope in his dialogues The Rhemists in their testament Dureus against Whitakers in defence of Campian al which go along in that stringe and holde in that addition but most crookedly in so straight a cause Doth not this iustifie the complaint of our meÌ„ against them who lay it soundly to their charge that they from beyonde the seas haue twenty such devises as these to make their religion go currant among their novices here in England You haue seene in the former examples of the Nicene counsel and S. Cyprians authority how bold without shame they haue bin to adde vnto their texts that which the original bookes had not Nowe will I shew you with how great shew of diligence they can handle other authorities when they do but seeme to make for them The thing is this The Ecclesiastical histories of Socrates Sozomene Eccles histor Socrat. l. 2. c. 11. Sozom. l. 3. c. 7. do make meÌ„tion of certaine troubles that befel vnto Athanasius Paulus and Marcellus Asclepas and Lucius al Archbishops of great places in the East who being expulsed from their churches fled vnto Rome where Iulius was bishop who bestirred himselfe as wel as the time would giue him leaue to see them restored to their seas if possible it might be This authority record seeming to make for the bishop of Romes power and dominion is garnished with glorious titles and often alledged with great pompe as if the matter were cleare and to be received without further examination that the bishoppe of Rome had supreme power on earth over all other bishops Bellarmine alleadgeth it fowre several times Bellar. de rom pont l. 2. c. 15. fol. 237. vnder fowre seueral titles and in al fowre agreeth with himselfe That Athanasius the rest being deposed froÌ„ their seas fly to Rome where Iulius for the dignity of his place gaue them comfort and reliefe and in plaine termes restored theÌ„ to their bishopricks 1. By the witnesse of Greek fathers First he alleadgeth it in the Chapter of proofes for the Popes monarchy by the witnesse of Greeke fathers because the historian Sozomene who reporteth it was a GreciaÌ„ Next 2. Bell. vt ante l. 2. c. 18. by his authority ouer other bishops 3. Bell vt ante l. 2 c. 21. by appeales made vnto him 4. Bel de conc auth l. 2. c 17. The first reporter of this is Socrates Eccles histor l. 2. c. 11. You shall read before that they fled to Constantinus the younger l. 2. c. 2. Loco contumeliae Cap. 14. Constans Emperour of the West Cap. 16. for the authority which the bishop of Rome exercised over other bishops because hee wrote to the Easterne bishops about them Then in the chapter of appeales because they came from the East into the West for succour In the fourth place he bringeth it in for the Popes authority over counsels because the Easterne bishops had deposed the other in a couÌ„cell It is a signe that Bellarmine would play the good husband with the whole peece that can doe so much with such smal rags The first reporter of this is Socrates a Greeke writer aswel as Sozomene before him in the history He sheweth how that Athanasius Paulus Asclepas Marcellus and Lucius being depriued of their churches came to Rome the princely citty and cettifie Iulius of their troubles Iulius by reason of the prerogatiue of his church vphelde their partes writing his letters into the East which they trusting vnto go euery man to his owne home and send the letters according to their seueral directions But those of the East tooke the letters of Iulius in skorne wil not be directed by him After this the Emperour Constans writeth to his brother in the behalfe of them desiring him to send those thither who might render a reason before him of the iust causes of their deposition His letters tooke none effecte in so much that they make humble suit that an other counsel might bee called wherin both parties might be the better known By the commandement of both Emperours a general counfell was proclaimed at Sardice a citty of Illirium by the better part of the counsel is Paulus Athanasius and Marcellus restored to their bishopricks Notwithstanding these things Edicitur concilium generale idque de sententia duoruÌ„ Imperarorum Constantius Emperour of the East Cap 18. Constantius the Emperour of the East deferred from day to day the execution of his brothers request concerning the deposed biships wherefore he gaue him in choise either to restore Paulus and Athanasius
23. they were brethren and fellowes And this Damasus him selfe knew wel enough although these men defile their consciences for him when he and other bishops of Italy did write vnto the bishops of Illiricum That it was meete that all the bishops belonging to the Romane iurisdiction should agree in one Qui Romani ditioni subijciuntur And great Marvaile it were that Damasus should be so suddenly growne potent and masterfull over the bishops of the East when it appeareth that Vrsinius durst checke with him for the Popedome Socr. l. 4. c. 24. as Felix did with Liberius who went next before him SozoÌ„ l. 4. c. 14. which contention the councell of Syrmiunâ— determined willing them to be bishops both togither Now touching the termes of Father Sonnes which these men catch at for Damasus behoofe It is cleare in the letter that Damasus and the westerne bishops with him do say of the Niceene councel that they were their fathers that their decrees had armed their faith Patres nostri Fidem nostraÌ„ cinxêre against the weapons of the Devil If the Popes Soveraignety had bin without limit and over al it had bin a very harsh phrase to haue named the Roman iurisdiction as Damasus and the rest do Againe this same couÌ„cel held at Rome by Damasus was at the same time with that other of Constantinople vnto which Damasus summoned and called those of the East how came it then to passe that both they could shift themselues from their obedience to Damasus and not to come and haue their councel held at Constantinople whereat neither Damasus nor any for him was present to be celebrated by so famous a name as The second generall councell and so remaineth vnto this day rather then that other of his at Rome if Damasus were so great at that time as they would make vs beleeue he was Furthermore whereas they simper so much about Damasus forsooth of Calling the councelat Constantinople they cannot tell whether it was done by his advise or by his anthoritie or whether he did it at the Emperours request or the Emperor at his or whither their powers were equal so well haue they conned their leere yet is it plaine by the Ecclesiastical history that the Emperour called and summoned it Theodosius caled the couÌ„sell at ConstaÌ„tinople anno 385. Socrat. eccles hist l. 5. c. 8. Imperator nulla mora interposita concilium Episcoporum ipsius fidem amplectentium convocat The Emperour admitting no delay called a councell of Bishops imbracing the same faith which he did whereby the faith of the Niceene councel might be strengthned and a bishop of Constantinople appointed Here is no sharing of authority in this point betweene the Emperour and the bishop of Rome as Sanders would make vs beleeue The Popes deede and the Emperours al one Ita vt prima generalis concilij causa fit Romani episcopi hoc est primi pastoris coÌ„uocatio Moris fuit vt Papa literas de ea re ad imperatorem daret is vero papae literiâ— acceptis etiaÌ„ per suas literas Episcopoâ— convocarer vt ita Papae atque Imperatoris convocatio vna eademque esset that so the Popes summoning and the Emperours might bee but as one act Search all antiquity for these 1300. yeares ever since the first famous general councel of Nice and neuer heare of that practise except in some petite-graund councels of their own of late yeares such as that was of Trent And where also Sanders in the processe hereof woulde make vs beleeue that in those times the bishop of Rome was the first originall cause of calling councels but the meane whereby he effected that calling was the Emperours greatnesse by his summons as also Stapleton beareth vs in hand in the places before cited is a mere abuse and absolute forgery without either sense or favor For he telleth vs presently as if he would purposely frustrate al that himselfe had said that Leo the great did write vnto the Emperour Martianus thus Poposceram a gloriosissima clementia vestra Leo epist 44. ex Saund. de claue Dauid l. 4 â— 81. de visib mo l. 7. f. 346. The bishop of Rome desired the Emperor to deferre the Counsell Staplet ad Eliza reg Angliae in epist praefixa ad BedaÌ„ in Ang. serm Bellar. de coÌ„c eccles l. 1. c. 19. fol. 88 89. Leo epist 58. ex Saund. de visib mon. l. 7. fol. 352. Vide Stap. ret of vntruths against M. Iuell art 4. fol. 142. 143. vt synodum quam pro recuperandâ—… Orientalis ecclesiae pace à nobis etiam petitam necessariam indicastis aliquaÌ„tisper differri ad tempus opportunius iuberetis I desired of your most excellent Maiesty that you would commande that that synode which you thought necessary to be holden for establishing of the peace of the East church for which I also made suit might haue bin for a little while deferred to a more coÌ„uenient time And this was touching the great general couÌ„sell of Chalcedon which Martianus the Emperour summoÌ„ed being often moued thervnto by Leo the Pope and not only summoned it but was also present and not only preseÌ„t but sat in the first place and sate so ad confirmanda in fidem to confirme the faith as before him the good Emperor ConstaÌ„tine did And when his Maiestie was not disposed to sit any longer hee left certaine of his secular Princes to sit in his absence And when the counsell was ended hee willed Leo to direct his letters to al the bishops that were present to signifie his confent and allowance to the Articles of faith which they had decreed which hee willingly performed least any should take occasion to stumble through his default If the Popes owne wil and purpose were the first original cause of counsells and that the Emperors duty was but to signify to the bishops when hee had receaued order from the Pope Then are they false that tell vs and it is they that tel vs that the Emperour summoned it and that the Pope obtained so much from him by intreatie when the summons was gon out his holinesse prayed it might be deferred and could not obtaine his request Hardly can it be said that the Emperor and Pope were equall in authoritie at this time seeing the Pope by intreaty sought that of the Emperour which had the matter bin as they lay it downe hee might haue compassed by his owne power without him The last point touching the succession of the Bishops of Rome Let this suffice for these Now for the last point wherof I intended to speake Tuberius which was touching the succession of the bishopps of Rome for these many hundred yeares of which you said at the beginning you had a table Examine their succession vpon these pointes because I doe imagine that your table is but a bare table of names without any touch ether of the doctrine they taught
sinketh not into my head that men otherwise learned and verie religious should so wilfully hood wincke themselues against the truth as in this last declaration it seemeth you meane they doe for besides their owne words and few of their bookes haue I yet seene in iustification of themselues I see a famous Catholike Church of theires I meane Rome who hath bin and yet is renowned for succession of Bishops This hath bin and yet is maketh all the error Iulius Caesar was once faithful to the Romans but affecting Soue ranitie he cōtinued not so so the Church of Rome was agreat church amongst the rest But now it beareth witnes of it selfe as Simon Magus said That hee was some great mā Act 8.9 Their vsual tables in writing which they giue to their freinds containing a Catalogue of the Bish of Rome and continuance of Apostolike doctrine vvhose gouernor head is the Pope vvho keepeth it in the same integritie and soundnesse of doctrine that S. Peter our Lords cheife Apostle vvhose successor hee is did vvhen hee sate and ruled there as he doth now I tell you I haue a table of the Bishops of Rome from S. Peter to Climens the eight vvho latly deceased as the speech was You cannot shew me the like of any Church in the world but of that Al churches saue a fewe of late yeeares haue ever acknowledged that Church for the mother and head of them al and whatsoeuer was amisse vvas thither referred and determined therfore if you will oppose your selfe against them or their religion you had need bringe sound arguments or else they wil bee quickly confuted Rom. See now you require that of mee already vvhich you cannot performe your selfe To enterinto the discussing of the points of doctrine vvhich concerne either side you haue nether abilitie nor iudgment by reason you are but newly begun to be tutered by them And then if I shoulde of my selfe discourse of them vnto you you vvould in the end say of my labour therin as a merrie fellow in Wilteshire said of an hare in a course with his dogge when my dogge was let slip at the hare quoth he she went forth right was before my dogge some foure acres bredth But my dogge fetcht her and gaue her a turne and awaie she goes againe then he gaue her another and did beat her so that she had many turnes wrenches but in the end quoth he the hare went awaie and had nether turne nor wrench so if I should shew vnto you the vnsoūdnes of the doctrine of the church of Rome from scriptures Fathers Counsells Doctors yea of the intrusions of Bishops into that sea which you from them call succession you would giue me the hearing how soever I did beat the hare in giuing her manie wrentches turnes yet you would saie she went from me in the end and had nether turne nor wrentch I am not ignorant in what painted Cyphers In the 1. petition to his Maiestie Adde fidem dictis Ovid. Medea Ias the Catholikes did of late a greable to your report of them set forth their religion calling it venerable for antiquitie maiesticall for amplitude constant for continuance irreprehensible for doctrine inducing to all kind of vertue and pietie dissuading from all sin wickednesse A religiō beloued by all pri◅tiue Pastors established by all Oecumenicall counsells vpheld by al ancio◅ doctors maintained by the first and most Christian Emperours recorded almost alone in all Ecclesiasticall histories sealed with the blood of millions of Martyres adorned with the vertues of so manie confessors beautified with the paritie of thousands of Virgins so conformable to naturall sence and reason and finally so agreable to be sacred text of Gods word and Gospell Of which speech of theirs I will saie noe otherwise nowe Cor. Tac. hist l. 2. c. 27. then Tacitus doth of Vitellius the Emperour of Rome in these words The daie following saith he as though he had spoken before the Senate and people of a strange Citty he made a glorious speech of himselfe extolling his owne industriousnesse and temperancie when as they vvhich hard him of their owne knowledge vvere witnesses of his lewd actions al Italy besides through which he marched for drowsinesse and riot notoriously infamous Two pillars wherof the Papists must rest Whitak cont Dureum l 9. de Sophia There are two notable pillars which vphold the Church of Rome in al her buildings vnknowen to you yet but herafter better may be against which if you leane they wil surely deceaue you on is The Church of Rome cannot erre whatsoeuer it teacheth the other The Bishop of Rome ought not to bee accused what soeuer he doe Vpon such pillars as these they maie reate what vvorke they wil and so they doe but it fareth with thē as it was wont to the false Prophets One buildeth vp an muddy wall Exech 13.10 and others dawbe it over with a rotten plaister But because it hath pleased God to bringe vs againe thus luckely to gether I wil bend our conference for this time to some good purpose that you goe not altogether awaie without profite Will you graunt mee but so much as common humanitie will afford anie man or the meanest courtesie of freindes allowe Tub. I wil alowe you any reasonable graunt whereof if you doubt you doe me wronge it may be you deeme me so affectioned that I wil neither heare nor read anie thinge aganst my humor I would not haue you so thinke of me that were more beast like to follow the first of the heard then according to anie Christian course and if anie should wish me to it I should the sooner mistract them and grow the wearier of them Rom. You say well and my request shal be yet more reasonable then you would deeme it to be you are you saie vnable to dispute of the points of doctrine betweene them vs vntil you be further instructed in them Tub. I confesse it I haue only hetherto heard their our report without either their proofes or your acceptions Rom. Why then this I saie which you or anie man being neuer so vnlearned maie vnderstand if all their points of their religion be good sound Catholike according to Scriptures Fathers Counsells Doctors histories viz. their Masse their sacrifice their reall presence their meritinge of heauen their free wil in good and holy things their praying to Saints their seruice in an vnknowen tongue The points in con rouersie betweene vs. the forbidding of the lave people to read the Scriptures in their vulgar tongue The Bishop of Romes authoritie worshiping of Images and a number of questions else What need then is there for the Doctors of that side such as haue written in defence proofe of their cause Harding Dorman Saunders Stapleton Allen Cope Bellarmine Rhemists Dureus and manie others to misaleadg any Doctor Counsell Historie or Father either by corrupting of
Niceene councel nor ought to haue greater rule by their iudgment than he before time had This is the true and genuine sense and meaning of that councel and canon The contrary part are diuided in this and yet not divided Divided touching the original text of the canoÌ„ Ekius ench de loc coÌ„ f. 58. Hard. in conf Apol. p. 2. c. 3. diuis 6. f. 114. SauÌ„d. de visib monar lib. 7. fol. 220. 228. 288. 332. Staplet ret of vnt against luell art 4. fol. 38. b. Andrad defeÌ„ Trid. conc l. 2. fol. 234. 1. Instead of the Bishop of Rome he readeth Metropo litane some of theÌ„ saying it is vnperfect And againe not diuided in that they al claime by it not respecting the vnperfectnes of it A strange sentence it were that coulde both extol the bishop of Romes authority oueral churches and yet limit him to his scantling as wel as other bishops and serue this turne both when it is perfect when it is vnperfect wanteth Friar Ecchius in his booke of common places doth read the canon word for word as we do without any adding or diminution So doth D. Harding in his confutation of the Apology of the church of England Sanders in his visible monarchy doth fowre times iut vpon this sixt canon eveÌ„ as we read it without any addition in words saving a sinister interpretation sometime Andradius confesseth the canon as before it is read and yet he hammereth fowly about it bringing in insteed of because the bishop of Rome hath the like order or custome these wordes because the Metropolitane hath the like custome And so insteed of the bishop of Rome he readeth the Metropolitane Mary this was out of an old Latine coppy which he standeth not much vpon because the canon it selfe was written in Greeke But saith he where the Niceene synod speaketh of the like custome to the church of Rome yet doth not make equal the church of AlexaÌ„dria to the church of Rome but confirmeth the prerogatiue of the church of of Alexandria to the iudgement of the church of Rome and saith it is the custome of the Church of Rome that the Church of Alexandria should bee taken for the primate of Egipt What by the iudgment of the church of Rome as though the Church of Rome allotted it to be so To take his iudgment 〈◊〉 He expoundeth his custome to be his iudgment for his Custome were an hard interpretation flat against the text for both their limits are grounded vpon old customes and not one vpon the others iudgment Dureus goeth more exactly to worke and setteth downe the canon in Greeke and Latine even as we read it without alteration But addeth that nothing coulde haue beene spoken more plaine cleare Dureus conf resp Whitak rat 4. fol. 170. for establishing the authority of the church of Rome ouer all charches For those fathers saith he bring the custome of the church of Rome for an argument wherby they limit the authority of the bishop of Alexandria therfore the church of Alexandria dependeth on the Church of Rome as on 〈◊〉 mother and receiueth all shee hath from her Which glosse of his is the farthest froÌ„ the text that may be imagined Dureus exposition his exposition standeth thus Let the bishop of Alexandria gonerue the Churches of Egipt and the rest of the Metropolitanes in their provinces doe the like because the bishop of Rome hath iâ—râ—sdiction over all churches what coherence hath one part with an other Panffoote fo 91. Antioche Alexandria were cheefe patriarchall churches If the bishop of Rome had power overal why did not those fathers expresse that they bestowed his charge vpon others that with some dependency on him And how is it that they themselues tel vs that the churches founded by S. Peter and namely Antioche and Alexandria haue bin named the chiefe patriatchal churches and did goe before al the others in the counsels Hardly then can Dureuâ— tel vs when Alexandria depended on Rome as on a mother But Dureus saith further that we might learne the meaning of the canon from Paschasinus the Popes Legate in the couÌ„sel of Chalcedon where he recited that sixt canon thus The Church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacy Tre centorum decem octo patrum sextus canon quod Ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum The sixt canon of the 318. fathers that the church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacy Wel may this be the preface of the Popes Legate before he came to the Canon but the canon it could not be in coÌ„mon sense and reason But Dureus hath broken the Ise set in his foot and Bellarmine must finish the rest This of Paschasinus but the church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacie was spokeÌ„ by him 120. yeares after the canon was made and yet Bellarmine is come to this that those words should be the beginning of the canon and that the canon wanted a beginning til nowe of late where it is plaine that those were but the Legates words in fauour of the sea of Rome and no part of their meaning Fowre several times doth Bellarmine assay this canon to make it serue his turne 1. Bellar. de Rom. pont l. 1. c. 24. fol. 151. 2. l. 2. c. 13. fol. 221. 3. l. 2. c. 17. fol. 250. 4. l. 2. c. 18. fol. 266. In the first hee alloweth the canon only as we read it without claiming any addition to it In the second hee handleth it roughly but yet confesseth against himselfe that as the canon is extant in the coÌ„mon prints the beginning lacketh which is Ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum mos auteÌ„ perduret The church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacie let the ancient custome remaine c. For so saith he did Paschasinus read it in the counsel of ChalcedoÌ„ If it be so then doth Dureus abuse his reader for he saith The Church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacy Ruffinus expoundeth the canon as weâ— doe Paschasinus read it thus The sixt canon of the 318. fathers That the church of Rome hath c. why doth Bollarmine suppresse the word That but to make vs Beleeue the recital of the eanon is the canon it selfe But Bellarmine doth freely confesse that the ancient father Ruffinus for more than 1200. yeares since expounded the canons as we do that is That the bishop of Alexandria should haue the care of all Egypt as the Bishop of Rome hath of the Churches neere about him But Bellarmine saith that this expositioÌ„ is false as also that of Theodoret Balsamon a greeke borne who doth also to that effect interpret the Canon who howsoeuer hee displeaseth them now Cope dial 1. f. 166. yet doth Alan Cope confesse him to bee a learned diuine But that exposition amongst many that pleaseth Bellarmine best is That the bishop of Alexandria should gouerne those prouinces allotted to
him because the bishop of RoÌ„e is so accustomed that is because the bishop of Rome before any definition of any councell did accustome to permitt the gouernment of Egypt Libia and Pentapolis to the Bishop of Alexandria or was accustomed to gouerne those prouinces by the bishop of Alexandria Oratio pro Muraena Iacerent in tenebris omnia nisi literarum lumen accesserit saith Tully Althings had lien buried in darknesse had not the light of good letters awaked them How doe these men with the knowledge of good letters involue althings into more darknesse then if they were reduced to the first Chaos There is none of them al but knowe that the canon about which they keepe so much stirre is directly against them The verie recitall of it is a sufficient confutation of the argumeÌ„ts brought to the contrarie They only desire to force their witts to vphold their wills If the beginning of the canon hath bin wanting so long time as Bellarmine maketh account it hath how did Eckius Hardinge Saunders Andradius and Dureus make it serue their turne against vs when it was wanting are they so good workmeÌ„ that any tooles wil serue their turnes whether they bee blunt or sharp wil any thinge against the Protestants serue But popery was neuer fully cloathed in all hir colours til the late Iesuits set it to sale How or by whose means that peece was waÌ„ting so long or how it came to be wanting or how to be fouÌ„d Bellarmine doth not shew What record maketh mention of it ether counsell or father or Doctor or whoeuer said so but he he is taken with maner and vntill he doth manfully acquite himselfe he must slaÌ„d charged with the wrong don to those 318. fathers whose words he hath falcified If hee bringe out an other Iesuite elder then himselfe to testifie with him it may not serue the intelligence shal bee but as betweene an incendiarie and a robber the one to fire the house and the other to rifle it There was a time when the shewing of this canon if it doe make for the bishop of Romes authoritie wold haun greatly pleasured the Roman bishops namely in their great and longe conflict with the Bishops of Aphrica even touching superioritie and command duâ—ing the full time almost of three Popes Zozoman Bonisacius Iâ—…ocentius 1. presently after the Niceâ—e counsell who contended with them denied it them Then or neuer had that canon beene to bee shewed had it bin at all and fitter oportunitie to haue found it was neuer offered But none of the Bishops of Rome euer hard of the making of it which is an vndoubted argument there was none such On the other side wee haue testimonie both for the Canon ever since it was made that it was neuer altered and beside the evidence of the truth in the verie language of it we haue Ruffinus for 1200. yeares agoe expounding of it as wee doe But let vs compare their new patch with the whole cloth Mat 9.16 Contraria interse apposita magis elucescunt The right canon as they al agree and see whether that that should fill it vp do not take from the garment and so the breach be worse Let the ancient custome be kept thorough out Egipt Lybia and Pentapolis that the bishop of Alaxandria haue the goverment of all these for the bishop of Rome hath the like order Likewise also in Antiochia and in other provinces the priviledges are to be kept to the churches After their forgery we may read it thus The sixt canon of the 318. fathors That the church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacie Dureus vt ante let the ancient enstomes remaine c. After Bellarmine thus The church of Rome hath alwaies had the primacie let the auncient customes remaine thorough out Egipt Libia Bellar. vt ante and Pentapolis that the bishop of Alexandria governe those provinces because the bishop of Rome is accustomed so to do that is because the bishop before the definition of any councell accustomed to permit the gouerment of Egipt Libia and Pentapolis to the bishop of Alexandria or accustomed to governe those provinces by the bishop of Alexandria Hauing this liberty to do and say what they list to adde or take away wheÌ„ they wil they were to bee reckoned as simple and childlike as now they are found fraudulent and base if they would ever yeeld to any authority that is alleadged against them But yet they shal not loose their labors it shal be with them as with the Grecian artificers cos aulados esse Cicero pro L. Muraena orat 23. fol. 750. qui citharaedi fieri non potuerint Who were taken to be pipers when they coulde not attaine to be good plaiers on the harpe and they shal be accounted Coblers and botchers for faire and good worke they set vp none I could cloy you with proofe against them in this kind of dealing but I wil only adde one or two more and so an end Antwerpiae ex cudebat Ioannes Crinitus anno 1541. Cypr. de simppraelat siue de vnit eccles Al the Apostles were equall The ancient father and martyr S. Cyprian who liued aboue 1300. yeares agoe within 250. yeares of Christ hath this sentence Hoc crant vtique caeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus pari consortio praediti honoris potestatis Verily the rest of the Apostles were the same that Peter was indued with like fellowship both of honor and power From which the Protestants argue that S. Cyprian knew no rule or dominion that S. Peter had ouer the rest of the Apostles for saith he they were equal both in honor and in power Iuel con Hard. art 4. diuis 6. fol. 239. Caus 24. q 1. loquitur dominus Caiet de rom pont instit toÌ„ 1. tract 3 c. 3. de author papae conc toÌ„ 1. tract 1. c. 2. Saund l. 7. nuÌ„ 46. fol. 262. and so hath shut out the bishop of Rome from hauing that soueraignty over the rest of the bishops of the church Bishop Iuell in his time without any mistrust thought this authority of CypriaÌ„s stroÌ„g enough amongst others to shew the ancient fathers mindes in that point Gratian who compiled the decrees hath recorded this sentence of Cyprian even in this forme that we lay it downe Cardinal Caietane eiteth it twife in two seueral tracts writing of the Popes authority even as we do without any addition at al to it Saunders also in his visible monarchy argueth vpon this text of Cyprian for Peters supremacie over the rest of the Apostles but quoteth the text as we do without the late addition added by the Iesuits so that for our warrant wee haue al the ancient texts of Cyprian The decrees of Gratian the testimony of Caietane and the allowance of Sanders Nothwithstanding which testimony witnes they haue of late found out a piece belonging to this text of
and so accompt him for his friend or else to heare the proclamation of open warre and so finde him as his deadly foe The letters he sent were to this effect There remaine with me Athanasius and Paulus who as I am credibly giuē to vnderstand are persecuted for godlinesse sake The letters of constance to his brother Constantius If thou wilt promise me to restore them to their seates to punish severely such as haue iniured them I wil send the parties themselues vnto thee But if thou wilt not accomplish these things as I require I will that thou knowe that I will come thither and whether thou wilt or no restore them to their seats Constantius vnderstanding this assembled many of the Easterne bishops and demanded of them what were best to be done They did not cōclud thus vp on the Bishop of Romes letters In fine epistolae lulij Romani episcop ad clerum populum Alexandrinum They answere it were farre better to restore Athanasius than to raise deadly and mortal warre Wherefore the Emperor restored Athanasius Paulus Marcellus Asclepas and Lucius every one to his bishoprick againe so that by the Emperours edict they all receiued their own seas the citties were commanded to entertaine them with willing cheerful mindes Thus much briefly out of Socrates concerning the troubles which befel on Athanasius the rest of the Catholike bishops What Sozomene reporteth which is all the shew that Bellarmine hath of this matter Sozomene of the same matter l. 3. c. 7. His reports of this same matter shal as breeflly follow as the rest is gone before In his third booke seauenth Chap. he mētioneth the same matter that Socrates did in his second book eleuenth Chap. That is the flight of Athanasias others from Alexandria and other places to Rome Iulius his writing letters in their behalfe which he calleth his restoring of thē euen as in an other place he saith they deposed Pope Iulius who yet was not deposed Their answering of Julius letters rethorically and ironically telling him withal that although Rome from the beginning had bin famous and the Metropolies for religion godlines tamē authores religionis Christianae primū Christian religiō came first out of the east ex Oriēte eò veaeissēt yet the authors foūders of the christiā religiō came first out of the East thither that Iulius in doing that which he did had brokē the laws of the church in medling with those that they had dealt against In the meane time new accusations were coined vnto Constantius which Iulius vnderstanding thought it not safe for Athanasius to like in Egipt but sent for him to Rome Cap. 8. 9. And wrote againe to the bishops of the East who met at Antioche replying to the letters and found fault with them that contrary to the faith of the Nicene counsel they had vndertaken new matters and contrary to the lawes of the church they had not called him to the counsel For saith he there is a law belonging to the honor of Priesthood which taketh those acts for voide which are enacted without the consent of the bishop of Rome the matter commeth to this issue Cap. 19. He is the issue of what Iulius could doe He brought the matter into the Emperour hand when Iulius saw that those things for which he wrote tooke none effect causam Athanasij Pault ad Constantem retulit hee bringeth the cause of Athanasius and Paulus vnto the Emperour Constans who did write vnto his brother both for the sending of Athanasius his accusers vnto him with request in that manner as before you did heare to see them restored himselfe The conclusion of Sozomens history concerning Athanasius and the rest is the same that Socrates before mētioned was Sozom. l. 3. cap. vlt. thus Athanasius returned from the West vnto Egipt so did Paulus Marcellus Asclepas Lucius recover their Episcopall seates for by the Emperours letters they also had libertie to returne to their owne home There is a third historiographer who is very plentifull in reporting the troubles that befel on these bishops Theod. eccles histe l. 2. cap. 5. and of Athanasius comming vnto Constans the Westerne Emperour and his putting the Prince in minde of his fathers Acts and of the great Councel of Nice which his father had called then instantly got the Emperour to write vnto his brother Constantius wherin he warneth him to keepe inviolably the inheritance of his fathers faith Constantius moued with these letters appointed a Counsel to be held at Sardice willed the bishops aswel of the East as the West to be their present Whereby it is plaine stil that as the Emperour restored them in the end so had they power to call and summon the councels and to appoint any meane which they thought fit for the due hearing of the matter till their owne full sentence came And this is so plaine that Sanders in his visible monarchy saith Magnus Athanasius nihil dubitauit Constantis Imperatoris Catholics sidem atque opem contra Constantij Caesaris vim ac perfidiā implorare L. 2 c. 4. fol. 82. ex Theod. eccles lib. 2. c 5. Athanasius the great doubted not to craue and implore the trust and help of the catholike Emperour Constans against the force trecherie of the Emperour Constantius Now let the whole world iudge betweene our adversaries vs which of vs twaine haue more right vnto this question of restoring of Athanasius and the other Bishops The history is plaine Iulius authority was to weake to performe what he thought to haue compassed and therfore hee appealed to the Emperour who indeed did strike the stroake 1. 2. 3. 4. Thus is Bellarmines Fowre fold proofe proued to bee single sold and poore and yet is not this his case alone but of others before him 5. Hard. art 4. cont Iuell fol. 111. b. 117 b Hardings 6. Dormā cōt Iuell fol 64 b. Dorman 7. Pighius eccles hier lib. 4. fol. 269. Pighius 8. Cope dial 1. fol. 55. Cope 9. Staplet returne of vntruths against M Iuell art 4. fol 29. Stapleton all of them ioining in one to suppresse the truth all of them alleadging the storie falsely and deceiptfully as though it had bin done by Iulius which was only effected by the Emperour And where in the processe of this tragedie touching Athanasius I haue opened indeed of purpose because the adversaries should not cauill that Iulius alleadged a law in he honor of Preisthood which ordained that those acts should be void which were made without the consent of the bishop of Rome which may seeme at the first sight to make only for his authoritie and soueraignty excluding all others It may please them that shal so thinke to vnderstand withall that over the bishops of Christendome there were constituted appointed foure Patriarches of Rome Constantinople Antioche and
Alexandria amongst which foure the Bishop of Rome had the first place in order and fitting when they did meete to gether but no definitiue sentence to vndoe that which they did or to conclude without them and this held touching generall counsells and somethinge for the nominating of bishops if need had bin and not touching the bishop of Rome only but also towardes others of that fellowship and thence sprange their letters of mutuall certificate each to others touching that one faith which they al professed as Gregory the great seemeth to insinuate when he saith Hinc est etiam quòd quoties in quatuor praecipuis sedibus Antistites ordinantur synodales sibi epistolas viciscim mittant Gregor l. 7. episc 53. ex saÌ„dvis mon. l. 7. so 358. Stapl. Princ. fidei doct l. 4. c. 20. fol. 149. Greg. l. 6. epis 37. ex Saund. visib monar l. 7. fol. 220. The dignity in the 3. patriarchal seats is equall Rome Alexandria Antioche SozoÌ„ l. 6. c. 23 Sanders abuseth this place alleadging it so as if the coÌ„sent only of the bishop of Rome were required Declaue Dauid l. 4. fol 80. Socrat. eccles histo l. 7. c. 28. Noe bishop ordained without the consent of the bishop of CoÌ„stantinople Hence it is also that oftentimes we finde that men of chelfe authoritie are appointed to rule in the fowre cheife seas mutually they sende synodicall Epistles each to others Cum multi sint Apostole pro ipso tamen principatu sola Apostolorum principis sedes in authoritate coÌ„valuit quae in tribus locis vnius est Although there bee many Apostles yet for the principalitie the seate of the prince of the Apostles was cheife in authoritie which authoritie in 3 places is equal For he Peter exalted the seate wherin he vouchsafeth to abide and ende his life Hee also beautified the seate vnto which he seÌ„t the EvaÌ„gelist Mark his disciple And he established the seate wherin he sate seuen yeares although he remoued from thence And other mens consents were established by law to bee had aswell as the bishop of Rome as we may read in the same history of Sozomene that the counsell holden at Ariminum was condeÌ„ned because nether Vincentius nor the rest to whome it belonged aswell as the bishop of Rome though his minde should haue bin knowne before other had not agreed vnto it It is moreover read againe in plaine tearmes in the diuisioÌ„ betweene Sisinius and those of Cyzicium they appointing one bishop and he nominating an other Hoc ab illis factum est neglecta illa lege quae iubet nequis episcopus desiguetur absque sententia authoritate Episcopi Constantinopolis This they did faith the storie because they neglected that law which commandeth that no bishop be appointed and ordained without the consente of the bishop of Constantinople so it appeareth if the businesse concerning the whole church were handled theÌ„ al their knowledges and mindes were had and knowne in it if it concerned any particular part therof then the particular bishops of the prouince 1. Bellar. de Rom. pont l. 2 c. 13. fo 223. ex Theodoret. ec cles his l. 5. c. 9. is abused aswel as the rest By commandement of the Popes letters saith Bellarm. 2. Bellar. de conc eccles l. 1. c. 13. f. 60. By the Popes letters they came to Constantinople A most impudeÌ„t vntruth shamlesly avouched 3. Bel. de conc eccles l. 1. c. 19. fo 83. 87. The bishop of Constantinople was president If the bishopp of Rome or his Legat must needs be president of couÌ„sells then this counsel lacked a president or otherwise it must appeare that Nectarius was his Legat or deputy both which are absurd to think and the patriarch yeilded thervnto the Emperour aboue alto bridle and call all to accompt You shal further see their sincerity in alleadging the histories by an other exaÌ„ple about the bishop of Romes supreme power out of the ecclesiasticall historie also The second generall counsell in their Epistle to Damasus which is extant in Theodoret doe say that they came to the citty of ConstaÌ„tinople ex mandato literarum pontificis by commandement of the Popes letters sent vnto them by the Emperour And there also they confesse the church of Rome to bee the head and they the members This saith Bellarmine in his first report of that historie In the second place he bringeth it in for proof of the Popes authority in calling of generall counsells Theoporete reporteth saith he that the Emperour Theodosius did not so much call the counsell at Constantinople as that hee seÌ„t the letters of Damafus the Pope to the bishops by which letters the counsell was summoned For so write the bishops gathered together in the counsell vnto Damasus the Pope mandato inquiunt literarum supertore anno à vestra reverentia ad sanctissimum Imperatorem Theodosium missarum That by letters receaued the last yeare from your holynesse meaning the Pope sent vnto the most holy Emperour Theodosius wee prepared to take our iourney to Constantinople Although therfore saith Bellarmine Theodosius called the counsel yet he called it by commandement of the sea Apostolike In the 3. place hee bringeth this same example for the presidentship and cheifty of the bishop of Rome in counsells In the secoÌ„d counsel held at Constantinople saith hee it is certaine that the Emperour fat not cheife but only sent the letters of the bishop of Rome to the rest by which they were called to the counsell And it is certaine saith he that the Roman bishop was not president but Nectarius the bishop of Constantinople the reasoÌ„ wherof is because the bishop of Rome was not there nor any Legate for him for Damasus the Pope had called the bishops of the East to Constantinople But from that place he would haue had them come to Rome that so at Rome there might haue bin a full plenary counsell both of the East West bishops How bouldly are these vntruthes avouched 4. Saund. â—… fol. 41. But if Damasus had beene there without doubt he had sat cheife as appeareth by their Epistle to Damasus Vbi illi Damasum vs caput suum agnoseunt ipse filios cos vocat wherin they acknowledge him for their head and he calleth them sonnes so much for Bellarmine Saunders in his Visible monarchy maketh a briefe of this matter thus The fathers that were saith he gathered togither in the second general counsel holden at Constantinople when they were vrged by Damasus the bishop of Rome to come thither amongst other causes why they coulde not so do brought this for one By the Popes letters they came to Constantinople That by the letters of the same Damasus written to the Emperor Theodosius they were appointed only to prepare themselues for a â—ourney to ConstaÌ„tinople And that they had brought the coÌ„sents of the bishops who remained at home in their provinces with them
it pleased almighty God to send ease to his Church in making her chiefe enemies her dearest friends Then began Kings to be her nursing fathers Queenes to be her nursing mothers Then first called he Constantinus surnamed the Great to the knowledge of the truth Esay 49. v. 23. After the first 300. yeeres of a Pagan becōming a Christian putting downe Idololatry and erecting the true service of God Vnder him and his sonnes there liued the Romane Bishops Melchiades Silvester Marcus Iulius Liberius and Felix Strife about Felix Eccle 1. hier l. 4 c. 8. There is much strife in the church of Rome at this and Felix Strife about Felix Eccles hier l. 4. c. 8. There is much strife in the church of Rome at this day about this Felix some of them reakoning him for a Pope and some putting him out Albertus Pighius saith they that register him for a Pope bewray their own ignorance Bellarmine saith Bell. de Rom. pont li. 4. c. 9. fol. 509. their church worshippeth him as Pope and Martyr The strife betweene them two about Felix groweth about Liberius who was Pope next before him This Liberius in his banishment vnder Constantius the Emperour did subscribe to the Arrian heresy and so in his absence out of the Citty Felix was Pope in his roome Thus much doth Bellarmine cōnfesse of Liberius And because Pighius most impudētly denieth that he subscribed Chron. l. 3. fol. 574. Ammianus Marcellinus Comes So was Marcellinus martired yet he fell before They were wont to tell vs that Christ praied for Peter but nowe they tel vs he praied for the chaire he sitteth on Contra haer l. 1. c. 4. Defen Conc. Trid. li. 2. fol. 244. Fasc Tempor in liberio Platina in liberio Annot. Onuphrij Anast Bibl. in Lib. Feli. About the yere of our Lord. 370. A schisme at Rome between Damasus Vrsinus Polid. Verg. de inven rerū li. 5. c. 4. f. 401. Bellar. de cleric l. 1. c. 18. f. 92. Aug. epist 93. l. 2. ad Bonif. cont 2. epist Pelag. c. 4. therefore he shutteth out Felix from being Pope at all D. Genebrard cannot tel what to say directly on this Felix part First he telleth vs that Ammianus Marcellinus in his Chronicles did passe by him as suspected of heresie and Onuphrius one that wished as wel to the sea of Rome as wel might be maketh him a schismatike and an vnlawful Pope for Liberius over liued him obtained the place alone But other more truer saith he do report that he was Martired in a tumult by the Arrians And yet in the next words he saith that Felix was appointed by Acatius the disciple of Eusebius into the place of Liberius and held for an Arian But such was the force of the Chaire that it would rather hold a Martyr Pope than an heretike Pope or one that should favor the heretikes Thus farre Genebrard Alphousus a Castro maketh no question but that Liberius was an Arrian heretike Anà radius is content that we should cal him vnconstant faithlesse or vniust but in no case an heretike Fasciculus Temporū saith he was the first infamous Pope If you desire more of these two Popes Liberius and Felix read or cause to bee read vnto you Platina who wrote the liues of the Popes and Onuphrius annotations on him and Anastatius Bibliothecarius on the same argument set out by thēselues not aboue three yeeres since and you shal see diversity enough After those followed Damasus Siricius Anastasius Innocentius Sozimus Bonifacius Celestinus Sixtus 3. and Leo the great There was a schisme then in the Church of Rome betweene Damasus and one Vrsinus or Vrcisianus but Damasus obtained yet not without bloud Siricius was the first that in the west parts forbad priests to marry as Polidore Virgil alleadgeth out of Gratian whervnto Bellarmine is now fairely come That it is not forbidden by the law of God that Priests should marry Innocentius the first held and taught a dangerous errour that is That it is necessary to salvation for infants to receiue the cōmunion contrary to Saint Paules rule that none should receiue but those that are able to examine themselues and contrary to the doctrine of the Church of Rome vnder Pius quartus in the Tridentine counsell which accurseth those that thinke the Eucharist is to bee given to infantes before the yeares of discretion Sess 21. can 4. The bishops of Rome contended with the bishops of Aphrica for superiority Bonifacius 1. was the sonne of lucundus a Preist as saith Platina so was Felix 3 who immediatly followed sonne vnto Felix a Priest Leo epist 45. Fasciculus tēp Geneb in Chron. l 3. fol. 600. Eulatius against Bonifacius an 423. Gelasius was the sonne of a bishop called Valerius Plat. in vit eius The first 600. yeares Gelasius decreed in 2. maine points against them now Anastasius 2. an heretike so that the Apostolicall seate in one of these two must needs er In Sozimus Bonifacius Celestinus time there was much cōtrouersie between thē the Aphrican bishops touching appeales to Rome Sozimus began the claime and could not make it good he graced himselfe with warrant from the Nicene councell which beeing demanded no canon nor decree could be shewed The Aphricā bishops deny their appeales thither and so grew much turmoile But if all Churches in al cases were subiect to the sea of Rome iure diuino by Gods law as they would make vs beleeue now very simple was Sozimus to claime by the Canons of the councel of Nice and very forgetful of their duties were the Aphrican bishops who would put him to proue his authoritie by an humane invention when the high God had by his lawes subiected them vnto him before Leo the great yet was his authoritie so smal that hee could not remoue Abbat Eutiches from him but was forced to intreate the Empresse Pulcheria to vse her authoritie therin By this time there had bin fowre schismes in the church of Rome yet Genebrard acknowledged but three After Leo were Hillarius Simplicianus Felix 3. Gelasius Anastasius 2. Simmachus Hormisda Iohn 1. Felix 4. Bonifacius 2. Iohn 2. Agapetus Silverius Vigilius Pelagius Iohn 3. Benedictus Pelagius 2. Gregory the greate these reacheth downe to the first 600. yeares Amongst which Gelasius decreed that to minister the holy communiō in one kind is open sacriledge and againe he defined that the substance of bread and wine remaine after consecratiō both which are diametrally opposite to the doctrine of the new church of Rome Anastasius the second was an heretike as appeareth by the histories Wernerus saith he was the 2 infamous Pope he was a Nestorian heretike as before him his predecessor Liberius was an Arrian Vigilius vsed indirect means to attaine to the Popedōe Huius Vigilij ingressus parum legitimus suit cum praetet ecclesiasticas regulas praedecessore suo Silverio viuente Pōtificatus administratione
submoto per vim Pontificatum RomanuÌ„ occuparit Onuph annot on Plat. in vit Vigilij Agapetus and Sylverius were both Preists sonns Denoâ—is eccles l 4. c. 8. Bell. ibideÌ„ 303. 304. Ibid fol. 306. Bell. de Rom. pont l. 2. c. 26. de conc eccles l. 2. c. 18. Gregory the Great Bellar de RoÌ„ pont l. 2. c 31. fol. 324. Stap. ret of vntruths against Mâ—uell art 4. fol. 6. Vigilius wrought meanes with the Empresse Theodora for the remouing of his predecessor Silverius out of the Popedome promising her if shee would help him therto to cal home Anthemius the heretike whom Agapetus had banished and so as Bellarmine saith hee plaied the Catholike at Rome and the heretike abroad for when hee had obtained by most vnlawfull meanes what he sought for hee kept no promise with her by whose procuremeÌ„t he caÌ„e into the seat and in effect aunswered as the fore-sworne men in times past were wont Iurauilingua mentem iniuratam gero I sweare with my tongue but I meant otherwise A very Machivellian resolution But since Vigilius came in by this indirect meanes I demand with what face Bellarmine can make successioÌ„ of bishops in that sea an emineÌ„t note of the true church Al that come not in by lawfull succession and ordination are theeues and robbers And succession takes no place but either when bishops die or are lawfully deposed For the pope cannot be deposed by any coactiue power ether Ecclesiastial or ciuill which conclusions inevitably proue that Vigilius succeeded vnlawfully Siluerius being nether dead nor lawfully desposed And as Bellarmine saith the pride and ambition of Vigilius droue him into those straights of periurie shifts which hee vsed so hath Bellarmines bad cause coloured with clenly words made him gaine say in one place what hee affirmeth in an other which hee cannot doe since there are so many eies to looke on but he shal be discouered Gregory the great being the last of those I named last vtterly denied the name of vniuersall bishoppe and prainly said Saint Peter was neuer called vniuersall Apostle yet Bellarmine reackoneth it amongst the titles of his holynesse and the title vniversall bishoppe to be the 15. in number Howsoeuer D. Stapleton not so soveraigne for the Pope as Bellarmine saith plainely we cal not the Pope vniversall bishop The Pope writeth not himselfe so but servum servorum dei the servant of Gods servants But what would he practise if he might I leaue that to M. Doctors secret discussing Thus haue you Tuberius a tast of your succession and manners of Popes for the first sixe hundred yeares In none of the Popes of the first three hundred yeres appeared any stomacke towards other churches abroad saue in Victor Victor reproued by Ireneus Euseb eccles history l. 5. c. 23. 24. who was next to Eleutherius who shewed himselfe earnest in excommunicating the Churches of Asia for not keeping the feast of Easter according to the maner of Rome But he was sharply rebuked for attempting it especially by Ireneus bishop of Lions in Fraunce in the name of the rest of the brethren there who would not yeeld vnto him After Constantines time downe to Gregory the great I deny not but men they were tollerable enough saving for a little ambitioÌ„ creeping in amongst them And because men are denominated vertuous whose good gifts are many and faults not too great they may go al in the number of good men euen till Gregorie who may be said to be the last of the good and first of the bad And of all these passed I will say in respect of theÌ„ that follow after as noble Sr. Phillip Sidney was wont to say of Captaines and learders in the warres when complainte had bin made to him of some of them Sr Roger Williams reporte in his breefe discourse of warre pag. 2. Let vs loue him for his small vertues for a number haue none at all And so is it with those former Popes in respect of those that followed after onlie here and there one religious amongst a number of miscreants as one Râ—scius now and theÌ„ inriching a whole rable of counterfeits For intrusions into the sea heresie witchcraft murder adulteries and such like Rome was the Sentina a sinke of sinnes a lake of all lewdnesse which euer yeeldeth perpetual vapours of pernitious and execrable villanies God do so and more to me if I report them otherwise than their owne histories record After Gregorie the great followed Sabinianus Bonifacius Geneb chro l. 3 fol. 664. Fase tempor Platina in vita sabi 3. Bonifacius 4. Deus dedit Bonifacius 5. Honorius the first Sabinianus hated his predecessor Gregory insomuch that he burned al his bookes he did not any good worthy of memory This is the 3. infamous Pope as the Papists theÌ„selues confesse who liued a bad life and died a feareful death After Sabinianus came Bonifacius Carion in chro l. 4. f. 568. l. 3. fol. 369. The first setting of Mahumets foot in Arabia was wheÌ„ the Empire began to bee devided by the bishop of RoÌ„e meanes vide Fascicu temp anno 614. Honorius amo nothelite heretike who held that christ had but one wil. Geneb Chro. l. 3. fol. 675. ea est vis cathedrae vt cogat bona vera dicere noÌ„ bona facientes neque vera sentientes nec suâ—… docere sed aliena permittit Apolog. thesiuÌ„ Ioan. Reyn. de sacra scrip eccles a pag. 351. vsque ad finem Anno. 687. Geneb Chro. l. 3. fol. 698. Genebi ibid. fo 708. 3. who obtained of the Emperour Phocas to be called vniuersall bishop and head of all churches about which time when the fury of Mahumet had prevailed against the churches in the East the bishop of Romes authority increased in Europe And the mistery of iniquity having before wrought did then shew it selfe And this Phocas who gaue that title to the bishop of Rome was he that trecherously slew his Master Mauricius to make himselfe way to the Empire postea multa seelera addidit and after that he coÌ„mitted many mischeifes else And in the end for his reward he was vntimely slaine according to that saying Omnis qÌ„ acceperit gladiuÌ„ gladio peribit Whosoever slaieth with the sword shal perish with the sword And the reason why Phocas gratified the bishop of Rome with such a title was be cause vpoÌ„ the slaughter of his Mr Mauricius he feared the fal of Italy froÌ„ the Empire that by the Popes means he might keepe the West in safty Touching Honorius 1. it is notoriously knowen that he was an heretike condemned by generall councells and witnesse of diuerse ancients both Greeks Latins They that are disposed to read of him or his cause may consult with Aâ—dradius def Trid. conc l. 2. fol. 244. Canus loc theol lib. 6. fol. 213. Pighius eccles bie l. 4. c. 8. Bellarm. de Rom. pont lib. 4. c. 11. And
23. being president at the beginning whereat was present the Emperour Segismundus against the schisme of the three Popes that then were Iohn 23. sate at Benonia Gregory the 12 at Ariminum and Benedict 13. in Spaine TheÌ„ had christ neuer a vicar at that time Lib. de Rom. Pont. l. 4 c. 14. Counsel of Constance Camp ratio 4. de concilijs The counsell vndid what the Emperour confirmed Bellar. de coÌ„ ecces l. 1. c. 5. 6. 7. Why doth Bellarmine giue vs such a distinctioÌ„ of couÌ„sells which none of his fellowes ever did but because hee ever hath one deuise which they never thought of Ter. in Phor. act 2. scen 2. non te horum pudet at si talentum reÌ„ reliquisset deceâ—… primus esses memoriter progenieÌ„ vestram vsque ab avo atqueâ—tarâ— preferenâ— which three were quite throwne out and Martin 5. elected the vndoubted Pope Iohn was accused in that counsel as denying the life everlasting and the resurrection of the flesh It is answered hee was not the lawful true Pope because there were 3. at that time whose factions had al great favorites and learned advouchers The counsel pronounced of him that he was a sinke of sins a devill incarnate Bellarmine coÌ„fesseth there were 53. articles proved against him and that he was of so lewd a life as though hee had beleeued there should be no iudgment hereafter But see the mischiefe This councel of Constance that thus condemned and threw out the Pope condemned also Iohn Husse a good ChristiaÌ„ for an hereticke In that they extol receiue the counsel in renouncing the Pope they do not Husse had the Emperours safe conduct to come and goe freely to the counsel but the bishops nothing regarding the Emperours warrant overthrew the deed and put him to death who put himselfe into their hands Caesar obsignavit Christianus orbis resignanit maior Caesare The Emperor signed the warrant saith Campion but the Counsel disanulled it who is greater than the Emperour To saue the credit of this counsel for dealing against Husse and the Pope too Bellarmine hath devised a quadruple partition of the allowing or disallowing of counsels by them 1. he meÌ„tioneth general CouÌ„cels which he alloweth then general couÌ„cels which he disaloweth 3. he hath soÌ„e couÌ„sels which are partly to be allowed partly to be disallowed of which last sort of the couÌ„sel of ConstaÌ„ce with him For saith he touching the first sessioÌ„s wher they did enact that a general couÌ„sel should be aboue the Pope it is to be disalowed But in respect of the last sessioÌ„s those things which Pope Martin 5. alowd it is receued by al Catholiks But what saith the Poet Vide avaritia quid facit see what covetousnes caÌ„ do no Vide impudentia quiafacit see what impudeÌ„cy caÌ„ do Are they not a shaÌ„ed of this now that they fle their own Pops their own couÌ„sels Let vs now see how the forme of that Church stood after Martin 5. to whom succeeded Eugenius 4. against whoÌ„ was chosen by the Counsel of Bazil one Foelix 5. called before Anadaeus Duke of Savoy The counsell of Basill deposed Pope Eugenius which Felix after hee had sitteÌ„ 9. yeres did freely giue it over againe Then there was a new schisme began the cause was whether the Pope were aboue a generall counsell Fasc temp fol. 89. Conscientia Conscience Solum entia sponsaÌ„ Christi gubernaâ—e videmus Sand. de visib monar l. 7. fol. 516. Eccles hieâ—ar l. 6. c. 2. fo 402. or a counsell aboue the Pope These times were so miserable touching their Popes and Church that of CONSCIENS which before that time was somewhat the two first syllables were abated and only ENS stocks and blocks left to governe the spowse of Christ which is his church This couÌ„sel of Bazil is reakoned by Bellarmine amongst those which are partly allowed and partly disallowed And yet Sanders absolutely condemneth it as vnlawful for offering to depose Eugenius and therfore saith he it gaue occasion of a great schisme Albertus Pighius with one breath concludeth that both those counsels of Constance and Basill concludeth both against order and nature against the cleâ—re light of the Gospell and against all antiquity In opusc Caiet de author pap conc c. 8. in princ and against the Catholike church Caietane is much busied also with the credit of those two counsels the one confirming the decrees of the other he feareth to call that of ConstaÌ„ce a general or Occumenical counsel because it subiected the Pope to a councell and so opened a gappe which should haue bin shut Defenc. Trid. Conc. l. 2. fol. 428. 429. Andradius is resolute that the counsel was generall and may be so reakoned and interpreteth it not as if they had decreed simply that the Pope should be subiected to a councel in general The shephard renteth teareth the flock Now they praise those 2. councels vnto vs. Hard. cont Iuell twise in the 2. artic for the communion in on kind but onlie when they rend and teare Church by dissention and making of parts to get the popedome as then they did then for a generall councel to be stickler amongst them is not amisse The testimony of these men before-prized what shal we say to those who do obtrude both these Councels of Constance and Bazil vnto vs not only in matters of fact touching the coÌ„demning of Iohn Husse and Ierome of Prage but also in matters of doctrine faith in no smal matters nether but for proofe of their masse and the denying of the Laity the vse of the cup in the Lords supper Alien for the Masse de euch sacraf l. 2. fol. 558. l 1. c. 21. fol. 343 Canus loc theol lib. 12. fol. 416. Sand. de visib monar l. 8. c. 10. For the Church of Romes credit Andrad Orth. explic l. 7. fol. 615. Horace epist l. 1. ad Fuscum Arist Vrbis amatorem Fuscum salvere iubemus iuris ama tores hac in re scilicet vna multuÌ„ dissimiles ad caetera penè gemelli The residue downe to our time Alexander 6. father vnto Caesar Borgia Duke of Valence L. 6. c. 23. L. 3. 6. Geneb chron l. 4. fol. 1097. Bellica gloria quam pontificia clarior that without any manner of scruple or doubt of the authority and credit of them whereof their former fellows do dispute but as if their decrees were the perfect sound oracles of Gods vniversal church agreeing with the sacred and holy scripture They are in this like to those friendes in Horace who though they studied all one thing yet they did chuse a diverse kinde of life And so the Poet biddeth the lovers of the CouÌ„try life to salut the lovers of the citty life and though in that they were much vnlike yet in other things they were even twins So must Andradius Harding Allen Canus shake hands with