Lords Is this the speach of a soueraigne or a subiect And a little after Ad hac per me seâ—uum vltimum suum vestrum respondebit Christus dicens ego te sacerdotes meos manus tua commisi tu a meo seruitio milites tuos subtrahis And ego indignus famulus vester sciâ— c. vnto this will Christ himself answere by me his vilest bondman and yours saying I haue aduanced thee from c. vnto the empyre c. I haue committed my priestes into thy handes and thou doest withdraw thy souldiours from my seruice And I your vnworthy seruant doe knowe And at the foote of the letter he writeth that which striketh this present controuersie stone dead Ego quidem Iusâ—ioni subiectus eandem legem per diuersas terrarum partes transmitti feci quia lex ipsa omnipotenti Deo minimè concordat ecce per suggestionis meae paginam serenissimis dominis meis nunciaui vtribique ergo quae debui exolui qui imperatori obedientiam pribus pro Deo quae sensui minimè tacui I beeing subiect to commandement haue caused the same lawe to be sent through diuers partes of the world and because the same lawe doth nothing agree with God behold I haue signified it vnto my renowned Lorde by the letter of my suggestion wherefore I haue in both thinges discharged that which I ought who haue shewed obedience vnto the Emperour and yet haue neuer a whit left vnspoken that which I thought in Gods behalfe In this authoritie I note first that the Pope doth acknowledge himselfe subiect and seruant vnto the Emperour beeing a Christian and doth call him his leige Lord. Secondlie he doth affirme that God had subiected the priestes and clergie vnto the Christian princes for to serue them for otherwise it can not answere the other member and thou doest withdrawe thy souldiours from my seruice And thirdly that Gregorie a Pope doth acknowledge and affirme himselfe to be subiect vnto the Emperours commaundement yea and thought himselfe so bounde to obey him that he might not with a safe conscience refuse to publish such decrees of his as he thought in his conscience vngodly Mâ—lanus diuini ie that Gregorie offended not in obeying a wicked an â—ngodly commandement the which thing if any cunning Catholique thinke that Gregorie might not lawfully doe let him reade Molanus a learned Catholique of Louayne his booke de fide hereticis rebellibus seruanda of keeping promise with heretickes and rebels and there he shall finde his fact defended moreouer the like subiection of himselfe and the clergie vnto the Emperiour doth he acknowledge writing of this verie same matter and Lawe vnto Theodorus the Emperours physition in these wordes words Valde autem mihi durum videtur vt ab eius seruitio milites suos prohibeat qui ei omnia tribuit dominarieâ— non solùm militibus Eplapelib 2. Indâ—â— in eplapeâ—â—lt sed etiam sacerdotibus concesset In english this But it seemeth to me to be harde that he should forbid his souldiours his seruice who hath both giuen him all that he hath and also granted him to be Lorde ouer not onely the souldiours but also the priestes In the same letter also he doth call the king my Lord and our Lord. But although I hope that this assertion and iudgement of Gregoâ—â—e surnamed the great a Pope a canonized saint and one of the foure approued Doctors of the latine Church will satisfie all reasonable Catholickes Romane Yet I will proceede further with the ecclesiasticall practise Anone after Gregorie and about the yeare of our Lord. 608. Bonifacius the third was a very earnest suter vnto Phocas the Emperour Bonifacius Paulus diaconus to decree that the sea of Rome shoulde be the heade Church of Christendome the which at length he obtained with much a doe but in good faith he might haue saued much labour if he had beene Monarch of the world for then he could haue done it of himselfe without once God haue mercy to the Emperour Paulus diaconus And his successor Bonifacius the fourth put vp a supplication to the same Phocas that he would vouchsafe to commaund that the Temple of Pantheon at Rome which had beene dedicated to all the Pagan Gods should be conuerted to the Church of the virgin Mary and of all the holy Martyrs Seuerinus I trow this example is of some moment Anno. 636. Seuerinus was chosen Bishop of Rome to ratifie the which election saith Sabellicus there must be had the assent of the Emperours Lieuetenant in Italy called the Eparch Isaac that then had that charge came therefore to Rome as he saide but because he woulde be paide for his paines he tooke out all the treasure out of the vestrie of the Laterane Church deuiding parte of it among his souldiours and sending parte vnto the Emperour and least he shoulde be called an ill cooke hee also licked his owne fingers and yet the Pope stirred not one whit such powerlesse princes were Popes in those daies Sabell and such seruile subiectes vnto Emperours Againe aboute Anno Domini 650. Constans the Emperour commaunded his Eparch Olympius to coÌ„maund vpon their allegeance Martin the Bishop of Rome and all the rest of the Italian Bishops to embrace the heresy of the Monothlites Martin which if they should refuse to doe that then hee shoulde take order that the Bishop of Rome might be taken prisoner or if that could not be done without great vprore by reason of the good will and defence of the people for much was the authoritie and maiestie of the Emperours decayed with the people of Rome by there farre distance there small Empyre in Italie beeing cooped in a narrowe corner by the Lomberdes their heresies and vngodlinesse and finally because they had made the seate of their Lieuetenant to be at Rauenna that then he shoulde cause him sodenly to be slayne by some sleight he came to Rome declared the Emperours commaundement the which the Bishop refused to accomplish but to apprehende him the Eparch durst not and of murdering him he missed But two yeares after Theodorus the Eparch entered the Citie apprehended him sent him in Irons vnto the Emperour who confined him into the Chersonesus of Thrace where for pouertie he perished Anno 667. Diac. Constans the Emperour after he had vnfortunatelie fought in Italy with the Lombardes came vnto Rome the Bishoppe Vitalian with all the clergie going forth sixe miles to receiue him who shortly after deceiued them for hee spoyled the Church called Pantheon of all the sacred ornamentes Vitalian and vncouered it taking of the tile of copper yea and all the auncient pieces of worke eyther of copper or marble that he could finde in the whole Citie and sent to Constantinople so that he defaced Rome more in seauen daies then all the Barbarians had euer done since the declination of the Empyre and the like
and admonished by the Church shall neglect to purge his land from this hereticall filthinesse let him be inknotted with the band of excommunication by the Metropolitane and Bishoppes of that prouince And if he shall contemne to satisfie within one yeare let this be signified vnto the Bishop of Rome that he may denounce his vassalles acquitted of his fealtie and expone or set forth his land vnto the Catholikes for them to take who the heretikes being driuen out may possesse it without contradiction and keepe it in the puritie of the faith so that the goods of such condemned men if they be laye men be escheted to the prince or if they be clarkes be applied to the Churches of whom they receiued stipendes Heere ye see is no definitiue sentence of faith set downe but onely an order appointed to be vsed for the rooting out of heresies so that no weake Catholike conscience neede to make scruple that the Pope can depose princes because the counsel doth say let it signified to the Bishoppe of Rome that he may denounce his subiectes loosed of their obedience c. For the counsell goeth no more about to decide whether Bishoppes of Rome may depose princes then whether Bishoppes may excommunicate them whereof no man in those daies doubted but content themselues with the vsed and practised authority of them both for long before this time had the Popes vsed to depose princes as Pope Gregory the seuenth the Emperour Henry the fourth and Boleslaw king of Poland And Innocentius tertius the present Pope that then held the counsell had himselfe before that time deposed the Emperours Philip and Otho Iohn the king of England and Raymond the Earle of Tolouse So that seeing no man did then moue any doubt whether Popes might lawfully doe it or no neither did the counsell then goe about to determine it but wholly omitting the matter doth onely set downe an order to be vsed for the destroying of heresies But otherwise if ye shoulde alwaies inferre that for decreed for faith and lawfull which generall counsels doe manie times as it were secretly receiue and not reproue ye will neuer be able to defend them from errour in faith and that which is equiualent from beeing one contradictorie vnto another For at the second counsell of Nice it is not refuted Cap. 32. but rather it seemeth by the way to be allowed that Angels haue materiall bodies So likewise this counsell may after a sort seeme to allowe that patrons may lawfully in good conscience detayne a greate parte of the tythes and profits of their Churches so that they doe leaue the vicar a sufficient liuing because that this counsell finding faulte with this misorder that patrons and certaine other persons doe take the profits of the parish Churches doth charge them with no more then the which what can be more against good conscience and equity then he to liue by the altar that serueth not at the altar and namely among Catholickes Romane that doe holde that tythes are by the lawe of God due onely to priestes and with what conscince then can any lay man enioy them Likewise in the same counsell there is a Canon that he that hath a parish Church shall not serue the cure by his vicar but by himselfe vnlesse perhaps the Church be annexed to a prebende or dignitie in the which case we do grant that he which hath a prebend or dignitie seeing it must be that he do serue in the greater Church that he doe endeuour to haue in that parish Church a meete and perpetuall vicar canonically instituted c. Heere ye see that this counsell doth not thinke that residence vpon benefices with charge of soules is commaunded by God his lawe which is contrary to the counsell at Treent in the 23 Section in the first chapter of reformation Yea Dominicus Soto in his booke deâ—ertitudine gratiae against Catherine doth flatly affirme that all the Bishops learned men that were at that counsell did so wholly agree thar residence was required by the lawe of God that there was not one man that doubted thereof but onely Catherine Moreouer this counsell thinkes it meeter that a man be resident in the Cathedrall Church then in his parish Church yea it seemeth to say of duetie it must be so a thing verie absurd in Dominicke Soto his iudgement who sharply reproueth the Cardinalles that haue Bishopprickes and be not resident on them but abide and continue at Rome and thinketh it no reason that they alleage that they ought to make their abode at Rome because they be Cardinalles and as it were assistants vnto the Pope for saith he residences vpon Bishopprickes are commaunded by God but Cardinalles to be attendant on the Pope is but a constitution of man the which must needes giue place to the ordinances more ancient and greater And bitterly doth he inuey against the common abuse that whereas by the Canons of the Church no Cardinall may be a Bishoppe because both offices require residence which one man can not performe the Cardinalles to delude the force of this Canon are neuer instituted Bishoppes but haue Bishopprickes giuen them in perpetuall commenda whereby it is come to passe that the ordinance of Commendaes which was first instituted for the benefite of the Church by suffering one to haue the gouernment of it for a time vntill a meete man might be founde for it is nowe vsed to the destruction of the Church and the vnlawfull enriching of the couetous ambitious Yea the counsell of Trent in the 25. Section Chap. 18. doth thinke this Canon of the counsell of Laterane so vnreasonable and vniust for to impropriate benefices with charge of soules and to ordaine in them a perpetuall vicar to serue the cure that they doe forbid the like to be done euer hereafter notwithstanding any grace or grant wisely weying the difference betweene an institution of God and an ordinance of man the seruing of God in a publike charge in priuate person finally howe much greater good or hurt may ensue by the continuall presence or the absence of the person in or from his parish then by his lying at or froÌ„ the Cathedral Church Soe that to salue all this gere both ye and we are forced to say that the counsels went not about to determine what ought to be beleeued in those poyntes and so also must ye doe in this controuersie of deposing princes and not to account it for a definition of faith but a politique constitution Of which kinde of Canons Saint Augustine saith De Baptis-Donat lib. 2. cap 3. who knoweth not that former generall counsels are often amended by the latter when by some experiment of thinges that is opened which had beene shut and that knowen that lay hidden without any type of sacrilegious pride without any swollen necke of vaine glorie without any contention of spiâ—â—full enuie with holy humilitie Catholike peace and Christian charitie Moreouer the
neyther ought I to pay vnto God any becauâ—e I am his sonne But if any man will contend that hee affirmed that he ought to pay no tribute to the Emperour because he was the sonne of the supreme Emperour God Almightie I will not greatly striue with him but I will in noe wise graunt Felicius that he claimes to be discharged by right of any earthlie Empyre that he possessed as Christ for that by no meanes can be gathered out of the text yea what say you that that famous fryer Dominicus Soto doth holde in learned worke de Iustit Iure that the kingdome of Christ was meere spirituall and writeth that he had proued it at large in his commentaries vppon Mathew Moreouer the matter is so manifest that Pighius himselfe is forced to confesse that Christ his kingdome was onely spirituall and yet he giueth to him whome he woulde haue to be his deputie temporall superioritie ouer all Christian princes in that hee is Christ his Lieuetenant with as greate absurdidie as if a man shoulde denie that the Archbishoppe of Canterburie can heare and determine of felonies and yet holde that his officiall may or depriue the Constable of authoritie to enter forciblie into any mans house otherwise then in cases of treason and felonie and yet graunt it to the Constables deputie or to say that hir Maiestie can not put in or out at hir pleasure anie souldiours into hir towne of Barwicke and yet maintaine that hir Lieuetenaunt of the Towne may doe it And see I pray you how he answereth this obiection out of the Gospell as my father sent me so I sende you Whereas they say that Christ came not to exercise authoritie and empyre ouer Monarches Kinges and princes but as he was sente by the father Christ gaue no temporal power to Bishops nor Pope soe he doth witnesse that the Apostles were sent by him neyther therefore had they authoritie ouer kinges and princes they gather not aright for that word as doth not import a likenes in all points betweene them whih were sent Chist and his Apostles but doth shew the senders or the authoritie of the senders As if he had saide my father sent me but I send you otherwise Christ was sent by his father to redeeme mankind by his death but not so neyther to that end were the Apostles sent by Christ but for this purpose that they shoulde out of all nations gather together his kingdom in the which all men should be made partakers of his benefits vnto the which kingdom yet he himselfe had prescribed lawes and had ordained Peter to be gouernour thereof Yet had Peter no more authority then the rest of the Apostles I deny not but that the sending of Christ did in some pointes surmount the sending of the Apostles but that Christ sent forth his Apostles with a larger commission and power then his father had giuen him that no man I thinke will lightly grant Pighius that knoweth that rule of the Canon Law yea and I doe thinke of all lawes Nemo potest pius iuris conferre in alium quam sibi competere dignoscatur No man can giue more right vnto another then may be knowen is in himselfe the saying of Christ that the scholler is not aboue his schoolemaster nor the bondman aboue his Lord but it is enough for the scholler to be as his master is and the bondman as his Lord. And Iohn 13. Verily verily I say vnto you the seruaÌ„t is not greater then his master neither the Apostle nor legate or messenger greater then him that sent him And with what authority he sent them it appeareth by the words that immediatly follow when he had said these wordes he blew vpon them and said vnto them receiue the holy ghost whose sins ye shall remit they are remitted and whose sins ye shall retaine they are retained and can any man call this power an earthly empyre And bycause Pighius saith that Christ had ordained Peter gouernour of his kingdome I pray let vs consider what power he gaue vnto him at the time of his institution or inauguration his wordes be these Mat. 16. I will giue vnto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen and whatsoeuer thou shalt binde vpon the earth shall also be bound in heauen and whatsoeuer thou shalt loose vpon the earth shall be also loosed in heauen yee apparantly see that Christ gaue vnto Peter not the keyes of the earthly kingdome or Empire to aduaunce and depose Princes but of the Kingdome of heauen to let in or shutte out from heauen neither had hee a sworde or Scepter giuen him as ensigne of a King but a key a token of a porter So that except the Pope can shewe annother Chapter then that which was giuen to Peter he will want wordes to carrie away a terrene monarch But although Pighius doe grant Christe his kingdome to be spiriuall yet Felisius in his booke vppon the tenne commaundements Felisius obiectioÌ„s of Christs kingdom answered on the Commaundement honour thy father and thy mother will not yeelde thereunto but endeauoureth to proue his secular power and monarchy by his practise in deciding all kinde of causes as of life and death when he badde Peter put vp his sworde of criminall when he willed the woman taken in adultery to be gone and of ciuill when he determined the controuersi betweene the Pharisies the Herodians whether the Iewes ought to pay tribute vnto the Emperours of Rome or noe Doubtlesse if Felisius were not accounted for a great learned man among the Catholickes Romaine I would not vouchsafe to shape these obiections an answeare they are soe friuolous For who seeth not that Christ his commanding of Peter to put vp his sworde doth no more proue that Christ had authoritie of publique Iustice then the bidding of any simple gentleman in the Citty of London that his man put vp his sword which he had drawen in a fray against his enemy will conuince him to be a Iustice of the peace of the same Citty But that Christ saide vnto the woman taken in adultery that she might begonne her way for seeing noe man had condeÌ„ned hir neyther would he He doth plainly declare that he had noe authoritie to condemne or detaine hir but that she might be gone for any thing he had to say or deale with hir Now for the matter of paying tribute it was not brought before him as a competent Iudge by parties sueing and sued by processe awarded or vppon distresse taken but onely moued vnto him as a skilful Doctor and learned diuine to be determined as a doubt betweene the two sectes of the Pharisies and the Herodians As if a Protestant and Catholicke should priuately come to Doctor Felisius to know his opinion whether the Pope may depose Christian Princes or noe but in very deede they came not to Christ to be resolued of the doubt but onely to entrappe him and to see if
by little and little they came to take place aboue all Bishoppes Archbishops Metropolitans Primates Patriarkes which began to be vsed by little and little about the time of Gregory the seuenth Vrbane the second in which times the election of the Pope whose authority did then begin to be supreame as well in spirituall thinges as temporall the Emperours being depressed or trodden downe was taken out of the hands and power of the Emperours and granted especially to the Cardinals And anone after a Priest Cardinall was a meane place between a Bishop other Priestes not Cardinals But in the time of Alexander the third vnder whom the Church of Rome was aduanced to the highest top or step in earth the most mighty Emperour Fredericke Redbeard he also a most infestious foe of the Church of Rome being trodeÌ„ vnder foot vanquished and forced to desire peace of the Church then first contrariwise Priest Cardinals were made of Bishops for the dignity of the Cardinals did stil grow with the dignity of the Church Bishops of Rome but that was greatest in those daies Thus farre Omphrius But because Platina others do affirme that the Pope the Emperour first fell out about symony or inuesting of Bishops let vs see how iniuriously herein the Pope dealt with the Emperour It doth appeare both by the Bookes of the canon law also by Sigonius and other historians the Popes chiefe fauourers that Pope HadriaÌ„ gaue vnto Charles the great the king of the french men Emperour of Rome Leo the eight vnto Otho the great the king of the Tuischtmen Emperour for euer the inuesture of the Bishops of Rome of al other Bishops within their dominions decreeing that no Bishop chosen by the clargy and people should be consecrated vnlesse he were first nominated inuested that is had the crosier and ring deliuered him by the Emperour this authority priuiledge enioied al Emperours from Charles the great vnto this Henry being the 17 in succession and that he vsed it no otherwise it is aparant by the election of the Bishop of Cullen by the clergy the people a little while before this broile wherof we do read mention made in Lambertus Snatchburgensis A thing alwaies vsed in England that neyther Bishop nor Abot should be chosen without a conge de ler or licence to chose first obtained of the king nor reputed for Bishop before the king had confirmed him So likewise Hosius contra Brentium doth affirme that the kings of Poland haue alwaies had the nominating of all Bishps with in their kingdom Now of this ancieÌ„t part of his patrimony of the Empyre would Gregorie spoyle Henry yea and all lay men making a decree that he should be accursed that did take any ecclesiasticall dignitie or benefice at the hande of any lay man See Platina and Sabell and did also excommunicate the lay man that should giue any nowe I pray you which of them two shewed most charitie Henry that for quietnesse sake was contented to loose the right which he and his ancestors had so long time held in confirming of the Bishops of Rome in the cause and bloodie schisme of Alexander Gregories immediate predecessor or Gregorie that was not contented and satisfied with this rare indulgence of the Emperour in one and the greatest Bishoppricke but would depose him vnlesse he would also surrender his right in all the rest eyther would haue his wil or else would set all Christendome in an vprore And put case he had solde two or three small Bishopprickes as his enemies did charge him for the great electors sees they themselues beeing his enemies confessed he had not sold was that a sufficient cause to make him forsake him and his successors for euer an ancient right and inheritance belonging to the emperiall crowne as the presenting vnto benefices is an inheritance of many secular subiectes And could the Church of Christ be so much endamaged therby as with thirtie yeares bloodie warres in all partes of Germanie and Italy through the troubles whereof neyther the Popes nor other Bishoppes could employ their functions But letting this passe Philippe the next deposition was of Philip the Emperour for inuading Peters patrimony before he was Emperour and while he was duke of Tuscan But because some will say he was neuer Emperour because through the Popes menaces but fiue of the electors had chosen him we will let him passe and come vnto Otho Otho the Duke of Saxon whom two of the electors afterward at the great instance of the Pope had chosen Emperour and whom he almost immediatly after he had crowned him deposed because he inuaded the landes of his puple and vassall the king of Naples Did this come of charitie or of a priuate quarrell It is apparant that the Popes vsed not nor now doe to censure anie prince for enuading of his neighbour vnlesse he were a vassal or priuiledged prince of his And then to make vp the good three comes on a row Fredelicke the second Emperour Frederick and also king of Naples for inuesting of Bishoppes in Naples and leuying money of the clergie And after the controuersie was ended againe because he did not performe his vow to goe into the holy land and that also satisfied for making warres against the rebellious Lombardes or to make the verie worst of it for practising with the Frangipanes and other Romanes to reuolt from the Pope whom he distrusted did secretly ayde his rebelles in Lombardy And did not flesh and blood and priuate reuenge raigne in all these actions were any of these causes so weightie that for them should be raised vp the pernicious factions of Guelses and Ghibbelines to set at enmitie for euer not onely euery prince prouincâ— and Citie of Italy but also euery name and familie for to embrace their murdering swordes The last deposed Emperour was Lewes the fourth Lewes See Platina and Nauill because he intermedled in Italie before the Pope had crowned him a vsuall thing and that which was the very cause indeede because he openly professed himselfe a fauourer of the Ghibbelines and namely the vicecount whom the Pope deadly hated and had excommunicated for taking armes against the Guelses and put the Florentines and the Neopolitanes and the other Guelses in feare least he would saith Platina exâ—ct of them Iura imperiaâ—a the rightes belonging to the Empyre And who seeth not heere partiality and not charitie Moreouer Peter Peter the king of Aragon was deposed and his kingdom of Aragon giuen vnto Charles of Valois the French kinges brother because he had receiued the Sicilians reuolting from the tyranny of Charles the Duke of Aniou whom the Pope had placed prince there And doth not also smell of priuate reuenge Is this the common good that Pighius beareth vs in hand the Church of Christ reapeth by this prerogatiue of the Pope that he doth therby reuenge the priuate
any mortall man be soe audacious to pull him out of it And if that no man can excommunicate the Pope because no man is his superiour neyther can any man depose a king because no man is his superiour But the obiection out of Ruffinus his contimation of Eusebius that Constantine the great said vnto the Bishoppes assembled in the counsell of Nice A Place of Ruffinus answered God hath constituted you priestes and hath giuen you power to iudge also of vs and therefore iustly are we iudged by you But what is the vttermost that can be inferred of these wordes then a spirituall iudgement for seeing he maketh them iudges because they are priestes and not princes how can it import any secular power for the name of priest signifieth a man seperat from secular matters and wholly dedicated to heauenly and diuine So that to say that Bishoppes in that they are priestes are iudges ouer Kinges and Emperours in matters touching their crowne and dignitie is or absurde as if a man should say the Apostles had power to remitte and retaine sinnes because they were fishermen But as the Bishoppes shewed themselues farre from claiming any such authoritie by exhibiting vp vnto him as their soueraigne and chiefe iudge billes of complaint one against another So also did Constantine continually practise among them and vpon them his Empyre and soueraigntie So at the counsell at Nice when the definition of faith was presented vnto him by the counsell not the counsell but he did set downe the teÌ„porall punishment to the infringers thereof he protesting that he would banish all men that would not obey and embrace it And so immediatly after he banished Arrius and certaine Bishoppes that refused to subscribe And afterward as we reade in Socrates he made an edict that all bookes of Arrius his doctrine should be burned and who soeuer did conceale any and not bring them forth to the fire should die therefore we also finde in Theodoretus that he banished Eusebius the Bishop of Nicomedia and Thâ—â—gonus the Bishop of Nice because they sought to peruert to the Arianisme certaine Alexandrines and that he wrote thus to the Citizens of Nicomedia If there shall be founde any among you that shall audaciously praise and commend these pestilent Bishoppes their combes shall be soone cut by the execution of the minister of God that is by me So that the office of beeing Gods minister he kept still after he became a Chrstian neyther was it fallen vnto the Church by his embracing of the faith as Pighius saith And although he refused at the beginning of the counsell to heare and determine the accusations that the Bishoppes did put vp vnto him one against another of humility and pollicie because he would not haue that time vnprofitablie spent about priuate quarels which had beene appoynted for the common cause of Christ and his Church and therefore burnt all their billes of complaint yet that he dealt with the correction and punishment of Bishoppes it is apparant by that which I haue alreadie alledged and is made much more manifest by that Theodoretus writeth how the Arrians of Aegypt suborned by money certaine fellowes because if they had done it themselues it would haue smelt to accuse Athanasius vnto Constantine that he had set certaine impositions in Aegypt and giuen the money thereof to one for to raise a commotion in the country whereupon the Emperour sent for him to appeare before him at Constantinople a long iourney for the chiefe patriarch of the East whither he came and cleared himselfe so substantially that saies Tbeodoretus he recouered againe his Church allotted vnto him by God which is as much to say if he could not haue satisfied the Emperour he had lost his Bishoppricke After this his enemies accused him againe vnto Emperour of many greate crimes who thereupon following the honorable custome of this land that all men are tried by their peeres commaunded the Bishoppes of those countries to assemble together in counsell at Cesaria in Syria to heare the matter of Athanasius whither when Athanasius came not because he thought that seeing most that were assembled were his enemies he should finde no iustice there then they hauing gotten more pretences of slaunder accused him vnto the Emperour of audaciousnesse and tyranny See how it was accounted for an audacious part and rebellious for a patriarke not to appeare where the Emperour had commaunded him Neyther did there hope deceiue them for then the Emperour being exasperated did in letters vnto Athanasius both declare his displeasure and also commanded him to appeare at Tyrus for there should be held a counsell of Bishops Socrates reports that he threatned Athanasius that if he would not goe of himselfe he should be fet by force He also wrote vnto the counsell at Tiruâ— in which letters Theodoretus hath these wordes I haue sent vnto you Dionysius one that hath beene consul for to be president of the assembly that if any man which I thinke will not happen now all little regarding you commaundement shall not be there that there may be one hence from vs that by emperiall commaundement may banish him and teach him marke well these wordes that he must not disobey the order that the king hath appointed for the trying of a trueth But when Athanasius who singularly well acquitted himselfe coulde yet obtaine no iustice there secretly fled vnto the Emperour to Constantinople and put vp an appeale vnto him Constantine thereupon commaunded all the Bishoppes of the counsell to appeare before him at Constantinople with all speede the tenor of the mandate Socrotes setteth downe thus That all ye that held the counsell at Tyrus to immediately hasten to appeare before vs for to shew by deed the sinceritie and vprightnesse of your iudgement before me that is to wit him whome not ye your selues shall deny to be the propper minister of God From what power came this commaundement to a counsell to appare before the Emperour and to render a reason vnto him of their iudgement as vnto the chiefe minister and officer of God But to proceede with our historie when the Bishoppes were come to Constantinople they for feare of assured conuiction gaue ouer their olde slaunders and charged Athanasius with a newe lie that he should say vnto foure Bishoppes that he woulde let the comming of corne from Alexandria vnto Constantinople the which the Emperour ouer lightly beleeuing banished Athanasius into Trier in Germany where was now the Pope to depose the Emperour for banishing wrongfully the greatest Patriarch of the East this was worse then the emprisoning of the Bishop of Apamea by the french king for giuing him ill languages But to returne to our matter Socrates doth write that Athanasius his first troubles beganne because he woulde not receiue into the Church Arrius whome the Emperour did nowe take for a penitent and honest man whereuppon hee thus wrote vnto Athanasius Seeing that you doe nowe vnderstande the tenor of the
wife who being that day come from Naples wary was laide downe on her bedde But the proude Dame had no sooner sene the Bishoppe but she began to 〈◊〉 and saide oh sirrha wherein haue I or my Belisarius so soâ—e offended your maistershippe that you should betraye vs vnto the Gothes and immediatly bâ—d away with him not suffering him to speake one word And in his roome was one Vigilius Vigilius placed who not long after refusing to restore vnto his seate Anthenius who had bene depriued of the Bishopbricke of Constantinople for the heresy of Eutiches Thâ—odora the Empresse who fauoured Anthenius commanded to be arrested at Rome and sent prisoner to Constantinople where when being vrged with this vniust request he had broken out into this impatient speach that he had thought he had come to Iustinian but that now he well perceyued it was to Dioclesian He was so well whipped for forgetting his lesson in the two and twentith of Exodus Non maledices principi populi tui thou shalt not speake ill to the prince of thy people that he was almost slaine I doe thinke noe Christian or ciuill Emperour much lesse Iustinian woulde so seruilely haue vâ—ed him whom he reputed the monarch of the world and anone after was ignominiously drawen along the cyty in a halter and then put in prison where he continued many yeares with onely breade and water Anno Domini 591. Pelagius Pelagius the Byshoppe of Rome sent Gregory who succeded him in the see vnto Mauritius the Emperour of the east to desire him not to be offended for that he had suffered himselfe to be denounced Byshoppe before hee had obtained his consent and confirmation for he coulde not sende before that time to Constantinople because the cytie of Rome had bene straitely beseiged by the Lombards Now in those dayes saith Platina and all other Historians writing of those times and affaires the election of the Byshoppe of Rome was voide without the Emperours assent and conformation And now we are come to Gregory himselfe surnamed the greate a man in such credit with the Popes of latter times and the Catholickes Romaine Gregâ—â—y the great that they and wee doe more follow him in the diuine seruice and ceremonies then all the rest that euer satte in that see before him and therefore I doe hope that you will the more willingly allowe and embrace his opinion and iudgement of the secular soueraignytye As I doe not doubte but yee will cauell at manye of my former examples as vniust and tyrannicall the which I will not greately sticke to grant you and yet they doe strongly prooue the superioritie of those princes and that they were there lawfull although lawlesse soueraignes for as substantially doe the banishmentes of the Catholicke Byshoppes by the hereticall Emperours conuince the soueraignetie of the Emperours ouer the Byshoppes as the confining of the heriticall Byshoppes by the Catholicke Emperours Neyther am I lesse assured of the subiection of the Byshoppes of Asia vnto the Emperour of Constantinople for that I reade that Valens banished the Catholicke Byshoppes thereof then I am when I finde that Theodosius banished the Arrian Byshoppes of Asia For neuer shall wee finde that when the Empire was deuided that euer the Emperours of the East of what Religion soeuer they were did bannish the Byshoppes of the West nor contrarye wise but eyther dealte onely with them that were vnder their owne Empire and who would haue a better proofe that this Island was subiect vnto the Romane Empire then the hauocke that Dioclesian made here of the Christians and there Church and doth not he as sufficientlie shew himselfe to be a lawefull iudge that hangeth vp twenty true men aâ— hee that executeth as many theeues Neither doe wee reade that these Emperours and Kinges were reprooued for iniuriously punishing them ouer whome they had noe authoritie by right but because they punished them against law and right for matters that deserued noe punishment But leauing this let vs goe to Gregorie who had not learned to date his letâ—ers as the Popes doe now with Anno Pontificatus nostri in the yeare of our Popedome but regnante domino nostro Mauritio Tiberio piissimo Anno decimo quarto post Consulatum eiusdem domini nostri decimo tertio in the yeare of the raigne of our Lord Mauretius Tiberius the most godly Emperour the fourtenth and after the consulshippe of the same Lord of ours the thirtenth as his foure letters in the ecclesiasticall history of Beda are dated wherein I doe nore three thinges first that he doth not write the date of his owne creation or inauguration as soueraignes doe and secondly as subiectes doe that he writteth the date of the raigne of their Prince and thirdly that he called him Lord a worde so hautie and high that Augustus made an edict that noe man shoulde call him so noe nor woulde not suffer his Children nor Childrens Children to call him so Suetonius neither in earnest nor in sporte Moreouer with what duetifull humilitie are all his letters fraught that he directeth vnto the Emperour calling him in the plurall number after an vnwonted manner to declare his vnwonted lowlinesse and wonted subiection Domini my Lordes and yet because noe man shoulde thinke hee called him so rather of humilitie then of duetie it is apparant he vseth not that tearme to anye other But writing vnto Ethelbert the King of Kent he calleth him in Beda sonne a name of obedience and duetifulnesse but yet also of loue as hee also calleth Châ—lderbert the King of Fraunce â—plaplib 4. Indicto 12. eplam 96. et 97. But omitting many of his letters I will onely rehearse somewhat out of his threescore and one of the seconde booke wherein he finding greate fault with the Emperour for making an vniust Lawe as hee saith that noe Souldiour shoulde enter into Religion the which woulde haue made him to haue forgotten all humilitie if hee had beene as proudly spirited as some of his successors haue beene he thus beginneth his letters Omnipotenti Deo reus est qui serenissimis Dominis in omni quod agit loquitur purus non est Ego autem indignus pietatis vestrae famulus c. He is guiltie vnto God that is not pure vnto my renowned Lordes in all thinges that he doth and speaketh but I an vnworthie seruant of your godlinesse c. And anone after Fatemur Dominis meis and Dominorum pietas sanxit I doe confesse vnto my Lordes and the godlinesse of my Lordes hath decreed And againe Ego vero Dominis meis loquens quid sum nisi puluis verniis sed tamen quia contra authorem omnium Deum hanc intendere constitutionem sentio Dominis tacere non possum But I speaking vnto my Lordes what am I but dust and a worme but because I do perceiue that this constitution doth tende against God the creator of all I cannot holde my peace vnto my
the seruice of their Lordes and not prescribe lawes therein vnto all other not subiect vnto him no more then the Queene of England can enacte that if the king of Spaine shall doe this and this that then hee shall forfeite his Crowne Noe law of the Church touching temporalties euer alowed in this Realme or the king of France make an edict that if any Lord in England shal committe such and such faultes that then he shall forfitte all his propertie ouer his bondmen and they to be enfranchised And therfore because the Princes of this Realme did neuer acknoledge themselues vassals vnto the Pope nor the See of Rome nor neuer agnised him for their Soueraigne in temporalities they did neuer heare when the Popes authoritie was greatest administer iustice and adiudge secular causes here according to the Popes decrees and Canons of the counsels but alwaies according to the lawes costomes and statutes of the Realme and in those causes the Canon law had no authoritie and force in this Land This is so often affirmed by the author of the learned booke called the Doctor and student who as he was a greate lawyer so was he also a good diuine and deuout Catholicke that it weare tedious to rehearse them all In the xliiii Chapter of thee seconde booke thus hee writeth for the ordinarie no yet the partie himselfe haue any authoritie to binde any inheritance by the authoritie of the spirituall law how then can they binde the inheritance of the crowne And againe in the same Chapter and thâ—â—fore it is somwhat to bee meruelled that ordinaries will admitte such land for a title c. without knowing how the common law will serue therein for of meere right all inheritance within this Realme ought to bee ordered by the Kinges Law Also in the xxxvi Chapter of the second booke the Doctor of diuinitie saith yet me thinkes alwaies that the title of the lapse in such case is giuen by the law of the Church and not by the temporall law and therefore it forceth but little what the temporall law will in it as me seemeth Whereunto the author answereth thus vnder the name of the student of law In such cuntries where the Pope hath power to determine the right of temporall thinges I thinke it is as thou sayest but in this realme it is not so And the right of presentment is a temporall thing and a temporall inheritance and therefore I doe thinke it belongeth to the Kinges law to determine and also to make lawes who shall present after the six moneth aswell as before so that the title of abilitie or none abilitie be not therefore taken from the ordinaries And in like wise it is of auoidance of benefices that is to say that it shall be iudged by the Kinges lawes when a benefice shal be saide uoide and when not and not by the law of the Church and shall the law of the Church determine when the crowne is voide As when a parson is made a Byshoppe or accepteth another benefice without licence or resigneth or is depriued in these causes the common law saith that the benefices be voide And so they should be though the Church had made a law to the contrarie And so if the Pope should haue any title in this case to present it should be by the lawe of this Realme And if hee should haue title to present vnto the Crowne should it not bee by the lawe of this Realme And I haue not seene ne harde that the lawes of this Realme haue giuen any title to the Pope to determine any temporal thing that may be lawfully determined by the Kings Court noâ— yâ—â— that he may depose the King and giue his kingdom vnto any forreiner but because noe man should repute this lawyer for a Lollard and enimie vnto the Pope see what immediately followeth Doctor It seemeth by the reason that thou hast made now that thou preferrest the Kinges authoritie in presentments before the Popes and that me thinkes should not stand with the Law of God syth the Pope is the vicar generall vnder GOD. Student That I haue saide prooueth nor for the highest preferment in presentmentes is to haue authoritie to examine the abilitie of the person that is presented for if the presented bee able it sufficeth to the discharge of the ordinary by whomesoeuer hee bee presented that authoritie is not denyed by the lawe of the Realme to belong alwaies to the spirituall iurisdiction Thus seing the authour of the Doctor and the student whom some suppose to be Sainte Germany is prooued to bee noe partiall man against the Pope but onely a learned Lawyer that setteth downe vprightly to the satisfaction of mens consciences what right euery man hath and declareth the common opinion of his time when the Popes power was in the Prime we will rehearse yet more out of him to the confirmation of you our Catholicke countrimen who doe openly professe that ye will grant her maiestie as much and as greate authoritie as any of her ancestors before hir father had since the conquest yea or since they embraced the faith of Christ In the xlvii Chapter of the seconde booke he saith that although by the Canon Law the Pope ought to present to all beneficeâ— or dignities the incumbents whereof dye at Rome or within two dayes â—ourney thereof yet he saith that it holdeth not 〈◊〉 this Realme because by the lawes of this realme the King ought according to the auncient right of his crowne to present of all his aduowsons that be of his patronage And in likewise other patrons of benefices of their presentment and the plea of the right of presentments of benefice is within this Realme belongeth to the King and his Crowne And these titles can not be taken from the king and his subiectes but by their assent and so the law that is made therein to put away that title bindeth not in this realme Then may I reason of a stronger that the Kinges title to the Crowne can not be taken away without his consent and so the Law that is made therin by the Church to put away that title bindeth not in this Realme But to returne againe vnto presentments of benefices who knoweth not the terrible statute of premunire made in the Raigne of Edwarde the third against all such as shoulde prouide English benefices or spirituall dignities from Rome or purchase them from the Pope and also against all atturneyes and agents in that matter against the which statute the Pope neuer spurned but suffered it saith Saint Germany and it hath alwaies beene vsed in this Realme with-without resistance yea and in the statute made against the prouisions and translations of Byshoppes by the Pope made in the xvi yeare of the raigne of Richarde the second the vi Chapter we finde in those wordes the cause of the making of the statute least the Crowne of this realme which is immediatly subiect to God and to none other
in al thinges touching the royaltie of the same Crowne shoulde be submitted to the sea of Rome We doe also reade there that all the Barons and all the Byshoppes present and the deputies of those which were absent being asked euery man seuerally saide that therein they would to their vttermost stand with the King against the Pope so zealous were all good Englishmen in those daies of the auncient honour and libertie of their country and the soueraignetie of their King Moreouer Saint Germanye in the xxxix Chapter of the second booke entreating how ecclesiasticall persons may dispose of their goodes he vtterly reiecteth the Canon law therein and sheweth what they may doe by the lawes of this Realme and at the length he saith thus And moreouer a parson of a Church vicar Chauntery priest or such other all such goods as they haue by reason of the parsonage vicarage or Chauntery as that they haue by reason of their owne person they may lawfully giue and bequeth after the common law And if they dispose part among their parishoners and part to the building of Churches or giue part to the ordinary or to poore men or in any such manner as is appoynted by the law of the Church they offend not therein vnlesse they thinke thēselues bound thereunto by duety authoritie of the law of the Church not regarding the Kings lawes For if they doe so it seemeth they resist the ordinance of God which hath giuen power to princes to make lawes But whereas the Pope hath soueraignety in temporall things as he hath in spirituall thinges there some say that the goods of priests must in conscience be disposed as it is contained in the same summe But it holdeth not in this Realme for the goodes of spirituall men bee temporall in what manner soeuer they come to them and must be ordered by the temporall law as the goodes of temporall men must be Thus farre Sainte Germany then may I inferre if that the Pope the counsell and thee conuocation can not make a Lawe touching the goodes of the spirituallty within this Realme and that those which doe dispose of their goodes according to such a Canon doe sinne although it doe agree with the law of this Realme if they did it as bounde by that Canon shall wee thinke that the Pope the councell or the conuocation can giue away the goodes and landes of temporall men within this Realme yea and the Crowne and kingdome and that they doe not sinne mortally that doe obey any such decrees And what account is to bee made of the Popes dispensation in temporall causes the same learned author plainely declareth in the xli Chapter of the seconde booke where hee saith That although by the Canon law euery man may lawfully kill an Assasin such a fellow as will at euery mans request kill any man for money yet he affirmeth it is altogether vnlawfull in this land and that notwithstanding the Popes dispensation and pardon he that slayeth an Assasin is a fellon and so ought to bee punished as a fellon Moreouer in his xliiii Chapter hee doth conctantly holde that the Canon summes that do determine all scruples of conscience according to the Canon law doe rather hurt English mens consciences then giue them light and that there bee many cases in them ruled according to the Canon law that are not to bee obserued in this Realme neyther in law nor conscience And in xlii Chapter that although many sayings in the same summes doe agree with the lawes of this Realme yet they are to be obserued by the authoritie of the Lawes of this Realme and not by the authoritie alleaged by them Finally in the xxix Chapter of the same booke hee doth flatly ouerrule our present case whereas by the Canon Law an heretike hath ipso facto lost all his goodes and therefore can make noe execution he affirmeth that it holdeth and bindeth not here for if he doe abiure hee hath forfeited noe goods but if hee be conuicted of heresie and deliuered to laye mens handes he hath forfeyted all his goodes that he hath at that time that he was deliuered vnto them but not his landes before that he be put to death To this the Doctor answereth me thinketh that as it onely belongeth vnto the Church to determine heresies that so it belongeth vnto the Church what punishmēt he shal haue for his heresie except death which they can not be iudges in but if the Church decree that therfore he shall forfeite his goods me thinkes that they be forfeyted by that decree vnto this obiection he thus answered vnder the name of student Nay verely for they be tēporall things and belong to the iudgement of the kings court And I thinke that the ordinarie might haue set no fine vpon one impeached of heresie vntill it was ordained by the statute of Henry the fourth that he may set a fine if hee see cause and that the king shall haue that fine If this were the vniuersall beliefe of all good Englishmen in the time when the Popes authoritie most flourished heere and before this controuersie arose that neither the Pope nor counsell nor Church hath authoritie to ordaine any temporall punishment for heresy can he be accounted a true Englishman that doth holde that the Pope can depriue her maiestie of her crowne and dignitie for a pretence of heresy Of the counsell of Laterane or that the Canon made in the counsell held at Laterane doth binde vs heere in England But because we vnderstand that the greatest scruple in conscience of our Catholickes Romane is grounded vpon this Canon we will make a particular treatise thereof and to vncomber and discharge their consciences shew first that it is no determination of faith that the Pope may depose princes and secondly that it doth not binde in this realme not onely because as I haue proued before the Church can make no decree of temporalities but also because by the verie Canon Lawe it neither is nor euer was in force within this realme and finally neither orderly executed according to the order of the Canon And first because I shall haue occasion to examine euerie worde of one member thereof I will set it downe verbatim worde for worde Ca. 33◠Si ver◠dominus temporalis requisitus admonitus ab ecclesia terram suam purgare neglexerit ab hac haeretica foeditate per Metropolitanum comprouinciales episcapos excommunicationis vinculo innodetur etsi satisfacer◠contempserit intra annum significetur hoc summo pontifici Romano vt extunc ipse vasallos ab eius fidelitate denuntiet absolutos terram exponat Catholicis occupandam qui cam exterminatis haereticis sine contradictone possideant in fidei puritate conseruent ita quod bona huiusmodi damnatorum si laici fuerint confiscentur si vero clereci applicentur ecclesijs a quibus stipendia per ceperint Which may thus be englished If the temporall Lord beeing requested
See they will be the successors of Constantine and not of Peter c. And in this minde they continued in the reigne of king Edward the first when the Parliament assembled at Lincolne thus wrote as we reade in Thomas of VValsingham flores historiarum vnto Bonifacius the viii who among other things in his letters to the king had requested that if the King had any right in the kingdomes of Scotland or any part thereof that he would send his proctors and learned counsell vnto him and there the matter shoulde speedily with iustice be adiudged decided Neither that the kings of England had by reason of the preeminence of their state regall dignity and costome at all times inuiolably obserued euer answered or ought to answere before any Iudge eccelesiasticall or secular about his rights in the aforesaide kingdome of Scotland or other his temporalities wherefore we hauing held a diligent consultation deliberation vppon the contents of your abouesaide letters it was the common concordious one minded consent of vs all of eueryone of vs shal be for euer hereafter vnaltered that our foresaid Lord the King doe not about the rights of the kingdome of Scotland or other his temporalities in any wise answere iudicially before you nor come vnder iudgement in any sort or bring his rights aforesaide in doubt or question nor therefore sende proctours or messengers vnto your presence seeing the premises doe tende manifestly to the disinheriting of the right of the Crowne of the kingdome of England and the kingly dignitie the notorious subuersion of the state of the same kingdome also to the preiudice of our fathers libertie costoms lawes to the obseruation and defending of whom we are bouÌ„d by the duty of oth taken the which we will maintaine in all that we can and will with the helpe of God defend with all our strength Neither also doe wee permit or in any sort will suffer as neither we can nor ought that our foresaide Lord king yea if he would doe or in any cause attempt the premises so vnwonted vndue preiudiciall and at other times so vnheard of c. And now I pray you will any indifferent man beleeue that our countrimen in those daies did thinke that the Pope had authoritie to despose their Kings or knew or heard that their fathers and auncestours had giuen the Pope power to expose the kingdome of their countrie for a common pray for all Christians and Catholickes But now hauing prooued that this Canon cannot bind vs now vnlesse our ancestours had receaued by consent of Parliament also haue shewed that it neither was nor could be done let vs fall to our seconde proofe that the Canons of this Counsell at least in temporall cases were neuer receiued in this Realme In this counsel there was a Canon made vnder payne of excoÌ„munication that the Clergy should not be forced to pay any contribution to secular princes neither shoulde they willingly of their owne accord pay any without licence first obtained of thâ— Pope Now that this Canon was neuer in force here it doth plainely appeare by the subsidies payde by the Clergy vnto the sonne of King Iohn Chap. 24. Henry the third in the ix the xvi the xxi the xxix the xxxvii the xliiii the xlii yeares of his raigne neuer once asked the Popes consent but contrariwise in the xxxvi yeares of his raigne the king hauing the popes mandate from the Counsell of Lyons See Holinâ—hed to pay him three tenthes because he was crossed for the holy land they vtterly refused to pay him penny The Clergy did also wthout contradiction pay vnto his sonne and successor Edward the first in the eight yeare of his reaigne thre tenthes and in the eleauenth yeare the twentith part of all their goodes but afterward at the Parliament helde at Saint Edmondesbury Robert the Archbyshoppe of Canterbury and some of the Clergy refused to pay not claming to be exempted by this Canon but by another decre made lately that very yeare by Pope Bonifacius the eight but then the King put the Cleargy out of his protection and thus forced them to yeelde and so they haue continued payment quietly euer since that time An other Canon we haue in the same counsell Chap. 4â— that no prescription shall be good during the whole time whereof the possessor did not verelye beleeue that the thing was his owne in truth But that the law of this land did neuer make any distinction of possession bona or malae fidei whether the possessor did think it to be his owne or not at all our Lawyers doe know and acknowledge And also the statutes of limitation made in the Parliamentes held at Marton and VVestminster in the three and twentie yeares of the raignes of Henry the third and Edward the first doe plainelie prooue Also a third Canon there is a branch of this of the desposition of Princes that the goodes of Clarkes condemned for heretikes shall bee forfeited vnto the Churches where they serued This constitution not to bee obserued the author of the booke called the Doctor and the Student doth at large prooue in the xxix Chapter of his seconde booke And also it doth plainely appeare by the statute made in the second yeare of Henry the first Chapt. 7. where wee finde that the goodes of Heretikes of what estate condition and degree soeuer they bee are escheated to the King And also all their landes that houlde immediately of him or of their ordinaries or their commissaries but the landes of all other that holde in chiefe of other Lordes the king to haue them a yeare and a day with their wastes and afterward to returne vnto the Lord of the sea And seeing that in three small matters that touched not the state the Counsell was not nor is receiued can anye wise man beleeue that the Counsell was receaued in a Canon that touched the ruine of the whole country and kingdome and namely seeing it hath beene plainely proued that a part of the very selfe same Canon was neuer alowed Now finally to conclude neither was the sentence of depriuation canonically pronounced against her Maiestie according to thee decree of the Counsell The Canon not orderly executed for whereas she should first haue bene admonished by the Church and then excommunicated by the Metropolitane and his comprouinciall Byshoppes and then if she had contemned to satisfie within one yeare to bee depriued c. It is manifest that she was not excommunicated by the Metropolitane and the Byshoppes of his prouince neyther I doe thinke admonished by the Church but euen at the very first choppe deposed by the Pope Therefore seeing that neyther Pope nor generall counsell haue authoritie to depose Princes or release subiectes of their allegiance neyther was the Canon of the Counsell of Laterane for deposing of Princes euer receiued in this land nor any other Canons of Counsels that touched temporalities neyther yet that Canon orderly executed â—-against her Maiesty What good Christian English man can thinke that hee was by that Bull of Pius Quinâ—â—â— discharged of his obedience and allegiance that hee oweth vnto her Maiestye And can absurdly beleeue that all those that shall dye in that quarell shall vndoubtedlye bee damned in hell fire with all miscreants and rebelles FINIS