Non verbum verbo curabit reddere fidus Interpres Horat. in Art poet but retayning the strength and sinew of the Sentence I haue rendred it as best fitted the property of speech in our owne language Where the Kings words were to be inserted I haue chosen rather to follow his Maiesties owne Coppy then the French Translation which sometimes varyeth from it neyther haue I therein wronged mine Author Wherefore omitting those smaller mistakes which the discreete will passe ouer with an easie censure whether they bee wordes redundant as in or the twice repeated Or Syllables disioyned as often for often or letters transposed as villaines for villanies or wordes ill orthographized as Epostle and daceiue in one page for Apostle and deceiue Likewise Alminacke Letonies terent for Almanacke Letanies torrent c. Those other which are represented in the end of the booke I leaue to thy courtesie necessarily to be amended being such as import the matter and in which the Composers omitting or not well reading the wordes interlined wherein I sometimes corrected my selfe haue thrust in their owne coniectures Farewell TO THE READER MAy it please thee gentle Reader to vnderstand that after we had finished our worke and that the booke was now ready to come forth there came to my hands certaine corrections and amplifications of some points from the Author himselfe earnestly intreating to haue them inserted which because they could not conueniently be brought in in their proper places the booke being already printed yet that we might doe him right against the malice of his captious Aduersaries I thought it good to bestow them in this page requesting thee of thy charity which couereth a multitude of sinnes at once to pardon both our faults Page 30.14 reade the last Canon 45.25 r. as though he affirmed it without knowledge and spake it onely vpon trust 80.23 r. iudged to be vniust 181.7 r. the earth is almost full of the chips and pieces thereof Page 338.16 after the word men leaue out the whole sentence ending with the word Saluation then adde as followeth Onely we must note that this word Dulia hath a double and doubtfull signification and that there be two sorts of Dulia The one is a Religious action the other is onely a seruice an humane respect which is yeelded also to the liuing As for that kinde of Dulia which is a Religious worship the holy scripture forbiddeth it to be giuen to any saue onely to God alone as 1. Sam. 7.3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prepare your hearts to the Lord and yeeld Dulia or Seruice to him alone And S. Austin Quaest 94. vpon Exodus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 debetur Deo tanquam Domino Doulia is due to GOD as to him who is MASTER And de Ciuit. Dei lib. 10. cap. 1. Religio non est nisi Dei cultus Religion is nothing else but the seruice of God plainly shewing that the seruing of the Creatures is not an action of Religion But if we take the word Dulia for a respect and seruice done vnto men and not for a religious action our aduersaries doe amisse to say that they serue the Saints or other Images with Dulia seeing they yeeld them a religious seruice and a voluntary worship tending to the attainment of saluation Againe ibid line 29. reade that then no miracles were wrought by their Images Page 367.13 r. the whole earth is full of the peeces of it 399.27 Modicum quodque delictum mora resurrectionis illic luendo Page 425.27 r. in the 9. Distinction and the 9. Canon of the Councell of Antioch and the 17. Canon of the Councell of Chalcedon These wordes of the Canon of Antioch are for a marginall note 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Page 433. blot out the 8. last lines and the first line of the next page Page 440.21 read So in the 6. generall Councell Pope Honorius is condemned as an Hereticke and cast out of the Catholicke Church in the 13. Act and the same Councell assembled in the palace in the 13. Act doth by name condemne the Church of Rome c. Page 441.17 reade the 11. Homily of S. Chrysostome vpon Matthew Page 454.14 reade that Christ is an head more absolute and greater then the Pope and that the Pope is of lesse vertue then the holy Ghost Page 470.12 reade vpon the foundation layd by another Apostle The fame and good report and the mutuall communication of the strangers that were Christians with the Romanes had planted the Christian Religion at Rome but the Church of Rome required the presence of some Apostle for her full establishment A Table of the principall matters contained in this worke THE FIRST BOOKE ¶ Of the Vsurpation of Popes ouer Kings CHAP. 1. The occasion why IAMES the first King of Great Brittaine wrote his Booke together with a iudgement vpon Doctor Coeffeteaus Booke Pag. 1. CHAP. 2. Remonstrations of D. Coeffeteau with his iudgement touching the Treasons and attempts vpon the life of the King of England Pag. 16. CHAP. 3. Of Cardinals Pag. 23. CHAP. 4. Of Iesuites Pag. 39. CHAP. 5. Of the power of the Pope ouer the Temporalties of Kings and that he cannot take from Kings their Crownes nor free Subiects from the Oath of fidelitie and thereupon the reasons of Bellarmine are examined Pag. 45. CHAP. 6. Of the Clergie and their Exemptions Pag. 88. CHAP. 7. Of the Authoritie of Emperours and Kings ouer the Bishops of Rome that they haue chosen them punished them and degraded them That Princes haue had power ouer Bishops and their Temporalties The first seede of Poperie in England Pag. 105. CHAP. 8. That they who haue written against the King of Great Brittaine his Booke haue vniustly called him Apostata and Hereticke Pag. 128. THE SECOND BOOKE ¶ A defence of the Confession of IAMES the first King of great Britaine ARTICLE 1. Of the Creede Pag. 133. ART 2. Of the Fathers in generall Pag. 134. ART 3. Of the authority of the Fathers each apart by themselues Pag. 135. ART 4. Of the authority of the holy Scripture Pag. 143. ART 5. Of the Canonical and Apocrypha books Pag. 145 ART 6. Of the memory of Saints and of their Holy-dayes Pag. 154. ART 7. Of the Virgin Mary Pag. 164. ART 8. Of the suffrages of Saints and of the seruice due vnto them Pag. 173. ART 9. Of the Masse without Communicants or Assistants and of the Sacrifice of the Masse Pag. 202. ART 10. Of the Communion vnder one kinde Pag. 246. ART 11. Of Transubstantiation Pag. 258. ART 12. Of the Adoration of the Host Pag. 271. ART 13. Of the eleuation of the Host that it may be adored Pag. 274. ART 14. Of carrying their God in Procession Pag. 275. ART 15. Of workes of Supererogation and of super abundant Satisfaction and of the Treasury of the Church Pag. 276. ART 16. Of the baptizing of Bels. Pag. 308. ART 17. Of the Reliques of Saints Pag. 311.
their gouernment but let all those be cast downe that scandalize their sacred persons or exempt themselues from their authority CHAP. VII The authoritie of Emperours and Kings ouer the Bishop of Rome that they haue elected degraded and censured them that Princes haue had authoritie ouer their Bishops and their temporalties The first beginning of Poperie in England WHo so desires to see more proofes drawne out of ancient Histories by which it is made euident that the Bishops of Rome acknowledged themselues subiects and vassals of the Emperours let him read the place of the King of great Brittaines Apologie Obse crantes interim ex animi feruore vestram mansuetudinem obtestando veluti presentes genibus aduoluti coram vestigia pedum volutando where he answers the first Breue of Paulus Quintus whereunto we may adioyne the words of Pope Adrian writing to the Emperour Constantine sonne to Irene in the letters inserted into the second Councell of Nice We in the meane time with feruencie of spirit beseeching your Grace and as if wee were present fall before you on our knees and prostrate our selues at your feete both my selfe and my brethren In those daies Popes kissed the feet of Emperours Long before King * Platine in vita Agapeti 1. Theodorick employed Iohn the first Bishop of Rome in the nature of an Ambassadour to Iustinian the Emperour and after his returne kept him in prison till he died Platina in the life of Agapetus the first saith that King Theodat sent Agapetus his Ambassadour to Constantinople Soone after Pope Vigill comming to Constantinople at the Emperours command he caused him to be whipt and drawne with a halter about his necke through the Cittie Oh that they had had the grace in those daies to haue thundred against the Emperour and by authority of the See Apostolique to haue giuen away the Empire to some other as touching the election of Popes they were commonly chosen by the suffrages of the people and clergie of the cittie of Rome but this election continued doubtfull till the Kings of Italie or the Emperours had confirmed them who did often also establish the Bishops by their owne absolute authority not regarding the voice of popular assemblies In the yeare 535. Agapet the first was chosen by King Theodate who elected also Syluerius after Agapet Syluerius beeing deposed by Betisarius a captaine the Emperour Iustinian surrogated Vigill into his place In the yeare 581. Gregorie the Archdeacon was sent to the Emperour Tiberius to make an humble excuse for that Pelagius was elected without his approbation the incursions of the Lombards and the great inundations of waters hauing cut off their passages The same Gregorie beeing soone after chosen Pope by the common people wrote humble Letters to the Emperour Maurice not to confirme his Election in the yeare 679. Pope Agatho besought the Emperour Constantine to forgiue him the tribute which the Bishop of Rome did vsually pay for their consecration as the King of England hath learnedly obserued Looke Sigebert and Luitprand Stella Platina c. being farre from enforcing the Emperours vpon the day of their consecration to lay downe a summe of money at the Popes feete for tribute in token of their subiection as the Almaine Emperours were afterwards constrained to do Bellarmine saith that Constantine the fourth gaue ouer this power of chusing the Popes to Benedict the second but he maliciously hath omitted that the Emperour in stead thereof sent thither his souldiers which he ordinarily kept at Rome which continualy occasioned Faction and Sedition in their Elections witnesse the election of Canon the first and of Sergius the first in the yeares 686. and 688. by which they were driuen to haue recourse to the Exarches Sigonius lib. 3. the Emperours Lieutenant in Italy The title of the Empire of the West and the Royalty of Italy being fallen into the hands of the French Charlemaine seazed both the Soueraignty ouer the Citie of Rome and the power of electing Popes into his owne hands The forme or nature of this authority is faithfully reported by his Maiestie of England iust as it is inserted into the Romish Decree in the 69. Distinction in the Canon Adrianus Leo the the third yeelding to this authority sought and offered him some presents to be confirmed by him Soone after Paschall the second send his excuse to Lewes le Deuonaire because his election was dispatched before his pleasure was knowne Some alleadge hereupon that Lewes did at that time freely disclaime his authority and to produce a Declaration to that purpose but the practise of that time proueth the contrary for a little after in the yeare 827. Gregory the fourth would not enter vpon his charge till his election was confirmed by Lewes as Sigonius and Platina testifie In whom you shall finde a like example in the life of Benedict the third which is he whom Platina and a whole score of other witnesses make to succeede next after Pope Ioane In the yeare 867. the Ambassadors of Lewes made head against Pope Adrian because they had not beene called to his election the people hauing tumultuously forced him to take the Papacy vpon him The warres of the Normanes came then suddenly vpon them which set the Emperours about other businesse and the Sea of Rome began then to grow to that ouerflowing and disorder that for the full space of two hundred yeares there was nothing to bee seene but slaughter theft adulterie forcery and one Pope degrading and thrusting out another in which time by Coeffeteau's owne confession many Masters sate in the Pontificall chayre and it is pleasant reading to peruse the Councel of Rhemes held vnder Hugh Capet about that affaire During which hurly-burlies the Church of Rome was in the yeare 898. constrained to sue vnto Berengarius King of Italy to interpose his authority in the election of the Popes And a while after Otho the first Emperour of Almaine hauing subdued Italie seazed vpon the same authority Anno 992. and chose Pope Leo the eigth and after him Iohn the fourteenth and after that Benedict the fift as Sigonius Platina and others doe affirme In the yeare 995. Otho the third keeping the same custome chose Gregory the fift without any regard to the voyces of the common people Siluester the second who as Platina Stella Fasciculus temporum and sundry others do write attained the Popedome by bargayning with the Diuell about the yeare 997. was established by the Emperour Otho the second Sigonius Platina who had beene his Scholler In the yeare 1024. the Earles of Tusculum which then were growne mightie aduanced Iohn the one and twentieth who was a Lay-man to the Popedome In the yeare 1047. Henry the second deposed Benedict the ninth Seluester the thirteenth and Gregory the sixt from the Papacy who by Platina are called three Monsters as the King of great Britaine doth truely obserue The same Emperour renewed the Oath vnto the people
the vsurpation of the Gothes out of a base coueteous humour for it makes not whether their proceedings were tainted with auarice or no some one in the prosecution of his right may mingle his particular vices Now if this custome be not then are the Popes and Councels worthy of blame that haue adiudged them both iust and necessary as Adrian the first Leo the eigth and others which vnrequested did voluntarily referre this choyce to the Kings of Italy and to the Emperors And indeed Sigonius Anno 963. saith that Leo the eigth was of opinion Non sine causa AdrianuÌ„ 1. Ca rolo magno tribuisse vt Ecclesiam ordimaret Pontisicemlegeret Labertate populo â—eddita Romanos in dies deteriores effectos that Adrian the first had cause to referre the honour of gouerning the Church and chusing the Pope vnto Charlemaine and that when liberty was giuen to the popular Assembly for the election of the Pope things greweuery day from bad to worse It is heere more remarkable that Coeffeteau doth a little after contradict himselfe for after hauing condemned this electiue custome as as an vniust vsurpation of the Emperours a little after he saith that the Emperour did not vsurpe this right Fol. 18. pag. 2. but receaued it from the Pope If then the Emperours did not vsurpe this power he doth vniustly call it vsurpation And if the Popes gaue this authority the fault was onely in the Popes And if it be a Right as Coeffeteau cals it it can be neyther wrong nor iniustice not vsurpation The feare of the Lombards should haue beene no motiue to the Popes to iniure their own See to pâ—ssesse the Emperours of that which appertained not vnto them Touching that which he addes Fol. 19. p. â— that Lewes the sonne of Charles disclaymed this right I haue already disproued it as vntrue The Canon Ego Lodouicus in the 63. Distinction is of the same touch and as true as the Donation of Constantine It is also vntrue which he saith that the Popes acknowledged Lewes for a benefactor of this See and that they should thinke themselues obliged to him and other Princes which haue bestowed on them the temporalities which they possesse For first the Popes would not acknowledge any such obligation to this Lewes nor to his predecessors notwithstanding all their gifts vnto them hauing forged the Donation of Constantine to obliterate the memory of this benefite and cast an immaginary Conduit-pipe that might from others of farther distance deriue this bountie vnto them Besides their abusing and thundring their stormes vppon our Kings and robbing their Kingdomes is their faire acknowledgement of this good turne like him that hauing gathered the fruite and refreshed himselfe in the shadow of a tree doth with his bil-booke lop off the boughs and branches for recompence Moreouer we denie notwithstanding any thing Coeffeteau sayth that the Popes held their temporal possessions of Pipin or Charles or of Lewes or of any King or Emperour I am not ignorant that these Princes haue exceeded in their liberalities to the Bishop of Rome which they haue performed to their hinderance but they euer did as Princes vnto subiects reserue the Soueraignty ouer the Donce To examine the matter by auncienter proofes and better Sigonius in the History of the yeare 687. saith that the Exarches sent Iudges vnto Rome to administer iustice vnto the people Platina hath the fame in the life of Sergius the second who was the first that chaunged his name after his election because he was formerly called Hogs-snout In the diuision betweene the children of Lewes le Debonaire Lotharius the eldest sonne had for his part the City of Rome with Italy c. Platina in the life of Eugenius the second saith that †Sigonius p. 116 Lotharius in Italiam veniens Magistratum delegit qui populo Romano ius diceret Lotharius comming into Italy established Magistrates at Rome to iudge the people of the Citie Aboue all we haue expresse testimony of Sigonius in the seuenth booke of the History of the Kingdome of Italy Ann. 973. * Pontifex RomaÌ„ Rauennamque ditiones reliquas tenebat authoritate magis quam imeprio quod ci uitates Pontificem vt Reip. Principem Regem verò vi summum Dowinum intue entur atque ei tributa obsequiaque praeberent Then sayth he the Bishop of Rome helde the City of Rome and Rauenna rather by anothers authority then their owne commaund Because these Cities acknowledged the Bishop as a Prince in the Common wealth but did euer looke toward the King as their soueraigne Lord payde him tribute and to him yeelded their obedience And yet it was a long while after ere the Emperours came to Rome to take their Crownes which they held not of the Pope who had onely a hand in the Ceremony but of the people of Rome So that all that which the Pope dooth at this day holde in the nature of a soueraigne Prince is a meere vsurpation ouer the Empire and he cannot exhibite his titles nor shew vs the beginning of his Princely Soueraignty Coeffeteau goes on and condemnes the Emperor Otho for deposing Iohn the thirteenth for his irregular life and Henry the third for deposing three Popes in a short time and saith that in this proceeding he shewed a zeale but no knowledge Whereunto I answerre that this Iohn being maintayned by an Army and a very potent faction he could not be expulsed but by the power of the Emperour nor is it zeale without knowledge to apply vnto an extreame malady the onely and most necessary medicine that can possibly the prouided Our Doctor doth further adde that Constantine did shew much more Religion when in the Councell of Nice he acknowledged that it belonged not to him to iudge of the faults of Bishops But these were but words of his gratious respect vnto them such as the same Prince vsed when he said that if he should finde a Clergy-man offending with a woman he would couer him with his cloake but before in the sixt Chapter we saw that the lawes of Constantine did not priuiledge the offences of the Clergy from the ciuill authority no not the lawes of Iustinian which were made more then two hundred yeares after And indeede Theodoret lib. 1. cap. 19. alleageth an Epistle of Constantine to Nâ—comedians in which speaking generally of all sorts of men he saith that * Si quis audacter inconsulteque ad memoriam aut landem pestium illarum exarserit illias statim audacia ministri Dei hâ—e mea executione coercebitur If any one will rashly and inconsiderately maintaine those pestilent assertions speaking of the Arrians his audatiousnes shall be instantly curbed by the Emperours execution who is Gods Minister I doe plainely confesse that they caused them to be very often deposed by a Synode but yet they ceased not to haue soueraigne authority ouer the Bishops before their deposition or to haue power
c. that if they had been able they would certainly haue done it but that they feared to prouoke this Emperor against them to haue drawn persecution against the Christians O blessed Apostle how fitly to the purpose dost thou stop this euasion furnishest vs with an answer that cutteth off all difficultie for he saith That we must be subiect to Princes not only for wrath but euen for conscience sake He wil that we obey Princes not only for feare of incurring thier displeasure but also to satisfie the conscience and our duety towards God And S. Peter in like manner in his first Epistle and second Chapter Submit your selues to all manner ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King as to the Superiour c. This then is to be done not only to stoope and yeelde to the present necessity but also for Gods sake And to say truth could not S. Peter at whose word Ananias and Saphyra gaue vp the ghost and S. Paul who in reasoning with Elymas the Sorcerer strooke him with blindenesse could not they I say by the same power haue crushed this monster Nero or haue throne him from the height of the Capitoll But what wil they say if we produce ages wherin Orthodox Christians were the stronger party and yet did they abstaine from the life or Crowne of the Emperour Constantius was an Arrian against whom Liberius Bishoppe of Rome did not cast forth his lightnings neyther did hee attempt to dispossesse him but vpon the Emperours commaund hee went into banishment After his decease Iulian the Apostata mightily laboured to restore Paganisme at what time almost the whole Empire was Christian and that which is more his Armies were composed of Christian souldiers as Ruffinus witnesseth in the first booke of his Story cap. 1. Theodoret lib 4. cap. 1. Socrates lib. 3. cap. 19. And indeed when the Armies after his death conferred the Empire vpon Iouinian a christian Prince they cryed with one voyce We are Christians What could there be more easie then to haue thrust this Apostata from the Empire And if God hath giuen to the Bishop of Rome this power to degrade Monarches why was he then wanting to this his duety when there was such a pressing necessity and so great a facility to haue done it There liued at that time Gregory Nazianzen the ornament of his age who in his first Oration against Iulian saith that the Christians at that time had no other remedy against the persecutors saue onely their teares But if our Popes now a dayes had then liued This passage is alleadged in the 11. Decree Quaest 3. c. Iulianus and might haue beene beleeued they would easily haue furnished other meanes S. Austin vpon the 124. Psal speaking of the obedience that the Christians yeelded to this Iulian Distinguebant Dominum aeternum a Domino temporali tamen subditi erāt propter Dominū aeternum etiam Domino temporali They made a difference saith he betweene the Lord eternall and the Lord temporall and yet they were subiect to their temporall Lord because of the Lord eternall Such a like example we haue in the Emperour Valens an Arrian and a persecutor whose officers and people were for the most part faithfull beleeuers but their Religion neuer brake out into rebellion The Emperour Valentinian the yonger was infected with Arrianisme as we see by the 33. Epistle of S. Ambrose where Valentinian sendeth his Colonels and Captaines to dispossesse the Orthodox Christians of the Temple in the City of Milan to put in the Arrians Ambrose the Christian people withstood him but with modesty saying Rogamus Auguste non pugnamus Non timemus sed rogamus Whereat Valentinian was so much offended that he called S. Ambrose ‡ Si Tyrannus es scrire volo vt sciam quemadmodum me aduersum te praeparem tyrant At the same time one * Sosomen lib. 7. cap. 13. Maximus a Catholick Prince rebelled against Valentinian and made him to forsake Italy taking in hand the defence of the true faith against an Emperour that was an Hereticke What did the Christians then Did S. Ambrose or the Bishop of Rome commaund the people to obey Maximus and to rebell against Valentinian Nothing lesse nay rather Valentinian by the helpe of Theodosius and the Orthodoxes was re-established in his authority which greatly serued to set him in the right way To be short we finde in the auncient Church many Bishops banished and chastised by Emperours but neuer any Emperour dispossessed of his Empire by the Bishoppe of Rome So then Cardinall Bellarmine doth accuse the auncient Bishops of Rome for that during the oppression of the Church they vsed not those means and remedies which they had in their hands in that they drew onely the spirituall sword whereas our new Popes skirmish with both hands and flourish both swords besides all other dexterities Yea futher if the auncient Bishoppes of Rome were in doubt to prouoke the Emperors for feare of being cause of much slaughter and confusion why did not this feare with-hold the late Popes from thundring against the Emperours Fredericke Barbarossa and Henry the fourth Why did they draw on those horrible confusions which filled the west Empire with blood sacked many townes and caused threescore maine battels to bee fought It is then a manifest corruption of the Scripture when in the same place he produceth the Epistle of S. Paul saying to the Corinthians 1. Cor. 6. that rather then they shold go to law before vngodly men or Infidels they should erect those who were of least estimation in the Church Iudges amongst them Then he addeth Is it so that there is not a wise man amongst you not one that can iudge betweene his brethren From this Text Bellarmine maketh this collection that the Corinthians might establish new Iudges This is to take the Scriptures cleane contrary to the meaning of them For first S. Paul doth not speake of deposing Magistrates secondly he doth not speake of erecting new ordinary Offices in the Common-wealth but to chuse out from among the faithfull some persons to compose their differences by arbitrement peacable meanes rather then to draw blame vpon the Church by bringing their suits and quarrels before Infidels This is the exposition that Theodoret and Chrysostome giue vpon this place and Lyranus and Thomas vpon this Epistle Now if the Cardinall maintaine that S. Paul doth speake of forsaking the ordinary Iudges to institute new in their places let him produce some examples hereof let him shew vs the practise of it There he is silent and for good cause for who maketh any doubt but that the Christians if they should haue set vp ordinary Iudges in place of Imperiall Officers should haue beene held culpable of Leze-maiesty The danger which he pretendeth to be intolerating an heretical King cannot beare skale against the commaundement of God Adde hereunto that this reason is but
that they should not offer to chuse their Bishop without his commaundement After which Leo the ninth Sigonius pa. 372. Platina In Clemente 11. Nicholas the second Honorius the second were elected according to the same rule Sigonius in the yeare 1064. saith that Hanno the Archbishop gaue Pope Alexander a checke for entring vpon the Papacy without the penalty of Henry the Emperour Quam sedem multos iam per annos nemo nisi a rege probatus ausus esset attingere vnto which seate none saith he for these many yeares hath presumed to approach without the Kings approbation The same Hildebrand which was called Gregory the seuenth the scourge of Emperours was confirmed by Henry the fourth in the yeare 1075. who hauing first dared to incite the Almaines and Italians to reuolt from the Emperour and infinite warres being kindled thereby vnder this Henry and his successors it would be ouer-long to reckon vp how many Popes haue beene degraded and how many Anti-Popes created by the Emperours By which confusion and warlike broils continuing for one hundred or six score yeares the Papacy grew to a farre greater greatnesse then it maintaines at this day for it is within these two or three hundred yeares fallen wel-neare halfe way from the height and State wherein it stood The King of great Britaine hauing alleadged some of these testimonies Mr. Coeffeteau makes after his fashion a superficiall answere and saith That in the beginning it was not so Fol. 16. pag 2 And he saith well for in the beginning the Bishop of Rome medled not with the election of the Emperours hee did not pull downe Kingdomes he imposed no Annates or tyrannous impositions vpon the Clergy hee intermedled not with temporall affaires neither did his Ecclesiastical authority extend farther then the Churches and parishes in the Suburbs that is no farther then the Prouost-ship and Iurisdiction of the Citie of Rome he was not called the Monarch of the world nor the head of the Vniuersall Church nor God vpon the earth nor did he weare a triple Crowne nor made the Kings to kisse his feet nor did he vaunt that he could not erre in matter of faith but as fast as the Emperours did fall so fast did the Popes rise and I assure my selfe that the Pope would rather renounce his succession of S. Peter then the Donation of Charlemaine Secondly Coeffeteau saith That in the first ages the Christian Emperours did not enterprise such matters no not the Constantines or Theodosij Here then wee must learne him some skill in historie Betweene Constantine the great and Theodosius the first Valentinian was Emperour whose royall assent concurred in the election of Ambrose Bishop of Millaine a Prelate more reuerenced at that time then the Bishop of Rome Ruffinus speakes plainely in his second booke the eleuenth chapter The desire of the people being reported to the Emperour hee gaue commandement that their desire should be accomplished Socrates hath the same Lib. 4 cap. 25. The Emperour Theodosius chose Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople for as Sozomen testifieth he commaunded the Bishop to write downe in a paper their names whom they thought worthy reseruing the choyce vnto himselfe and hauing cast his eye ouer the list of such as were named among all the rest hee made choice of Nectarius Now wee are to vnderstand that the Bishop of Constantinople was not then inferiour to the Bishop of Rome in any respect Of which we could produce 780. witnesses to wit those hundred and fiftie Bishops which were in the first Councel of Constantinople vnder Theodosius and the sixe hundred and thirty Bishops in the Councell of Calcedon in which Councels there are expresse Canons to that purpose The third Canon of the Councell of Constantinople speakes in this tenour a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Bishop of Constantines Citie hath prerogatiues of honour next after the Bishop of Rome because it is new Rome Which Canon attributing to the Bishop of Rome priority of rancke not in respect of the See but in regard of the cheife Citie is expounded at large in the Councell of Calcedon in these wordes in the eighteenth Canon b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Our Fathers haue very rightly giuen the preheminence to the See of auncient Rome because the City was the Seate of the Empire So the hundred and fifty Bishops of the Councell of Calcedon beloued of God moued with the same reasons haue transferred the same preheminence to the seat of c That is to say Constantinople New-Rome thinking it reason that the City honoured with the Empire and with the presence of the Senate and enioying the same priuiledges as ancient Rome being the Seate of the Empire did and being after it the next should in matters Ecclesiasticall haue equall aduancement For then the See of Rome had the precedency without any authority or Iurisdiction aboue the rest iust as one Counseller of State goes before another that is equall in Commission with him This excellent Canon hath beene shamefully falsified in the Romane mane Decree in the Canon Renouantes the two and twentieth Distinction where in stead of Etiam in Ecclesiasticis our Aduersaries haue thrust in Non â—amen in Ecclesiasticis Hereupon I conclude that if Theodosius being at Constantinople had a hand in the election of the Bishop of Constantinople he might as well meddle with the election of the Bishoppe of Rome in case hee should be present in Rome And indeede Coeffeteau confesseth that the Emperour Constantius medled both with the election of Foelix and with the deposing of Liberius Bishop of Rome but he saith that he was an Arrian and that S. Hilarie cal'd him Antichrist which notwithstanding disables not the authority of this example for if Liberius had beene then an Arrian as hee became afterwards no man could haue thought it strange that Constantius had expelled him and aduanced another of the Orthodoxe faith into his roome S. Hilary blamed him not because he medled with the deposing or election of a Bishop but because in Liberius he persecuted the truth which may be as well said of the Kings of the Gothes fauourers of Arrianisme which made and vnmade the Bishop of Rome at their pleasure And it is principally to be considered that the Emperours tooke lesse heede to the choosing of the Roman Bishops as long as they preached the Gospell themselues and were contented with the office of being Pastors of the City of Rome and did not thrust their Ecclesiasticall sicle into the temporall haruest But assoone as they began to speake bigge and to meddle with ciuill affaires and that when matters were doubtfully ballanced they were like a great stone in one of the scales who can wonder if the Emperours bâ—gan then to looke about that none of an aduerse faction were brought in to that See against themselues That which Coeffeteau subioyneth makes nothing to the purpose to wit That the Emperours of the East continued
onely to take away Ambition from his Disciples But I say that it was not onely his meaning to take from them ambition but all such occasions as tend to ambition together with the fewell of contentions and pride for the worde of God forbiddeth both the euill and the occasions of euill Now that the Monarchy of the Church doth nothing but puffe vp the hearts of those that are climed vp to it there is none that doubteth but such as are hired to flatter or haue not much troubled themselues with the reading of histories whereof we shall produce some proofes hereafter yea Leo Bishop of Rome in his 82. Epistle confesseth this fault to be in himselfe and after he had spoken against those Bishops that hunt after Lordship and authority he addeth these wordes meipsum quodenimodo in Culpam trahi sentio I finde my selfe in a sort drawne into this fault And further the wordes of Iesus Christ herein are very expresse for after hee had said The Kings of Nations rule ouer them hee saith not take you heede that you desire not Souerainty in the Church but thus he saith It shal not be so among you As if he should say they beare rule but you shall not beare rule hee forbiddeth not onely the desire of Dominion but Dominion it selfe Coeffeteau addeth that when Iesus Christ went vp into heauen he did in such sort substitute a visible head as that he hath not bereaued himselfe of the title and quality of Monarch and that he is a more perfect and absolute head then the Pope but of lesse vertue and power then the holy Ghost whereof he doth well to aduertize vs And surely in my opinion Iesus Christ is much bound vnto him The wordes of S. Luke 22. I haue prayed for thee that thy faith faile not haue already beene sufficiently examined and so hath that saying of S. Ierome lib. 1. against Iouinian cap. 14. There so loweth after that Controuersie about the Keyes which the Pope causeth to ringe so loude stil grounded vpon this false supposition that he is the Successor of S. Peter not onely as Bishop of Rome in which sense the Ancients vnderstood it but also in the charge of Apostleship and as the vniuersall head of the Church which neuer any Father eyther beleeued or thought Albeit that that which was spoken to S. Peter doth nothing at all belong to the Bishop of Rome yet we will examine the wordes Iesus Christ then Mat. 16. after Peter had confessed him to be the Sonne of the liuing God saith Blessed art thou Simon the sonne of Iona for flesh and bloud hath not reuealed this vnto thee but my Father which is in heauen And I say vnto thee that thou art Peter and vpon this Rocke will I build my Church and the gates of hell shal not preuaile against it And I will giue thee the Keyes of the King dome of heauen and whatsoeuer thou bindest on earth shall be bound in heauen and whatsoeuer thou loosest on earth shall be loosed in heauen Mr. Coeffeteau produceth this saying Fol. 85. for to Establish the Primacy of S. Peter ouer the other Apostles but he sheweth not how nor wherein nor alleadgeth he any proofes at all It is peraduenture because Christ hath said Thou art Cephas and that Cephas signifieth the Head If a man will beleeue Pope Anaclet in the two and twentieth Distinction Can. SacrosaÌ„cta Cephas id est caput principiuÌ„ with a profound and compleat skill in Grammer It may be also that it is because he said to Saint Peter Thou art Peter and vpon this Rocke will I build my Church Whereupon they inferre that the Church is founded vpon S. Peter But I say that these wordes import no such matter for hee saith not Thou art Peter and vpon thee Peter but vpon this Rocke that is to say vpon Iesus Christ whom hee confessed a little before and who is oftentimes termed a Rocke And it is euident that our Lord doth manifestly distinguish betweene Petrus and Petra the person of Peter and the Rocke and especially it is to be obserued that in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a word of a double sense for it is both the proper name of a man and it doth also signifie Rocke whereof it followeth that the allusion would haue carried a farre better grace if S. Matthew had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the spirit of God that guided the handes of the Apostle chose rather to let go that ornament of speech for preuenting of errour and sayth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expresly distinguishing the person of Peter from the Rocke For if the Church be founded vpon S. Peter it must needes be done eyther vpon his person or vpon his Doctrine that was all one with the rest of the Apostles and in this respect they are all Foundations alike if vpon his person then assoone as he is dead and another in his place the foundation of the Church is changed and it may be much for the worse Likewise when the Papall Sea hath beene many yeares voyde which hath often happened the Church of God hath then beene without Foundation Furthermore if the question be of the first and most principall Foundation S. Paul 1. Cor. 3. saith No man can lay another Foundation then that which is already laid which is Christ Iesus And that maketh S. Peter to call him the cheefe Corner-stone 1. Pet. 2. And if the Apostles be at any time called Foundations it is in respect of the Doctrine that they teach And for this reason the holy Scriptures make them equally Foundations as Ephes 2. vers 20 Being builded vpon the Foundation of the Apostles and Prophets Iesus Christ himselfe being the cheefe Corner-stone And Apocalip 21.14 The wall of the Citie which is the Church had twelue foundations in which were the twelue names of the Apostles of the Lambe Since then they be all foundations who can shew any place of the word of God that maketh one of the Apostles a Foundation aboue the rest The Fathers haue vnderstood it thus Origen vpon Matth. 16. If thou thinkest saith he that the whole Church was founded vpon Peter onely Quod si super v. num illum PetruÌ„ taÌ„tum existimas aedificari totam Ecclesiam quid dicturus es de Iohanne filio tonitrui desingulis Apostolis Omnibus Apostolis omnibê° per fectis fidelibê° dictum videtur Petra Christus qui donauit Apostolis suis vt ipsi quoque petrae vocentur Tu es Petrus c. what wilt thou then say of Iohn the sonne of Thunder and of all the other Apostles And hee vrgeth much these wordes Vpon this Rocke I will build my Church as spoken to all the Apostles yea further to all the faithfull This seemeth saith he to be spoken to all the Apostles and to all the perfect faithfull for they are all stones or Rockes and vpon them is the Church builded S. Ierome in his first
receiue some lustre from his reflection But those that desire to make themselues knowne by the greatnesse of their Aduersaries are alwaies such as haue little in themselues why the world should take note of them This Doctor in his booke handleth the King of great Britaine as a Nurce doth her nurce-childe who after shee hath dandled it beates it mingling curstnesse and flattery For in humble termes hee wrongeth him and giueth him respectfull lyes flatters him with iniuries accuseth him to speake vpon trust and that he busieth himselfe with quirkes and subtleties and sayes that he makes S. Paul an Interpreter of the Apocalips This is the forme of his writing as for the matter and substance of his booke I finde that he hath ill measured his owne strength and that with the weakenesse and meanenesse of his skill he hath made the strength of his Maiesties reasons more manifest Gyants are not to be ouerthrown with a breath neyther is a Lion to be fought against with a Festue Other kind of forces are necessary to make resistance to so exquisite a doctrine that is euer abundantly sustained by the truth And indeede he clearely confesseth his weakenesse in this that hee neuer cyteth the Text of the Kings booke but only reporteth the sense thereof disguised and weakened that he may giue himselfe greater scope and liberty forming to himself Chimera's which he impugneth with other Chimera's of his owne as will sufficiently appeare by the examination of his booke to which we now will enter God herein enlighten vs since that which wee say is for his truth which is the light of our soules CHAP. II. Certaine Remonstrances of COEFFETEAV his iudgement touching the Treasons and attempts vppon the life of the King of England ARISTOTLE in the second booke of his Rhetoriques Chap. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith that the Countrey people vse to haue their speeches very full of sentences but folly is more sufferable then vnseasonable wisedome Coeffeteau beginneth his booke much after such fashion making to the King of great Britaine many sententious Remonstrances interlaced and mingled with threats and commendations But whilst he representeth to Kings their duties he goeth beyond his owne for S. Ierome forbids Monkes to be teachers saying in his booke against Vigilantius Monachus non docentissed plangen tis habet officium wishing Monks rather to bewaile and be sorrowfull for their owne faults then to reprehend those of other men But chiefly his Remonstrances are ill employed to a King that is better read in the Bible then he is in his Missall and that hath carefully put in practise the commaundement of God in the seuenteenth of Deuteronomy where hee commaunds Kings to read the booke of the law all the dayes of their liues verse 19. The exhortation that Luther often vsed by his Letters to Pope Leo the tenth to renounce the papacy and to liue of his owne and to come and doe as he did had more grace with it then this of Coeffeteau for it is more probable of the two Sleidan li. 2. that the Pope was the likelier to haue followed Luthers counsell This Doctor hauing thus employed the seuen first pages of his book in these exhortations which haue no other fault but that they are ill applyed comes to those motiues which estrange and keepe the King of England from the Romane Religion supposing the conspiracies that haue beene against his person to be the causes of it thereupon protesteth Fol. 5. pag. 1. that the Romane Church no way approueth such attempts but condemnes them as parricides and wisheth to Princes secure gouernement victorious armes obedient people and faithfull Councell And after addeth That for these considerations the head of the Church which is the Pope cannot disaproue the courses that your Maiestie holaeth to secure your authority and person against the miserable enterprizes so that they bee not repugnant to that Religion which he is bound to desend To this I say Coeffeteau hath beene very ill enformed for the conspiracies against the King of Englands life haue not with-held or kept him from Popery since euen from his Infancy he hath made open profession of the true Religion and before this conspiracy had published the confession of his faith conformable to that which we professe And whereas he condemnes such attempts as are made vpon the liues of Kings we greatly commend him for it and thereby suppose that he no way approued the enterprize of Iames Clement who was domesticke with him and his companion From thence I likewise gather that when the Iesuite Mariana in the sixt Chapter of his booke De Regno prayseth the Act of Iames Clement saying that he was perswaded and enduced thereunto by Diuines with whom hee had conferr'd I gather that Coeffeteau was none of those Diuines and that when this Parricide Saint and Coeffeteau went a begging together hee made him not acquainted with his secret And further it is no small vertue in this Doctor that he feareth not in so iust a cause to condemne many Iesuites who were complices or instigators of this last conspiracy and haue been executed for it Nay more it sheweth a magnanimity in Coeffeteau that hee dares so couragiously oppose himselfe to the Pope and Bellarmine who by their letters before mentioned incite the English to rebellion which could neuer take effect so long as the Kings life should be in safety By the same meanes he likewise condemneth the Authors of the Legend of S. Iames Clement which wee haue seene with our eyes but not without much wonder and admiration The successe of things haue grudged him this honor and men haue beene nothing fauourable and propitious to this Saint otherwise doubtlesse hee had before this beene put into paradice It is likewise a cause of iust ioy vnto vs to see that a Doctor of the Sorbons dare approue the sentence of the Court of Parliament against Iohn Chastell though the Pope of late hath newly censured it By which it dooth also follow that he doth not thinke it well done that Garnet and Ouldcorne Iesuites and parties in the gunpowder treason are at Rome inserted in a roll of Martyres Whosoeuer prayseth and approueth an acte already done will questionlesse counsel and aduise the doing of it for that which is wicked in the vndertaking cannot be good in the execution But the Pope in his breue before mentioned calleth the punishment of Treason and rebellion by the name of Martyrdom which is a dangerous speech able to make Kings tremble when the people shall be taught by Murders and Treasons to seeke the Crowne of Martyrdome An abhominable and detestable doctrine can there be any so colde and frozen zeale that will not hereby be warmed and moued to a iust anger that this so sacred name of Martyr so much reuerenced in the Church should in such sort be prostituted that whereas the holy Scripture calleth them Martyrs which suffer for the testimony of the
Gospell now a dayes those which haue their handes stayned and soyled with the blood of Kings should be honoured with that Title It is not the suffering but the cause that maketh a Martyr otherwise the diuell might likewise haue his Martyrs but such paines are crymes and are not onely vnworthy of praise but are likewise vnworthy of pardon and such pains and torments as are againe to be punished with future torments Is it then fit that the holy squadron of Martyrs where S. Stephen marcheth first and S. Iames neare vnto him and after them the rest of the Apostles followed by so many of the faithfull who haue bin prodigall of their bloods but careful and thriftie of the glory of God Is it fit amongst them to finde Incendiaries and Parricides with fire and sword in hand not like vnto S. Paul and S. Lawrence that is to say not representing their punishments but as testimonies of their crymes not to signifie the death by which they died but to declare the manner how they murdered Vnhappy age that styleth villaines with title of vertue and that by the corrupting of words and names depraueth the things themselues and so by a new kinde of Grammer introducteth a new kinde of Diuinity But God be praised that he hath not permitted the Pope by his skill and arte to plant this perswasion generally in the hearts of the people but that euen amongst our aduersaries themselues there are very many that no way approue this seditious and bloody doctrine Amongst which number I would willingly place the Doctor Coeffeteau because of his protestations were it not that he allayes them with such modifications and restrictions as giues vs cause to doubt of them And which testifie that those Kings with whose liues and Crownes he would not haue medled are onely such Kings as are obedient to the Bishop of Rome for he saith That the Church of Rome wisheth to Princes an assured Empire victorious Armes and an obedient people Now it is most certaine that the Pope desireth not that those Kings which condemne him should bee victorious or that their people should remain in their obedience since he deposeth them from their Thrones and dispenseth to their subiects the Oath of their Alleageance And a little while after he saith that hee speaketh of such estates wherein the Church meaning the Church of Rome subsisteth which is as much to say that where it cannot subsist there hee approueth this rebellion and murther which he more clearely sheweth after Fol. 6. pag. 1. where after these wordes That the Pope cannot disapproue the courses that you hold to secure your Authority and person he addeth So that they be not offensiue to that Religion which he is bound to defend So that hereof it followeth that if the Romane Religion doe receiue any offence in England Then the Pope doth no longer approue the courses that the King holdeth for his conseruation But he giueth after more certaine proofes of his intention the which wee will remarke in their due places Besides we doubt not but a prudent person knoweth how to fashion himselfe to the times and to reserue his bloody propositions for fitter occasions And many times enterprizes are onely blamed because they are not succesfull and vices are turned to vertue by happy euents Multa sunt quae non nisi peracta Laundantur And the iudgements of those whose malice is accompanied with doubt and feare are framed according to the successe But in respect of our friendship I am rather enclined to thinke well of him and to free him of this suspition I will therefore conclude this Chapter with an obseruation which I thinke not fit to be omitted and it is that in the time of S. Paul Nero was then Emperour which Monster God eyther for the scorne of men or for their punishment had placed in the Empire who by his example declared to what height absolute and exquisite wickednesse assisted with Soueraigne power could ascend who likewise was the first that stirred vp persecution amongst the Christians Had the Christians euer greater cause to rebell Or serued they euer vnder a more vnworthy Master Now I would demaund of my Masters the Papists if S. Paul should haue made a Myne vnder his house or vnder colour of salutations should haue strucken him to the heart with a Poniard or had beene taken in any of these enterprizes and so put to death for them whether had he beene a Martyr or whether had his death beene acceptable or tended to the edification of the Church But because this is a question full of difficulties it is fit we should leaue it vndecided and that we expect some resolution from the Doctors or some decision from his Holinesse After this Coeffeteau Fol. 6. speaketh by the way of the Popes power ouer the temporality of Kings and promiseth afterwards to speake more at large Wee therefore to auoyde the repetition of things twice will set aside that subiect till he commeth to the place where hee fully handleth it And now let vs heare what he saith of the dignity of Cardinals Fol. 8. CHAP. III. Of Cardinals FOrasmuch as Bellarmine vnder the name of Tortus compareth the dignity of Cardinals to the Maiestie of Kings That is to say the Cardinals Cappe with the Regall Crowne the charge of a seruant of the seruant of seruants to the dignity of the ruler of Nations The King of great Britaine speaketh thus in his Apology I was neuer the man I confesse that could thinke a Cardinall a meete match for a King especially hauing many hundreth thousands of my subiects of as good birth as he As for his Church-dignity his Cardinalship I meane I know not how to ranke or value it eyther by the warrant of God his word or by the Ordinance of Emperours or Kings it being indeed onely a new Papall erection tolerated by the sleeping Conniuence of our predecessors I meane still by the plurall of Kings To this Coeffeteau maketh a milde replie intreating his Maiesty to iudge more fauourably of the intentions of so modest and learned a person as Bellarmine is Fol. 8. beseeching him to remember that Caluine acknowledged that the Cardinals flourished in the time of S. Gregory which is one thousand yeares since and that euen in the Councell of Rome vnder Siluester the first there is mention made of the seuen Deacon Cardinals as of no new Institution then And addeth that their charge was to instruct the people and to minister the Sacraments And since they hauing gotten vnto themselues the election of the Pope and being alwayes neere about him their glory is growne and increased by which the Church hath receiued much ease and furtherance the head of the Church hauing alwayes about his person his Councell in affaires of greatest importance Hee likewise saith that Kings reuerence them but they are so farre from making themselues equall with Kings that Princes finde none that beare themselues with more respect towards
his fellowes where he saith that the rebellion of a Clergie man against his King cannot be treason in that he is not subiect to the King which agreeth with that which is written by the Iesuite Saunders in his second booke of his visible Monarchie whereof the King of great Britaine in his first booke cyteth many passages Now whereas the Iesuites of France did make a booke intituled * In the pag. 70. of the Edition of the bigger print 1595. you shall finde these wordes The Pope pretendeth nothing ouer Souerainty but to correct as a father as a Iudge such as are pernitious to the Church For then he may not alone but he is bound to shew himselfe their Superior Security wold make thee peruerse froward but thou must be kept down be made to confes that thou hast neyther reason nor conscience For it is fit that Princes shold be often held in and curbed by feare of their temporalities The defence of the truth against the pleading of Anthony Arnold In which they maintaine at large that the Pope may as Iudge depriue Princes of their temporalties This is wholly to be imputed to the times for then it was fit to speake in that manner but now they reserue those Maximes for fitter seasons Diuinity is to be applyed as occasions serue and wee are now in an age that if wee would know how wee were to teach and moue the people we must first looke into the Aâ—minake and accommodate our selues to the affaires of the Common wealth and therefore it is to be hoped that such * The which are produced in the Chapter following passages of Bellarmine that do make the liues and Crownes of Kings subiect to the Pope will be mended in the next Edition And as for the troubles and seditions which these Fathers haue stirred in Polonia which hath cost Demetrius his life and as for the causes which haue moned the Venetians to banish them out of their estate this a thing wholly to be imputed to the Climate or to the strange humors of the Country which is farre differing from Fraunce All this being considered it is to be hoped that the King of great Britaine following the counsell of Doctor Coeffeteau will take them to be neare about his person The other Reasons which are brought to recommend them seeme not to me of any great weight It is said that they carefully instruct youth if it be so how commeth it to passe that since they haue vndertaken to teach learning is so much decayed I would willingly that one could shew mee in Fraunce any of their Disciples that were of exact and exquisite learning or whom haue they in their society that may bee compared with those that were the Schollers of Turnebus or of Cuias Who are yet as many of them as are left the very lights and ornaments of the Court where is now the Vniuersitie of Paris which had wont to haue in it thirty thousand schollers but hath declined towards barbarisme euer since this kinde of people haue vndertaken to teach by their abridgements and Epitomies the which haue beene framed and composed by a rable of Pedants that teach all by rote in stead of drawing their instructions from the Fountaines of the Greeke and in stead ofâ—etling their iudgements by the course of auncient Philosophy And as for humane learning Scaliger Casaubon Passerate Lipsius and diuers like vnto them were they brought vp in their schooles Or indeede whom haue they brought vp comparable to them But Coeffeteau saith that the most Christian King is serued by them dealeth well with them and taketh them neere vnto his person our condition is too low and our vnderstanding too weake to search out the Counsels of so great a King whom God hath endued with an incomparable wisedome but yet I thinke that this serues not to iustifie them for who can tell whether his Maiesty doth this onely to put in practise that rule of the Gospell which is To doe well to those that hate vs Or whether he endeauoureth by his goodnes to master and ouercome their wickednesse and so by that meanes to binde them to fidelity Or who can tell whether his Maiestie herein imitateth the example of God who imployeth the wicked spirits for such causes and to such purposes as are best knowne to his diuine wisedome Or who knoweth whether in this he doth like Vlisses who for auoyding of tempests would keepe the winds with him shut vp in a leather bagge This great King whose paines and industry procureth our generall repose whose vigilancy makes vs to sleepe securely who bereaueth himselfe of himselfe and bestoweth himselfe on the publique and who maketh peace to flourish vnder the shaddow of his victories Long may hee enioy that quiet and repose which he hath broght euen to those that hate him Let his Counsels be euer blessed with happy successe his life with safety his subiects with fidelity his Crowne with glory and his Kingdome with prosperity CHAP. V. Of the power of the Pope ouer the temporalities of Kings and that he cannot take from Kings their Crownes nor free subiects from the Oath of fidelity And thereupon the reasons of Bellarmine are examined THe King of great Britaine in his Apology complayneth of two Breues or letters Apostolique of Clement the eight sent into England a little before the death of the late Queene ELIZABETH which were produced at the arrainment of Garnet the Iesuite by which the said Pope excludeth him from the succession of the Kingdome by a generall debarring of all such as were not of the Romane Religion This thing being so notoriously vniust and so publique yet notwithstanding Coeffeteau saith that there hath beene a wrong interpretation made of this Popes intentions and that it hath beene some particular mens drift to put it into his Maiesties head that he went about to hinder his establishment in the Kingdome These are insurious speeches to say that the King of great Britaine hath beene circumuented and that men haue only made him beleeue things but that he hath not seene any such Breues but speaketh this onely vpon trust There likewise turning to the side of Kings against the consent of the whole Romish Church he speaks thus It is a thing without doubt Fol. 6. pag. 2. that if the Pope would inuade Kingdoms and giue them in prey to whom he pleaseth deuesting the right possessors of them he well deserueth that Princes should stand stiffe against his viosence and should ioyntly runne vpon him as vpon a robber and spoiler of their inheritances And a litle after The Popes pretend nothing ouer the temporalties of Kings are contented only to make their authority appear ouer the crimes of men which he bindeth or looseth without stretching of it tyranically to dispose of their possessions otherwise then such as are fallen vnto him what causes here moued Coeffeteau thus to fauour Kings and to pare the Popes nayles so neare
seeing that the thing can no wayes belong to mee in what sort soeuer Furthermore Bellarmine by this distinction hath no meaning to contradict the Popes whom we haue produced who speake of Kings as of their subiects and terme themselues Soueraignes in temporall affaires so that this commeth all to one It bootes not to dispute of the excellency of the spirituall power aboue the Ciuil by comparing as did Innocent the third the Pope to the Sunne and the Emperour to the Moone for albeit this were so yet doth not the excellency of one thing aboue another necessarily import that one must therefore gouerne another for if I say that the faculty of Diuinity is more noble and more excellent then the care and custody of the Kings Treasure must it needes therefore follow that Diuines and Clergy men must sway the Kings Exchequer And as litle to the purpose is it to alleadge that the temporall power is subiect to the spirituall for the question is not whether it be simply subiect vnto it but whether it be subiect to it in temporall things and with what punishments the Pastor of the Church may punish the Magistrate when he forgetteth his duety Foüiller en sa bourse to wit whether by depriuing him of his estates or by fingering his purse this is the point of the question which Bellarmine was to proue and not to suppose For what authority soeuer God hath giuen to faithfull Pastors ouer the Magistrates as they are Christians yet doe they not let for all that to be subiect to the Magistrates as they are Citizens and make a part of the Common-wealth A king that is sicke is for the time subiect to the gouernement of his Physitians and yet they neuertheles remaine his subiects As then the Temporall gouernement doth not impose spirituall punishments so the spirituall gouernement cannot impose temporall punishments vnlesse it be sometimes by miracle as S. Peter did vpon Ananias and Sapphira for ordinary power he hath none to doe it neyther doth the word of God giue him any Now if the Pope by vertue of his keyes of which he so much boasteth could dispossesse a King of his Kingdome for any fault whether it be true or pretended it should thence follow that he hath a greater power ouer Kings then oner priuate and particular men from whom he cannot by way of Penance plucke away their lands or houses to giue them to their neighbours for if it were so the Pope should be the direct Lord of all the lands and possessions of Christendome And seeing it is generally confessed that the Heathen Emperours were not subiect to the Bishops in temporall matters can it stand with reason that Princes by being become Christians should become lesse Soueraignes then they were before and that the faith of Iesus Christ should diminish their Empire I am not ignorant that the Prince ought so to administer temporall things that the spirituall administration be not thereby impeached I know also that if Princes offend God it belongeth to the Pastors not to be silent but to oppose themselues against that euil by al those wayes means which God hath permitted which are courses ful of all respect and farre from any rebellion and sedition The faithfull Pastor that shall least of all flatter the Magistrate in his vices is the man that shall carefully retaine the people in their obedience towards the Magistrate and shall keepe that golden meane which is betweene flattery and sedition As he must not be a dumbe dogge so must he not be a furious beast that had neede to be tyed vp And to the end that you may know that these two kindes of subiection doe not iustle or shoulder each other as incompatible I say that the Princes and the Pastors in a State are as the will and vnderstanding in the soule of a man The will commandeth the vnderstanding with an absolute commaund which the Greekes call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Lord-like inioyning it to study or to learne this or that thing But the vnderstanding on the other side leadeth on the will by suggestion without commaund the one is done by authority the other by perswasion So Princes command Pastors Pastors sollicite and intreate Princes The respect which Princes owe vnto them is not to their persons but to their charge and calling and to the word or message which they bring for they be not the candle it selfe but onely the Candlesticke on which it is set Ioh. 1. ver 8. sent as our Sauiour saith of S. Iohn not to be the light but to beare witnesse of the light Howbeit this comparison taken from the vnderstanding and the will doth halt in more then one point for the will cannot constraine the vnderstanding but Princes may compell Pastors to obey their lawes and to punish them corporally when they doe amisse Againe the vnderstanding is to guide the will in al things but the Prince in an infinite of businesse may do well enough without the helpe and counsell of his Clergy especially in affaires that are temporall and meerely ciuill Againe the will doth neuer teach the vnderstanding for it consisteth wholly in motion and action but many Princes haue reformed their Pastors and brought them back to their dueties as did Constantine who in the Councell of Nice stifeled and smothered vp all quarrels among the Bishops by casting their diffamatorie libels into the fire as did Dauid who erected new orders in the Temple and as did Salomon who deposed Abiathar from the Priesthood being attainted of conspiracy against him And likewise Ezechias and Ichosaphat who clensed the Temple and set vp the purity of Gods seruice againe In this sense a Synodall Epistle written to Lewes the Courteous calleth him Rectorem Ecclesiae gouernor of the Church And Lewes his young sonne being at Pauia tooke an account of the liues of the Bishops and of their diligence in their charge as Sigonius witnesseth in the yeare 855. The same Authour saith in his seuenth booke that Adrian conferred vpon Charlemaigne the honour of gouerneing the Church and of choosing the Bishoppe of Rome not that he might change the doctrine of the Church at his pleasure but only to hold a strait hand for the execution of the things which were enioyned by the word of God But Bellarmine addeth for a second reason That if the Church that is to say the Pope had not the power to dispose of temporall things it could neuer attaine to perfection but should want necessary power to arriue at her intended end For saith he wicked Princes might without feare of punishment intertaine heretickes to the ouerthrow of Religion This is a reason without reason and full of impiety for it accuseth the Church which was in the Apostles times of imperfection which then had no power at all ouer the Temporalty all things being then in the handes of Infidels Add hereunto that Kings might vse the same reason and say that their power could not
vntil the thirtieth day I cannot see how this can serue to giue vnto the Pope power of deposing Princes For if Theodosius would not haue followed the counsell of Ambrose there had beene no harme done But this good Emperour did of his owne accord yeeld vnto it After him followeth Gregory the first at the end of whose Epistles is found a priuiledge graunted to the Abbey of S. Medard which hath this clause for the burthen of the Song If any King Prelate Iudge or secular person what soeuer shall violate the Decrees of this Apostolicall authority and of our commandement be he of what dignity or greatnes soeuer he may be let him be depriued of his honour I might say that this is onely an imprecation against Kings and not a Decree of deposition But we neede not busie our selues about the sense seeing that the Epistle is false It is a priuiledge indeed vnto which the name of Gregory is put to winne the greater credite and authority The falshood of it appeareth first in the Barbarisme of the style for men did neuer call neyther at Rome nor in Italy farmes or possessions by the name of Mansos It is a word which is found in the Chapter of Charles the great and of Lewes which sheweth that this priuiledge was first composed in France and not written at Rome Which thing also appeareth in this that he vseth these wordes Tusiacum Mortinetum fiscos regios To call the lands of the Kings Demaines Fiscos regios is a Barbarisme that may easily befall some French monke but at Rome this would not haue beene vnderstood and you espye the French vaine in these wordes very often repeated Dominus Medardus Monsieur S. Medard Adde hereunto that this priuiledge is absurd and vniust for it forbiddes to depose the Abbot of S. Medard howsoeuer attainted with crime vnlesse it be after the Popes pleasure known and after a Councel assembled wherein there shall bee found a dousen witnesses besides the accusers Now to breake this goodly priueledge is thought to bee a crime for which a King ought to loose his Kingdome The cheef poynt is that the humor of this Gregorie the first who called himselfe seruant of seruants doth very much disagree with these so arrogant terms which cut after the stile of an earthly Monarch For writing to Mauricius the Emperor in his third booke and sixt Epistle But I the vnworthy seruant of your goodnesse Ego autem indignus pietatis tuae seruus Ego vero haec dominis meis loquens quid sum nisi puluis vermis And a little after Now I speaking these things to you my Lords what am I but dust and a very worme And the King of great Britayne hath wisely obserued in his first booke that the Emperour Mauricius had commaunded this Gregory to publish a law which Gregory himselfe condemned as vniust and yet to obey his Master he published it I sayth he as one subiect to your commaundement haue sent these same lawes into diuers Countries and because they do not agree with God Almighty I haue by these my letters signified it to my Lords and Masters How well this Gregory knew to keepe his rancke and could not finde the way to draw this temporal sword which yet stucke fast in the scabbard For an vpshot of falshoods so at the end of this goodly priuiledge the subscriptions of the Bishops of Alexandria and Carthage who neuer knew the Abbey of S. Medard especially the Bishop of Alexandria who neuer saw Gregory and who beside that signeth his name very low among the thronge of ordinary witnesses albeit he neuer thought himselfe inferiour in any thing to the Bishop of Rome After all signeth King Theodoret as inferiour to all the Bishops After this Gregory wee are brought downe to Gregory the second the great puller downe of Images If we may beleeue Cedrenus and Zonaras great adorers of Images this Gregory went about to hinder the Italians from paying their tributes to Leo Isauricus who had demolished Images But Platina who hath most carefully searched out the story of Popes witnesseth the contrary and sayth in the life of this Gregory that vpon order giuen from the Emperour for the breaking downe of Images The people of Italy were so much moued Qua cohortatione adeo animati sunt Italiae populivt Paulum abfuerit quin sibi alium Imperatorē deligerent Quo minus a id fieret authoritate sua obstare Gregorius amicusest that it wanted but little but that they had chosen themselues another Emperour but Gregory employed his authority to hinder that matter Nay further he neuer for all that declared Leo fallen from the Empire he did not translate his Scepter to another he did not dispense with his subiects for their Oath of Alleageance And yet the Emperour at that time did onely hold a third part of Italy which was a very small portion of the Empire so that his tributes of Italy were vnto him of very little value As for Pope Zacharie when they report in the yeare 750 to haue taken from Childeriche the Kingdome of Fraunce to giue vnto Pipin and likewise Pope Leo the third whom men say to haue translated the Empire of the Greekes to the French by giuing the Empire to Charlemaine I could conuince all this of falshood and shew that the practise and custome of Popes is to giue vnto some one that thing which he cannot take from him Or after hauing incyted some one to inuade the possessions of his neighbour to vaunt afterward and to reproach him that what he got by rapine he now holdeth by his Holinesse liberality or as if in the Sacring of the Emperour because he hath put the Crowne on his head he should say that he hath giuen him the Empire as if in the sacring of a King he that hath inaugurated him by performing the Ceremony should bragge that he hath giuen him the Kingdome By this reason the Bishop of Ostias who hath had for a long time the right of consecrating the Pope should haue bin aboue the Popes and the Bishop of Millan should giue the Kingdome of Italy to the Emperour because from him he is to receiue a Crowne of Iron but this belongeth to another discourse neyther is the proofe of it necessary to this purpose For had these Bishops done much worse then this yet could not their example serue for a rule vnlesse it be shewed where and when God gaue them this power For is it credible that the Bishops of Rome could haue had in their hands this power neare eight hundred yeares together without enploying it or that they suffered this temporall sworde to hang rusting on a pinne without euer making vse of it vntill that after many ages this Zachary bethought himselfe of putting it to seruice in an action which the Church of Rome it selfe confesseth to bevniust Seeing that the Canon Alius before aleadged sayth that Childericke was not deposed for any
cryme but because Pipin was more capable of gouernement then he How many Emperours and Kings vnfit to gouerne were there before this Childericke whose Crownes the Popes neuer touched But this Pope flattered Pipin to the end to be succoured by him against the Lumbards who kept him in seruitude Now to shut vp this whole matter seeing that the Pope doth challenge to himselfe this power ouer Kings who is it that hath giuen it vnto him Is it from the vnwritten worde Is it a custome authorised by the time or suffered by Princes or slid it along by the fauour and sleepinesse of an age that liued in darkenesse Or if God hath giuen him this power let him produce his Title let him shew the clauses of this Donation 2. Againe If Christ left a Successour or Lieftenant here on earth it is certayne that he can exercise no other charge then that which Iesus Christ did being in the world Now he did neuer degrade Kings nor translate Empyres Nay how is it like he would haue done that seeing that he could not be intreated to become a Iudge betweene priuate men in a Controuersie that was of ciuill nature He that teacheth vs to yeelde tribute to Caesar is it likely that hee would haue left a Lieftenant that should make Caesar himselfe tributary 3. If it be so that S. Peter or any other Apostle had this power ouer Kingdomes where dooth it appeare that euer he exercised it And to what end serueth an authority without the execution Or where did this power of the Bishops ouer the temporality of Kings lie couring all this while that it should need to be rouzed vp some eleuen hundred yeares after Iesus Christ 4 Moreouer It is God that giueth Kings and Princes their power as Daniel told Nebuchadnezzar though an Infidel Dan. 2.37 Thou O King art a King of Kings because the God of heauen hath giuen thee a Kingdome and power and strength and glory And the Apostle Rom. 13.1 hath tolde vs that all powers are ordayned of God Now that which God giueth man cannot take away Let the Pope take away if it please him that which himselfe hath giuen let him take his Cardinals redde hattes Archbishops pals if euer he gaue any without money Let him giue out against them that holde Benefices from him that their Benefices are deuolted vnto him by lapse but let him abstaine from the Crowes of Kings let him not touch the Lords annoynted 5. Adde hereunto those passages which the King of great Britaine hath learnedly obserued in his Apology by which he proueth that God willeth that his pleople yeelde obedience to Kings euen to Infidels So in the 27. of Ieremie Submit your neckes vnder the yoake of the King of Babell and serue him and his people and cap. 29. Seeke the peace of the Citie whether I haue carried you and pray for it for in her peace you shall haue peace This was farre from mouing them to reuolt Thus did the Israelites obey Pharaoh And euen then when the Kings of Iuda were Idolaters as Ahaz and Manasse yet did the High Priests neuer for all that incite the people to Rebellion The Emperour Nero was a prodigious monster for all kinde of wickednesse notwithstanding S. Paul would haue men to obey him for conscience sake Rom. 13.1 Timoth. 1. and for feare of offending God But wee now a dayes stand vpon better termes for if wee ought to obey a Prince that is a Pagan euen for conscience sake in Ciuill causes how much more one that is truely a Christian And if a Tygre that hath climed to the top of the Empire how much more a Prince that is wise and mercifull who preserueth the liues of those that desire his death And if we may not obey any man that leadeth and commaundeth a mutiny and treason how much lesse ought we to obey the Pope whose Empire is founded vpon the ruines of the Gospell and who being prodigall of the blood of those who are his draweth persecution vpon them to the end that they for him may loose goods and life yea and life eternall Now if any man vnwilling to enter this list shal say that this is a matter of pollicy and that we prye into matters of State such a one by his tergiuersation wil more ouerthrow the Popes power then if hee had expresly fought against it For if this power be a point without the compasse of Religion it followeth thereupon that it is not sounded vpon the word of God And if God had spoken of it in his worde it were a point of Religion to beleeue it The Pope then is to blame for making such bragges of his keyes in this case if it be nothing but a matter of pollicy and such as hath no sparke of Diuinity in it which thing Pope Clement the fift doth couertly confesse in the extrauagant Meruit Meruit Charissimi filij nostri Philippi regis Francorum c. where he declareth that he doth not vnderstand that the extrauagant Vnam Sanctam of Boniface the eight which giueth to the Pope soueraigne power ouer the Temporalties of Kingdomes as well as ouer the Spiritualtie could bring any preiudice to the Kingdome of France to make it more subiect to the Church of Rome then before it was but reintegrateth the said Kingdome into the same estate that it was before the abouesaid definition of Boniface and that in acknowledgement of the merites of King Philip the faire albeit hee had somewhat rudely accorded matters with Boniface Let the Reader weigh and consider this point aduisedly For in this extrauagant which Bellarmine dooth approue and commend Pope Boniface foundeth his pretensions ouer the Temporalties of Princes vppon many passages of the word of God He meaneth then that his right is by the lawe of God where against King Philip hedoth maintaine that in temporal things he is subiect to no man Within a while after Clement the fift passed it so in fauor of the King and exempted him from the rigour of this Bull the Pope then made bolde to dispense with the law of God or if on the other side it be nothing else but an humane positiue law then Boniface dealt very wickedly in seeking to ground it vppon the holy Scripture But why shall Fraunce alone be exempted from this yoake and other Kingdomes shall be enforced to beare it Could Philips merites dispense with him for obeying the word of God produced by Boniface These Popes make a Religion of waxe depending vpon the conditions of the times and the traine of their affaires and make it a prop of their Dominion they stretch it and shorten it like a stirrup leather fitting not their wils to Religion but Religion to their will Now if Philip had bin Master of Rome and absolutecommander in Italy the Bishops of Rome would haue thrown themselues on their knees before him as did Pope Adrian in the second Counsell of Nice 2. Act. and would haue called
themselues wormes dust and his petty-seruants as did Gregory the first writing to Mauricius CHAP. VI. Of the Clergie and of their Liberties and Exemption § Tertia Cleriâ—i non possunt a Iudice politico puniri vel vllo modo trahi ad secularis magistratus tribunal CArdinall Bellarmine cap. 28. of his booke De Clericis sayth That Clergie men may not at any hand be punished by the politique Iudge or be drawne before the iudgement seat of the Secular Magistrate He saith also that the cheife Bishop hauing deliuered Clerkes from the subiection of Princes § Respondeo summus Pontifex Clericos exemit a subiectione Principum non sunt amplius Principes clericorum superiores Kings are no longer Superiours ouer Clerkes In the same place also he maintayneth that the goods as wel of the Clergy as of secular men are and ought to be exempted from the taxe and tribute of Secular Princes § Quarta Bona Clericorum tam Ecclesiastica quam secularia libera sunt ac merito esse debent a Tributis Principum secularium Hereunto the King of great Britaine speaking to the Emperour to the Kings and Princes of Christendome sayth in this manner And when the greatest Monarches amongst you will remember that almost the third part of your Subiects and of your Territories is Church-men and Church-liuings I hope ye will then consider and weigh what a feather he puls out of your winges when he denudeth you of so many Subiects and their possessions in the Popes fauour nay what bryers and thornes are left within the heart of your Dominions when so populous and potent a party shall haue their birth education and liuelyhood in your Countries and yet owe you no Subiection nor acknowledge you for their SOVERAIGNES So as where the Church-men of old were content with their tythe of euery mans goods the Pope now will haue little lesse then the third part of euery Kings Subiects and Dominions To these words so full of weight and euidence Coeffeteau answereth very softly and sillily He saith that Catholicke Kings do not apprehend any such calamitie seeing that amongst them Ecclesiasticall Persons liue vnder their Lawes and acknowledge their authority euen the Pope himselfe beeing aware of it That in France the Cardinals and Byshops performe vnto the King the Oath of Fidelity coÌ„mendeth the Kings for hauing giueÌ„ to Clerks great immunities notwithstanding which he sayth that they doe not let to be bound to ciuill Lawes These wordes are full of timerousnesse and lurking ambiguity Answere Hee saith that Clerkes indeede liue vnder the lawes of Princes but hee doth not tell vs that in case of disobedience the King may punish them for otherwise there is no subiection He sayth that the Bishops yeeld the Oath of Fidelity but the question now is not touching fidelity but touching subiection and obedience He speaketh of immunities granted by Princes but he doth not tel vs what these immunities be for this is one as Bellarm. witnesseth and we will shew hereafter that Clerks are no longer subiects to Kings that the King is no longer their Superiour Thus can we learne nothing of this Doctor So that indeede his Maiesties complaint is so iust that if we holde our peace threin the cause wil proclaime it selfe Euery man knoweth what a Diminution to the Crowne and greatnesse of Kings these immunities of Clergy men do bring all which they couer and rabble vp vnder the Title of the liberty of the Church vnworthily transporting this sacred name of Christian liberty which signifieth in the word of God the deliuerance from the curse and malediction and from the yoake of sinne and from the heauy burthen of the ceremonies of the law to ciuill pretences and dispensations with that naturall duety which wee owe vnto our Prince vnder whom we had the happinesse first to behold the Sunne This is a thing that belongeth euen to the law of Nations and besides that is authorised by the word of God that euery person be subiect to the Soueraigne Magistrate But here now see how in one kingdome as in Fraunce there will be found aboue three hundred thousand persons who vnder the title of Clergy-men haue shaken off the yoake of the Princes authority yea euen children that are entred Nouices into that Body exempted from all obedience towards their parents This body of the Clergie hath its Iudges and officers their prisons likewise apart Their causes are not called to be answered before Royall Iudges but receiue hearing and determination in the great State chamber at Rome called La Zuota or in the consistorie There is a third parte of the Lands of this kingdome in the hands of Clergy men to the great preiudice of our kings For it often commeth to passe that the proprietarie owners and possessors of lands doe sell their inheritances whence accureth profite to the Prince by the Kings fine which ariseth of euery first part or first prime of such fales and other rights belonging to the cheefe Lord which Rights are lost when once immoueable goods enter into the possession of the Clergy The king doth also lose his right of Aubaine which is an escheate to the king of all such goods as any stranger dying in Fraunce is possessed of also the right of confiscation and in case of desertion when a man doth quit his owne estate The Clergy being a body that neuer dyeth that neuer confiscateth and in which body inheritances dye by Mortmaine Vpon whom the secular persons conferre euery day new Donations but we neuer see the sharing of Ecclesiasticall goods made to the profite and behoofe of any Lay-man for goods finde many gates open to enter into the Clergy but neuer a one to get our from thence like those footings of the wilde beasts which all turned inward towards the Lyons denne but there appeared no trace of any that euer returned from thence And hence it commeth to passe that as in mans body the thighs and armes grow lesse and lesse by how much the bigger the belly swelleth through excesse so in the body of a Common wealth The Nobility and the Commonalty who are as the armes and legges of that State they are brought low by the increase of the Clergy To this end also they haue obtained that the Church shal alwayes be held in non-age and in her minority that if she shall at any time haue made promise or contract that may turne to her disaduantage she may vnder that pretence be releeued And whereas in common course of law thirtie yeeres are sufficient to keepe possession by way of Prescription De Praescript Cap. 2. in Serto. Contra ipsam Romanam Ecclesiam Centenaria vel contra alias Ecclesias quadragenaria prescriptro Legitima sit completa Against the Church of Rome and against the Templaries no Prescription can be of force vnder one hundred yeares which is in effect as much as that against them there is no Prescription The other
of inflicting corporall punishment vpon them but of this we haue spoken at large before Thence doth Coeffeteau proceede to the Example of Henry the fourth which he saith cannot be alleadged because the times were then troublesome but the example suits very well to our purpose for that the Popes were the onely instruments of raising those troubles to exempt themselues from the Emperours subiection and to subiect the Emperours to themselues euen in seruices more seruile then seuuitude it selfe stirring vp the sonne to seeke the life and Crowne of Henry his father who died being depriued of his Imperiall dignity by his sonne the Popes instrument therein who vouchsafed not his father so much fauour See Helmoldus in the Chronicles of Sclauonia Naucl. 39. genera Baronius de vitis Pontificum and many others as to cause his body to be buried Fredericke Barbarossa being come soone after into Italy to be Crowned Emperour the Pope enforced him to hold his stirrope when he tooke horse But this Emperour little-skil'd in these seruices putting himselfe forward to hold the left in stead of the right stirrop was adiudged to practise the same submission the day following and howbeit he performed it very mannerly yet in conclusion the Pope sought to pull his Crowne from him And in the same degree of pride did Alexander the third treade vpon the said Frederickes necke vpon the staires of S. Markes Church in Venice the History is reported by many writers and alleadged by the King of great Britaine in his confutation of Bellarmine about the end of the booke and it is paynted at Venice in the hall of del Scrutinio del grand Constiglio the Maps and Tables thereof are reckoned vp and expounded by Girolam Bardi in a booke expresly written of that argument In the sequel of his discourse Coeffeteau fals into that wretchlesse negligence that he accuseth the King of mistaking the History not alleadging so much as one passage for his confutation And sure it is not Platina that doth alone record the deposition of these three Popes by Henry the fourth for Stella a Venetian Monke who hath written the liues of the Popes hath the same in these wordes Henricus Caesar habita Synodo Benedictum praedictum Syluestrum hunc Gregorium abdicare se Pontificatu coegit His Maiesty of England alleadgeth to the same purpose the example of Philip le bel K. of France that wrote with liberty enough vnto Boniface the eight who first inuented the Iubile Platina Stella in these wordes Let your great folleship vnderstand that in in temporall matters we are not subiect to any man c. And he it was that surprised the aforesaid Pope at Anagnia and committed him to prison at Rome where for griefe hee died An. 1303. To the example of Lewes the ninth King of Fraunce that established the law called Pragmatica sanctio against the pillaging and merchandizing of the Court of Rome he ioyneth the example of Lewes the eleauenth who being vrged by Pius the second to repeale that Sanction remitted his Legates to the faculty of the Diuines of Sorbone Iohannes Maierius libra de schismat Concil who made it good against the Pope with whom Iohannes Romanus the Kings Aduocate was ioyned that opposed them so farre with his conclusions that the Court appealed to the next Councell as indeeede they did The said King saith farther that the facultie of Sorbone came to maintaine this point that if the Pope should offer violence to our King the French Church had authority to establish a Patriarch and seuer themselues from the See of Rome And that Gerson Chaunceller of the Vniuersitie of Paris was so farre from defending this pretended temporall power of the Popes that he wrote a booke De auferibilitate Papae ab Ecclesia that is Of the possibility of forsaking the Pope and remoueing him from the Church How much more did hee beleeue then that the temporall power of Kings might be free from the insulting of Papall authority To this doth Coeffeteau make no other answere but that these contentions were onely for temporall matters and that Philip or Lewes or the faculty of Sorbonne or the Kings Aduocate desired not to preiudice the Popes authority in any regard as he is head of the Church so that here he answeres well to the King of Englands question whose ayme is onely vnto matters temporall and to the vsurpation of Popes ouer Monarches Touching the title of Head of the Church which is an abuse more intollerable hee reserues that for an after-discourse Now if so be the dissention betweene Philip and the See of Rome continued not many yeares as Coeffeteau obserueth Fol. 22 pag 2 it was because the Pope gaue way vnto him and Benedict the eleuenth was very glad to giue Philip absolution Platina Stella which he graunted of his owne accord because the other might haue beene well without it That we may close vp this point the King of great Britaine drawes many examples out of Matthew Paris and out of the Records of his Kingdom to this purpose as William Gifford whom King Henry the first inuested with his Bishopricke and Rodulphus whom the same King inuested with the Archbishopricke of Canterbury by his Ring and Crosier-staffe and Thurstan nominated to the Archbishopricke of Yorke depriued by the King of his temporalties for corrupting with bribes the Popes agents in the Councell of Rhemes The said King alleadgeth many examples of Abbots Bishops and Deanes in England that haue eyther against the Popes will yeelded obedience to their Soueraignes or haue beene degraded censured and imprisoned by their Princes for their disobedience in adhaering to the Popes And which is more considerable these are late examples such as haue happened while the Papacy domineered most How stood the case then when the Bishoppe of Rome had nothing to doe in England with matters eyther temporall or spirituall The Kingdome of Fraunce doth furnish vs with examples of more pregnancy The Synode of Fraunce is of speciall note to this purpose which is to be found in the third Tome of the Councels of the Colleyn Edition pag. 39. where Carolomanus qualifying himselfe as Duke and Prince of Fraunce vseth this speach By the aduise of my Clergie and others of principall esteeme of the Realme Ordinauimus Episcopos We haue ordayned Bishops in the Cities and haue established Boniface Archbishop ouer them The Councell of Maurice holden vnder Charlemaine Anno 813. beginneth thus Carolo Augusto verae religionis rectori ac defensori sanctae Dei Ecclesie and the first Councell of Mayence vnder Lewes le Debonaire Ludouico verae relligionis serenissimo rectori And these I trow should haue been accounted irreligious Titles now-a-dayes And here let it be principally noted that Coeffeteau trusts more to his heeles then to his hands for he buckles onely with the first of these examples and all his answere is that Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury opposed this
course But to this I reply that for this opposition he was forged both to forsake England and quit his Bishopricke The contradiction of one of the Popes pensionary Prelates opposing his Soueraigne is of small moment in this behalfe for Anselme was accounted the Popes not the Kings subiect Nor is it any greater wonder if Mathew Paris who so often magnifies this King Henry doe now and then cast some imputation vpon him in as much as he was a superstitious Monke and liued soone after who in euery passage complaining of the tyrannie and exactions of the Popes doth yet sometimes restrain himselfe for some idle respects in which he oftener gropes for the truth then he doth see or finde it We must also obserue that the principall quarrell betweene the King of England and the Pope being for inuesting men with spirituall promotions the Pope hath bestowed very glorious Titles on those persons that suffered for this quarrell as if he should write Rubarbe vpon a pot of Rats-bane So hath he placed this Anselme in the Kalender of Saints and Confessours and Thomas of Canterbury in the Catalogue of Martyrs that lost his life not for the profession of the Gospell but for a Controuersie of Prebends and the right of Inuestiture Coeffeteau doth here adde That the Kings of England in the matter of ordination of Priests haue neuer violated the Discipline of the Church The King of England alleadgeth these and many other examples of like nature And I suppose that hee had not vouchsafed the reading of the booke against which he writes For the Kings book saith that Henry the first inuested an Archbishop in his Archbishopricke with his Ringe and Crosier-staffe without the Popes leaue which is flat repugnant to the discipline of the Church of Rome Fol. 15. pag. 1 And besides the now Pope Paul the fift doth pretend that the Venetians in punishing the criminall offences of their Clergy doe derogate from the liberty of the Church Edward then the first and second by inflicting corporall punishment vpon the Clergy that would hold a dependancy from the Pope haue by this reckoning derogated from the liberty of the Church To conclude our Doctor sayth that Henry the first did in other things submit himselfe to the lawes of the Church that in the Records of England most of the monuments speake of yeelding obedience to the See Apostolique that his Maiestie embraceth a Religion which his Predecessors neuer possessed but haue euer acknowledged the authority of Rome in all matters depending vpon matter of conscience First I answere that this is to wander from the question for heere is nothing questioned but the Popes Supremacy ouer Kings in matters temporall Secondly that barely to affirme and to confirme nothing especially writing against a King doth eyther discouer much weakenesse or argue ouer-much neglect and indeede his whole allegation is vntrue Concerning Henry the first I confesse that he ascribed too much honour to the Church of Rome for he liued in a dark ignorant age and in the height of the Popes tyranny to which England of all Countries was most enthralled which cannot bee proued of the times more auncient It may well appeare that the Citie of Rome being the seat of the Empire was by consequent the resort of all nations by which meanes the Church of that citie how poore and miserable soeuer might haue aduertisements from all parties and haue intelligence with all the Churches within the Empire and consequently which is the Church of great Brittaine which was originally planted by some of S Iohn Disciples that came thither out of Asia whereof we haue this proofe that euen to the time of August which was sent into England by Gregogorie the first about the yere 596. the Church of the Iland did keepe the feast of Easter according to the custome of Asia vpon the 14. day of the month which if it had beene vnder the iurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome no question but it had abrogated that custome when Victor in the yeare 200. did excommunicate the Churches which made any precise obseruation of the 14. day Helene mother vnto Constantine was of the Iland and held no points of Papistrie maintained at this day Pelagius was also of this Iland and sauing the points of free will and originall sinne dissented not in any opinions from S. Angustine Now S. Angustine receiued no Popish opinions now defended as we haue proued in the 20. chapter of my booke of the Eucharist in another place In the twenty Chapter of my booke of the Eucharist Pontificus Verumnius lib. 4. Jo. Lelandus that he died excommunicate from the Church of Rome The first Christian King of great Brittaine that can be remembred was Lucius that possessed a part of the Iland in the time of Marcus Aurelius who questionlesse had commerce with the Bishop of Rome for he had beene at Rome and held correspondence with the Emperour but that he should be subiect to the Bishop of Rome or acknowledge him the head of the Vniuersal Church admits no manner of proofe In the yeare of our Lord 530. that Warlike Prince Arthur raigned in great Britaine of whom being a Christian it doth not appeare that eyther he depended vpon the Bishops of Rome or that they intermedled in the election or inuesting of the Britaine Bishops during the raigne of Arthur or his Successors In the yeare 596. soone after that the English Saxons being Almaines and at that time Infidels had inuaded Britaine then did Gregory the first send Austen into this Iland a man full of faction and arrogancy to plant the Christian faith although the Christian Religion had beene planted here more then foure hundred yeares before But by the Christian faith these men doe now vnderstand the authority of the Pope This Austen was strongly and stoutly opposed by the Christians of that Countrey who refused to change their auncient forme of Religion which they had receiued from such as were Disciples to the Apostles They had seuen Bishopricks and one Archbishopricke the seat whereof being first errected at Carleon was afterward translated to S. Dauids as it is recorded by Rainulphus Cestrensis lib. 1. cap. 52. for the Archbishop of London was of a later foundation besides they had a Colledge of 2100. religious persons at Bangor who about the yeare 550. when the Order of S. Benet began to flourish in this I le were called by the new name of Monkes Men that adicting themselues to the study of Diuinity got their liuing by the labour of their handes not being tyed to the rigorous obseruation of a Vow whereunto no man by the ancient Order of S. Benet is obliged This Austen then found meanes to insinuate himselfe into the familiar acquaintance of one of the petty Kings of the Countrey called Ethelfred King of Northumberland who was an enemy to the auncient Christians of that land and had inuaded their Countrey and wasted many Churches with this Austen then
4. Epist 5. or heresie In this sense therefore are we hereticks and Sectaries sith that now-a-dayes to acknowledge no other Mediator then Iesus Christ nor any expiation but by his blood or any propitiatorie sacrifice but his death nor any satisfaction of Gods iustice but by his obedience nor any rule to guide vs to saluation but his Worde conteyned in the holy Scriptures is accounted heresie But more clearely to purge himselfe of this crime his Maiesty of England following the commaundent of the Apostle S. Peter which is to be alwayes ready to yeeld an account of the hope that is in vs doth set downe at large a confession of his faith agreeable to the holy Scripture and al vncorrupted antiquity Who shal henceforward be ashamed to confesse the name of God or defend the truth of the Gospell being thus ensampled by a mighty King but this confession conceiued in choyse and significant wordes full of euidence and of power doth worthily challenge a seuerall Discourse And besides it is that against which Coeffeteau doth principally discharge his choller THE DEFENCE OF THE CONFESSION Of the Faith of IAMES the first King of Great BRITAINE THE SECOND BOOKE ARTICLE I. Touching the Creede The KINGS Confession I Am such a Catholicke Christian as beleeueth the three Creedes That of the Apostles that of the Councel of Nice and that of Athanasius the two latter being Paraphrases to the former And I beleeue them in that sense as the Auncient Fathers and Councels that made them did vnderstand them To which three Creedes all the Ministers of England do subscribe at their Ordination And I also acknowledge for Orthodoxe all those other formes of Creedes that eyther were deuised by Councels or particular Fathers against such Heresies as most raigned in their times To this Article Coeffeteau findeth nothing to reply and holding his peace thereupon hee iustifieth vs by his silence ARTICLE II. Touching the Fathers in generall AS for the Fathers I reuerence them as much and more then the Iesuits doe The KINGS Confession and as much as themselues euer craued For what euer the Fathers for the first fiue hundred yeares did with an vnaâ—ime consent agree upon to be beleeued as a necessary point of saluation I eyther will beleeue it also or at least will be humbly silent not taking vpon me to condemne the same Here againe Coeffeteau is silent and knoweth not what to reprehend The Reader may please to call to minde that the points in which his Maiesty of England doth abstaine to condemne the Fathers albeit his beleefe is not bound to follow them are eyther points not necessary to saluation or opinions in which as well our Church as the Church of Rome doth condemne them The Auncients for the most part held that the fall of the Diuels came to passe by reason of their cohabitation with women This is altogether false and a point little important to our saluation They held also for the most part that the soules shall all be purged by the fire of the last iudgement in the expectation of which day the soules as well of the good as of the bad are shut vp in certaine receptacles And in this point they are neyther followed by vs nor by our Aduersaries ARTICLE III. Touching the Authority of the Fathers in particular The KINGS Confession BVt for euery priuate Fathers opinion it bindes not my conscience more then Bellarmines euery on of the Fathers vsually contradicting others I will therefore in that case follow S. * Lib. 2. cont Cresconium cap. 32. Augustines rule in iudging of their opinions as I finde them agree with the Scriptures what I finde agreeable thereunto I will gladly embrace what is otherwise I will with their reuerence reiect Doctor Coeffeteau dooth yet approue of all this for good seeing he saith nothing to the contrary He acknowledgeth then that the Fathers often disagree among themselues and that they doe not alwayes accord with the word of God neyther must we settle our selues alwayes vpon what some one Father hath taught Causa 12. Quaest 1. Canon Dilectissimi Denique quidam Graecorum sapientissimus haec ita sciens esse colam debeatur ait Amicorum comia esse omnia In omnibus autem sunt sine du bio Coniuges And indeed his Maiesty of England saith this with iust reason for not we alone but also the Church of Rome doth not allow the opinion of Pope Clement the first who would that mens goods and their wiues should be common among Christians Neyther doth the Church of Rome approue the opinion of Ignatius who in the Epistle to the Philippians saith that to fast on the Saterday or on the Sunday it is to be a murtherer of Iesus Christ nor the doctrine of Iustin Martyr who saith in his Dialogue against Tryphon That God in the beginning gaue the Sunne to be adored Nor the opinion of Athanagoras in his Apologie that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That second marriage is but a handsome Kinde exercise of Adulterie Also the Church of Rome doth not beleeue with Origen that the Diuels shall be saued Nor with Clemens Alexandrinus in the sixth booke of his Stromata that the Greeks were saued by their Philosophy Nor with Arnobius in his second booke that God is not the Creator of soules And that the soules of the wicked are reduced to nothing Nor with Ireneus Lib. 2. cap. 63.64 that the soules separated from the body haue feete and handes Iustin was a Chiliast Tertullian a Montanist S. Cyprian an Anabaptist Saint Hilary in his tenth booke of the Trinity mayntaineth in diuers places Virtus corporis sine sensu paenae vim paenae in se desaeuientis excepit Christus cum cibuÌ„ potum accepit non necessitati corporis sed consuetudmi tribuet Secundam ducere secundum praeceptumo Apostoli licitum est ecundum autem veritatis rationem verè fornicatio est He saith the same about the end of his booke De fide Symholo that Iesus Christ in his death suffered no paine And that he did not eate because his body had neede of sustenance but onely by custome Chrysostome alleadged in the Canon Hac Ratione in the Cause 31. Question 1. he saith that S. Paul commaunding second mariages hath spoken against truth and reason and that is truely fornication Saint Austin in his fift booke of his Hypognosticks and in his Epistles 93. and 106. held that the Eucharist is necessary for young children newly borne that they may be saued And in his booke De Dogmatis Eccles cap. 11. He saith that the Angels are Corporeal and in his booke of the Christian combat cap. 32. he sayth that our bodies after the Resurrection shal be no longer flesh nor blood but an heauenly body Gregory of Nyssa in his first Sermon of the resurrection teacheth a prodigious errour namely that the soule of Iesus Christ was already in the graue euen then whiles
the Host to be vsed at the Masse 15. Or that the auncient Church hath held the bookes of Machabees for Canonicall 16. Or that the auncient Church hath beleeued that the Bishop of Rome cannot erre in faith 17. Or that the auncient Church hath beleeued that Iesus Christ by his death and sufferinges did clearely discharge vs of the paine and punishment of the sinnes that went before baptisme But as touching the paine of the sinnes committed after baptisme he hath onely changed it from eternall to temporall and that it lyeth in vs to satisfie the iustice of God for the same which is indeede the most important point of all Christian religion For he that would descend to smaller things and demaund of Coeffeteau if in any of the auncients there be mention made of Iubilees of Agnus Dei or holy Graines consecrated Medals of Cordelier-Friars or Iacobins or Iesuites and an infinite sort of religions and new deuotions I beleeue he would finde himselfe terribly puzled In all this as in those other seauenteene points before handled they receiue not the Fathers for Iudges Those auncient Doctors were not yet arriued to any so high point of learning But these messieurs our masters supply and support their ignorance in these matters In other controuersies they admit and receiue the Fathers for Iudges but with this caution and condition that themselues may be Iudges of the Fathers They allow the auncients to be interpreters of the Scriptures But themselues will be the interpreters of the auncients to the end to make them speake thinges contrary to the Scriptures ARTICLE IIII. Touching the authority of the holy Scriptures The KINGS Confession I Thinke also that no man doubteth but that I settle my faith and beleefe vpon the holy Scriptures according to the duty of a Christian Hereat Coeffeteau holdeth his peace and by his silence approueth the confession of the King of England For he doth not allow of the blasphemies which his companions disgorge against the sacred bookes of the word of God He hath not dared to say with Bellarmine Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo non scripto cap. 12. §. Respondeo Scripturae finem propriū praecipuum nō esse vt esset Regula Fidei Dico secundo Scripturam esseregulam Fidei nō totalem sed partialem that the Scripture is but a peece of a Rule and not the whole entire Rule of faith And that it was not properly made to bee the Rule of our faith It may be also that he doth not approue of Bellarmines saying who in his fourth Chapter of the fourth Booke of the word not written saith * Quarto Necesse nosse extare aliquos libros verè diuines quod certè ex sacris Scripturis haheri nullo modo possunt c. that a man cannot know by the testimony of the Scripture that there be any bookes of diuine inspiration albeit the Scripture doth say it and his reason is Because we reade aswell in the Alcoran of Mahomet that the Alcoran was sent from heauen It may be also that Coeffeteau hath not dared in this place to vse the tearmes of Doctor Charron in his booke called La troisiesme veritè where he saith that the Scripture is a Forrest to forrage in where Atheists lie in ambushments and that by reading it a man becommeth an Atheist Thou beleeuest saith he because thou readest so thou art not then a Christian It is cleare then that his Maiesty of England doth yeeld a thousand times more respect to the holy Scriptures then the Church of Rome or the Councel of Trent which ordaineth in the fourth Session that Traditions be receiued with like affection of piety and reuerence with the holy Scripture equalling mens Traditions with Gods diuine ordinances For the Pope hath letters of credit And we must presuppose that besides the new-Testament Iesus Christ hath made a Codicill or little booke which the Pope hath in his priuate custody whence hee draweth the ordinances that are not contained in the Scripture Yet this is but little For Bellarmine goeth farther and saith that Sunt quaedam Traditiones maiores quod ad obligationem quà m quaedam Scripturae That there are some traditions greater in respect of obligation then some partes of Scripture That is to say to which we are more bound to adhere Hauing good hope that in the end we shall see God to become Disciple to the Bishop of Rome ART V. Touching the Canonicall and Apocryphall bookes of Scripture The KINGS Confession In exposit Symboli BVt euen for the Apocrypha I hold them in the same account that the Auncients did They are still printed and bound with our Bibles and publikely read in our Churches I reuerence them as the writings of holy and good men but since they are not found in the Canon we account them to be secundae lectionis or ordinis which is Bellarmines owne distinction and therefore not sufficient whereupon alone to ground any article of faith except it be confirmed by some other place of Canonicall Scripture Concluding this point with Ruffinus who is no Nouelist I hope that the Apocryphall bookes were by the Fathers permitted to be read not for confirmation of Doctrine but only for instruction of the people Here Coeffeteau begins to put himselfe into the field In exposit Symb. we expected him long agoe He bringeth only two testimonies of the auncients and they are both false howbeit not through his fault for the falsification was made by others before him The first testimony is of S. Austen in his second booke of Christian Doctrine cap. 8. where he maketh an enumeration of the Canonical bookes almost agreeably to the Councell of Trent To this testimony hee adioyneth the third Councell of Carthage which also putteth Iudith Tobie the booke of Wisedome Ecclesiasticus and the Machabees among the Canonicall bookes He saith that it is not iust nor fit to alleage the opinions of particulars where question is of the publike faith testified auouched by this Councell In saying so little as this he spendeth three leaues Answere and yet he contradicteth himselfe and condemneth himselfe of iniustice by alleaging S. Austin who is but one particular If he say that S. Austin doth but report that which was the common beleefe I answere that those particular witnesses whom he reiecteth doe report the same also Againe * Tenebit hunc modum in Scripturis Canonicis vt eas quae ab om nibus recipiuntu Ecclesijs Catholicis praeponat eis quas quaedam non accipiunt it is false that S. Austen doth relate the common beleefe for a little before he had said that there are some books among the Canonicall which were not receiued for such of al the Churches Moreouer Coeffeteau hereby contradicteth the Church of Rome who doth not hold the Councels of Carthage for generall Councels nor their Canons for the publike beleefe of the vniuersall Church 1. To cleare this matter then the
which did neyther sweat nor suffer Which of these two was our Sauiour If hee bee but one how is he contrary to himselfe For we haue shewed else where that the Distinction of diuers respects cannot be but when onething is compared to diuers things at one time as when one and the same man is poore and rich little and great in comparison of diuers persons But here they apply these diuers respects to the body of Iesus Christ without comparing him to any other body nay they oppose him to himselfe That I may not further say that this doctrine doth annihilate the body of our Lord by being receiued into the stomacke for when the formes are altered in the stomacke by the digestion they say that the body of the Lord is no longer there neyther yet is it come forth it must follow then that eyther it is reduced to nothing or changed into something else Both the one and the other are alike blasphemous ARTICLE XII Touching the Adoration of the Host THe Confession of the Kings Booke doth place among the new inuentions of the Church of Rome The Adoration of the Host and the Eleuation which is made to haue it adored This poynt is important and which doth surprise our spirits with a heauinesse mixt with horrour when at the sound of a little Bell the Priest lifteth vp the breade and euery man prostrateth himselfe to adore it Or when the people doth not let to kneele in the dyrt to adore their God which passeth along the street inclosed in a Pixe or Boxe It had beene greatly therefore to haue beene wished that Coeffeteau could haue produced some commandement of God for the same or some example of the Apostles but that could he not doe neyther hath any man done it hithervnto He commeth therefore to the Fathers and produceth for the same three passages the one of Chrysostome in his foure and twentieth Homily vpon the first to the Corinth the other of S. Ambrose in his third booke of the Sacraments chap. 12. And the last of S. Austin vpon the foure-score and eighteene Psalme All three exhort the faithful to adore the flesh of Iesus Christ and that which is more to adore him in the Eucharist Neuer did man more abuse his Reader and he seemeth to thinke that we are beside our selues for is there any thing in all this which we doe not willingly graunt him Is there any amongst vs who hath euer denied that wee ought not to adore the flesh of Iesus Christ Yea who hath euer doubted that we ought not to adore him in the Eucharist Ought not God the Father also to be adored And what is this to the purpose to inclose Iesus Christ vnder formes He that doth adore Iesus Christ in the Eucharist doth not for al that adore that which the Priest holdeth in his hand but he adoreth Iesus Christ which is in heauen Of these three places that which our aduersaries doe most presse is the place of S. Austin vpon the foure-score and eyghteene Psalme where hee saith that no man doth eate this flesh vnlesse hee haue first adored it Nemo carnem illam manducat nisi prius adorauerit An excellent passage For doth not S. Austin speake of the true and serious adoration Iudas then did not eate this flesh for he did not adore it According to this rule the Hypocrites who partake of the Sacrament doe not eate the flesh of the Lord for they doe not adore it Now what it is to eate the flesh of the Lord himselfe hath tolde vs as hath beene before alleadged Lib. 3. de Doctr. Christ cap 16. That to eate his flesh is a figure which signifieth to communicate of his passion and to meditate thereof in our memories And as he speaketh in his twenty sixe Tract vpon S. Iohn To beleeue in him is to eate the bread of life Credere in eum hoc est manducare panem vivumâ—qui credit in eum manducat eum he that doth beleeue in him doth eate him We hoped then that Coeffeteau would here haue produced the publique customes to shewe that it was then the custome to adore the Host which the Priest doth holde vp with diuine worship called Latria but he hath not beene able to finde any Dionysius who in his Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy discribeth very exactly the forme of the publique seruice which was some foure hundred yeares after Iesus Christ and the Apostolical constitutions of Clement where all the Ceremony of that time is depainted and the auncient Liturgies howsoeuer fouly falsified doe in no wise speake of this adoration of the Host Theodoret saith indeede that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the signes are reuerenced This word Signes sheweth sufficiently that he doth not speake of diuine adoration which they call Cultus Latriae For that should be impiety ARTICLE XIII Touching the Eleuation of the Host to haue it to be Adored THe King of great Britaine demaunded proofes out of the fiue first ages or first fiue hundred yeares after Christ that is to say aswell Scripture as the auncient Doctors by which it might appeare that Iesus Christ or his Apostles made eleuation of the host Hereat Coeffeteau holdeth his peace Fol. 50. pag. 2. and in stead thereof saith that the auncient Church did shew the mysteries or sacraments to the people by drawing a Vaile or Curtaine from before the Table which is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. and he hath learned that out of my booke of the Apology of the Lords Supper Chrysostome in his third Homily vpon the Epistle to the Ephesians When thou shalt see the double Curtaines to be drawne then thinke that heauen doth open and inlarge it selfe And Dionysius in his Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy The Bishop discouereth and setteth out to open view the thing celebrated by the signes holily proposed And Basil in like manner in his booke of the holy Ghost Who is it of the Saints who hath left in writing the wordes of the prayer when they shew abroad the bread of the Eucharist and the Cup of blessing This vncouering of the Sacrament was done saith Coeffeteau to cause it to be adored and as he speaketh this without all proofe so doth he it most falsely and was not able to alleadge any one authority where mention is made eyther of the eleuation or of the Adoration of the host but in stead thereof he bringeth certaine passages which speake of the vncouering of the bread and of the drawing of a Curtaine ARTICLE XIIII Touching the carrying of God in the Procession The KINGS Confession Pope Vrbane the fourth instituted this feast in the yeare 1264. THe God-feast or Corpus Christi day and the walking or Circumportation of the Sacrament in procession is of this ranck and the King of great Britaine doth place it among the Nouelties Hereupon Coeffeteau fearing the touch and triall maketh an honest retreat without standing vpon his defence for he onely saith Fol 51
the Patriarchall Seas there was the Bishop of the first seate the Bishop of the second and so in order The Bishop of the first Sea was the Bishop of Rome for the dignity of his Citie because it was the seate of the Empire the Bishop of the second seat was he of Alexandria because it was the greatest and mightiest City of the Empire next after Rome then followed Antioch and lastly Ierusalem which had more the name then the power and authority of a Patriarch because it selfe was subiect to the Metropolitan of Cesarea Now to preuent least any vnder the title of preseance or the first seate should presume to challenge and vsurpe Dominion ouer his fellowes the third Councell of Carthage Canon 26. ordaineth That the Bishop of the first Sea Vt primae sedis Episcopus non appelletur Princeps Sacerdotum aut summus Saceâ—dos aut aliquid huiusmodi sed tantum primae sedis Episcopus shall not bee called Head or Prince of the Priests or high Priest and Bishop but onely Bishop of the first Sea acknowledging it to be for order sake and not for Superiority But after that the abode and ordinary residence of the Emperours began to be in Constantinople together with the forces and strength of the Empire the Bishop of Constantinople did then equall himselfe with the Bishop of Rome and helde himselfe in nothing inferiour to him Whereuppon came in the Ordinance of the Councell of Chalcedon which saith Canon 28. that The hundred and fiftie Bishops of the Councell of Constantinople welbeloued of God haue giuen to the seate of new Rome which is Constantinople the same prerogatiues with auncient Rome Iudging it according to reason that the Citie honoured with the Empire and the Senate and which hath the same Priuiledges with auncient Rome ought of right to bee magnified as much as she in Ecclesiasticall matters being the next in rancke after her Where you see that the Councell putteth a priority in order with an equality in power And this priority because Rome had beene the seate of the Empire before Constantinople wherevpon is to be noted that Leo Bishop of Rome denieth that his deputies consented to that Article as appeareth by the nine and fiftie and sixtie of his Epistles but the Councell for all that doth not let to goe forward and I thinke that sixe hundred and thirty Bishops for so many there were at the Councell of Chalcedon are more to be credited then the Bishop of Rome alone And that which is more you shall finde the Canon set downe at large in the sixth generall Councell Which hath moued the Canonists to falsifie this Canon for in the two and twentieth Distinction in the Canon Renouantes in stead of these wordes Etiam in Ecclesiasticis they haue put non tamen in Ecclesiasticis which is a manifest imposture and corruption That little preheminence then which the Bishop of Rome had from the time of the Councell of Nice and a long while after was onely in consideration of the Noblenesse and greatnesse of the Citie For so also the Patriarches and Metropolitanes were at the first ordained according to the dignities of their Cities as appeareth in the Canon Prouinciae in the ninth Distinction And indeede the Archbishop of Rauenna though it bee almost situated at the gates of Rome yet would he neuer yeeld to acknowledge himselfe inferiour to the Bishop of Rome during the time that the Exarch which was the Emperours Lieutenant made his abode in Italy Which also appeareth in that the Popes Boniface and Celestine who liued in the time of S. Austen being desirous to haue drawne to themselues the Appeales of Affrica and to haue played their Masteries out of Italy they alleadge nothing to the Councell of Affrica where this matter was debated not any text of Scripture nor the power giuen by Christ to S. Peter but only the ordinance of the Councell of Nice of which they produced certaine forged Canons Which falsehood of theirs being detected and conuinced by confronting it with the Originals brought in place the Bishop of Rome had the foile and lost the cause And hereof we haue the whole Councell for witnesse in which Aurelius Bishop of Carthage and S. Austen Bishop of Hippo were present who together with the rest of their fellowes wrote letters to Celestine which are inserted into the Councell and which speake to the Bishop of Rome in this manner The Fathers haue most wisely and iustly prouided that all affaires should be decided and ended in the places where they arise Neyther will the grace of God be wanting to any place through which equity shall prudently and constantly be acknowledged and embraced of the Ministers of Christ seeing also that it is permitted to euery man that receiueth any greeuance from his delegated Iudges to appeale to a Prouinciall or indeede to a generall Councell vnlesse perhaps any man shall thinke that God may giue ability to some one man to examine things vprightly which he will not vouchsafe to a multitude assembled in a Councell Or how can a Sentence or iudgement be of force that is giuen beyond the Sea where necessary witnesses caÌ„not be present eyther by reason of sex or infirmity of olde age and a thousand other hinderances For to tell vs that there ought Deputies Legates a Latere to be sent vnto vs as comming from your Holinesse side it is a thing which we doe not finde to haue beene ordained by any Synode of the Fathers for those Articles which you sent vs a while agone by our fellow and Companion Faustinus as being of the Councell of Nice we could not finde it so in the true Copies sent vnto vs by Cyril and Atticus c. Forbeare also to send vs your Clerkes men ready to serue euery great mans turne or indeed any that shall aske them n = * Nolite concedere ne fumosuÌ„ typhum seculi in EcclesiaÌ„ Christi v deamur inducere least it seeme that we goe about to bring this worldes smoakie pride and hautinesse into the Church of Christ which beareth the light of simplicity and the brightnesse of humility before those who desire to see God After these checkes giuen to the Bishop of Rome they publiquely denounce and giue him warning that he reuoke and withdraw his Deputy Faustinus out of Affrica afterwards they salute him calling him Sir and Brother Domine frater This Epistle is a pretious Iewell of Antiquity and I wonder how so excellent a peece could escape the handes of these falsifiers and Spongers of the Fathers Now they who read this Lesson to the Bishop of Rome who already began to be somewhat tickled with presumption were Aurelius Bishop of Carthage and S. Austen and al the Bishops of Affrica For which cause Boniface the second in an Epistle which is found in the second Tome of the Councels saith that Aurelius and his fellows had separated themselues from the Church of Rome being waxen proude
through the instigation of the Diuell In the 20. chapter of my Apologie for the Supper of the Lord. An Epistle which witnesseth that S. Austen died excommunicated out of the Church of Rome which also wee haue elsewhere defended against Coeffeteaus accusations Neither was this the first ordinance by which these Bishops sought to stifle the growing tyrannie of the Bishop of Rome wherby he laboured to draw the appeales of the causes of Affrica to himselfe his purpose being that they who were condemned in Affrica by the Councels might make their appeale ouer the Sea that is into Italy For these same Bishops in another Councell assembled at Mileuitum in the two and twentieth Canon say If they who are condemned by the neighbour Bishops thinke that they may appeale from their iudgement Quod si ab cis prouocandum putauerint non prouocent nisi ad Affricana Concilia vel ad Primates prouinciarum suarum ad Transmarina autem qui putauerit appellandum à nullo intra Affricam in communione suscipiatur let them not appeale any whither else then to the Councels of Affrica or to the Primates of their Prouinces But whosoeuer shall appeale beyond the Sea let him not be admitted to the Communion by any in all Affrica These men feared neuer a whit least there might come from Rome a lapse vpon their Benefices or a deuolution to the Pope they did not expect from him the Archbishops Pall nor the Cardinals Hat nor any liberality of consecrated grains nor feared they his excommunication whose power in those dayes passed little further then mount Apennine And here out of this Discourse the Reader shall further learne that this very Canon is found in the Romane Decrees in the second Cause in the Canon Placuit but wholly corrupted and miserably falsified for after these wordes Whosoeuer shall appeale beyond the Sea let him not be receiued by any to the Communion there is a peece of another stuffe and another coulour vnhandsomely patched on vnlesse he appeale to the Sea of Rome Nisi forte Romanam sedem appellancrit how could this exception be allowable seeing that this Canon of the Councell was expresly made against the Sea of Rome So is it also against the truth and euidence of all the Coppies Yea so farre are the auncient customes and ordinances from giuing any Iurisdiction to the Bishop of Rome ouer other Patriarches that here is a flat Canon of the Councell of Nice recyted by Ruffinus to the contrary in his first booke and fift chapter They ordaine also that in Alexandria and in the Citie of Rome the auncient custome be kept to wit Et vt apud Aleandriam in vrbe Roma vetusta consuetudo seruetur vt vel ille Aegypti vel hic suburbicarum Ecclesiarum solicitudinem gerat that he of Alexandria haue the care of Egypt the Bishop of Rome of all suburbicary Churches that is of all the Cities that were vnder the authoritie and ciuill iurisdiction of the citie of Rome These Fathers did liberally cut him out a large share as the times then were but scant enough according to his ambition as now it is S. Cyprian Bishop of Carthage wrote many Epistles to Cornelius Bishop of Rome al which beare this inscription Cyprian to Cornelius his brother sendeth greeting which had bin a great vnreuerence if Cornelius had bin head of the Vniuersall Church or if he had had power of Iurisdiction ouer S. Cyprian So likewise in the fourth booke of Socrates cap. 11. the Eastern Bishops who write to Liberius Bishop of Rome Socrates lib. 4. cap. 9. Domino fratri collegae nostro call him nothing but Brother and Companion yea they speake like Masters for qualifying themselues the Catholike and Apostolike Church they denounce Anathema against the Councel of Ariminum without expecting the iudgement or the will and pleasure of Liberius Thereupon Leo the first This is the Title of the three first Epistles albeit he speake bigge in his Epistles neuerthelesse he commonly taketh no other Title to him but onely this Leo Bishop of the Citie of Rome to such and such sendeth greeting See here a notable Example The auncient custome of the Church was that the penitents should confesse their faults aloude in the face of the Church But the Church being growne into wealth and riches many men refused to vndergoe this shame Sozom. l. 7. c. 16. Socrat. lib. 5. cap. 19. and iudged it intollerable To giue them content herein an order was established that euery Church should haue a Penetenciary Priest who should receiue their confessions in secret This order hauing beene euery where receiued Neuerthelesse Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople abolished this custome throughout all the East without asking the Bishop of Romes counsel who also did not reprehend him for it and this hath euer since so remained Thereupon I say that if Nectarius had beene subiect to the Bishop of Rome he would neuer haue vndertaken so great a matter without his aduise and contrary to his example Should a Bishop of Paris or Lyons bee borne withall now adaies if of his owne authority without aduise from the Pope he should put away auricular confession out of his Bishopricke Here are other examples It appeareth by S. Austens 118. Epistle to Ianuarius This Epistle is found in the 1. Tome of the Councels in the page 461. of the Collen Edition that in Rome they fasted on the Satterday but at Millan they did not so Damasus Bishop of Rome writing to S. Ierome complayneth that the seruice and the singing in the Church of Rome was performed with ill grace and vnseemly and with too great simplicity and requesteth Ierome to teach him the custome of the singing and seruice of the Greeke Church that he might bring it into the Church of Rome Is it credible that the Church of Rome would haue dayned to be the Disciple of other Churches and to correct her faults by the example of her neyghbour Churches if she had ruled and gouerned all other Churches as she doth to this day S. Ierome in an Epistle to Euagrius sheweth that the custome of other Churches touching Deacons was better then that of Rome which he saith was but a City from whence pride first sprunge So the Canon Aliter in the 31. Distinction saith That the Tradition of the Easterne Churches is one and that of the Church of Rome another for there the Priests and Deacons doe marry but here not And this Canon is attributed to Pope Steuen to whom Cyprian writeth Socrates lib. 5. cap. 21. maketh a long Bed-roule of diuers Church-customs and sheweth how different the Churches were in the obseruation of Fastes of the marriage of Churchmen and of the dayes of publique Assemblies which diuersity is an euident proofe that they were not all gouerned by one onely vniuersall head otherwise they should all haue beene conformed to the Ordinanances of the Church of Rome
assembled according to the vsuall forme and there was good order kept in the first Sessions So Menas and Euticheus Patriarches of Constantinople sate Presidents in the fift Councell of Constantinople albeit Vigilius Bishop of Rome were in the same Towne which doubtlesse was the cause why he refused to be present at the Councell All which notwithstanding after the close and conclusion of the Councell he approued the Acts. Read carefully the second Councell of Nice and you shal see that in reckoning vp the Bishops who were assisting thereat hee who hath translated the Acts of the Councell hath oftentimes placed to gratifie the Pope the Deputies of Rome the first yet notwithstanding the whole action of the councell doth plainely shew that they were not Presidents at all they speake almost neuer a word and they giue in their opinions sometimes amongst the rest But Tharasius Patriarch of Constantinople speaketh to euery matter gouerneth the whole action pronounceth the conclusions and is cheefe President in the Councell And to come vp a little higher the most famous Councell that euer was was the first Councell of Nice in which surely the Bishop of Rome was not President but if we will beleeue the testimony of Athanasius who was there present Hosius Bishop of Corduba in Spaine sate in the first place His testimony is reported by Theodoret in the second booke of his story and fifteenth chapter where he saith that there was no Councell helde wherein Hosius was not President And this hee speaketh agreeable to that which the same Athanasius saith in his Epistle to them that liue in the desert The first speaker was Eustachius Bishop of Antioch who sate at the Emperours right hand Which hath made some men to thinke that he was President but it appeareth not throughout the whole action that the deputies of Rome did any thing In the Tomes of the Councels though made for the Popes greatest aduantage yet Hosius subscribeth the first and the deputies of Rome vnder him And least any man should say that he was the Bishop of Romes Legate he subscribeth apart in these wordes Hosius Episcopus Cordubensis Ita credo Then the deputies of Rome subscribe apart Victor Vincentius Presbyteri vrbis Romae pro venerabili Papa Syluestro subscripsimus For if they had beene all three deputies for the Bishop of Rome they would thus haue subscribed Hosius Victor Vincentius pro Syluestro c. And Hosius should rather haue taken this title then to be qualified only Bishop of Corduba c. Whosoeuer hath neuer so little looked into the stories knoweth that the Bishops of Constantinople considering that the dignity of the sea of Rome came for that Rome had for a long time beene the seate of the Empire and seeing that the Empire was now translated to Constantinople haue laboured to haue themselues to be credited and preferred before the Bishop of Rome Euen so farre forth that Iohn the Bishoppe of Constantinople whom Greekes call S. Iohn the Almosner began vnder the Emperour Mauritius about the yeare sixe hundred to call himselfe the first and chiefe Bishop and Oecumenicall Bishop that is to say Vniuersall Whereupon Gregory the first Bishop of Rome doth not complaine that Iohn did set footing vpon the Sea of Rome or that he did him any wrong by vsurping that which belonged to the Bishop of Rome but saith that this was a new Title and That he which will be called vniuersal Bishop is the forerunner of Antichrist because that in the Pride of his heart he preferreth himselfe before others Now the intent of this Iohn was not to haue denyed the others to haue beene Bishops also but he said that he was the first and aboue the rest And indeede this Iohns successors continued this title and are so called in Zonaras and Cedrenus And further in the second Councel of Nice the second Action there is an Epistle of Adrian Bishop of Rome wherein he calleth n = a Dilecto fratri Tharasio generali Patriarchae Tharasius Bishop of Constantinople vniuersall Patriarch Howbeit Gregory in his Epistles thinketh that he who will be vniuersall Bishop doth by consequent ruine the Bishopricke of others and seeketh if not directly yet at leastwise by consequence to be the onely Bishop the Bishopricke of others after that being nothing else but a bare name without substance as is the charge of Bishops vnder the Papacy Thus hath God pluckt out of the mouth of Gregory the condemnation of his Successors for this good man was not aware that in so speaking he called Boniface the third his Successour the forerunner of Antichrist to whom the Emperour Phocas gaue the title of vniuersall Supremacy within a while after the death of Gregory And yet for all this the Bishops of Constantinople would neuer acknowledge themselues inferiors to the Bishop of Rome no nor those of Antioch and Alexandria vntil that the Turkes and Saracens hauing ouerthrowne all the rest the Bishop of Rome onely finding in our Kings soft spirits and that they were litle seene and versed in Diuinity drew from them huge liberalities perswading them to whatsoeuer he would euen to subiect their Crownes vnto him and to pill and rifle their Kingdomes and to take vpon him n = b Gregor in Registro l. 4. Epist 32. Epist. 24. Epist 36. Epist 38. li. 6. Ep. 30. Ad Mauricium c. those Titles of which we shall speake anone He that wil see how much the Pope hath exalted himselfe let him compare the foure first Councels where all thinges are passed by common voices with the Councell of Florence in which they gaue power and authority to the Pope to make new articles of faith And with the latter Lateran Councell in which all is referred to the will of Pope Leo the tenth who there is called the diuine Maiestie the corner stone laid in Sion the Lyon of Iuda the King and Prince of all the world whom all the Kinges of the earth ought to adore To such Councels the Pope doth willingly affoord his personall presence because he doth there rule and domineere with absolute authority but in the ancient Councels he refused to bee present because there hee should haue found Bishops as stout and as strong and as ambitious as himselfe Adde hereunto that in the generall Councels they vsed the Church of Rome and her Bishop no otherwise then they did their particular Churches So in the sixe generall Councels re-assembled at the Pallace Pope Honorius is condemned for an Hereticke And the thirteenth Canon doth by name condemne the Church of Rome because it disalowed the marriage of Priests And further in the 55. Canon the Church of Rome is expresly forbidde to fast any more the Satterdy and the Sunday vpon payne of incurring the rigour of the Canon of the Apostles which saith This is the 65. Canon of the Apostles If a Clerke be found fasting on the Satterday or the Sunday one onely excepted let
way to the Gospell And all this was spoken to make his charge equall with the rest of the most excellent Apostles and not as Coeffeteau dreameth to be an example of humilitie to his Superior and of liberty in place of an inferiour indeede S. Ambrose vpon this place giueth to S. Paul and S. Peter an equall soueraignty saying he nameth Peter onely and compareth him with him because he receiued the Primacy to found the Church and saith that Paul was in like manner chosen to haue the superiority in founding the Churches of the Gentils And againe hee saith And a little after Vt dignus esset habere primatum in praedicatione gentium sicut habebat Petrus in praedicatione Circumcisionis to the end that Paul might he well worthy to haue the Primacy in preaching to the Gentiles as Peter in preaching to those of the Circumcision Now lest any man should say that S. Peter had also the Primacy ouer the Gentiles he addeth Paulus gratiam primatus gentium sibi soli vendicat concessam a Deo Paul challengeth that the Soueraignty ouer the Gentiles was by the fauour of God graunted to him alone By this it appeareth with how small credite Coeffeteau alleadgeth Ambrose vpon this place Chrysostome vppon the same text of the second to the Galat. compareth S. Peter to S. Paul in these wordes Paul after so many and so mighty effects 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hauing no need of S. Peter nor of his instruction but being equall vnto him in dignity for I will at this present say no more Hee would perhaps haue said that Paul was greater then he as saith Origen Homily 3. vpon Numbers that S. Paul was the greatest of the Apostles whence it followeth Ipse ergo Paulus Apostolorum Maximus qui sciret multos esse c. that if Chrysostome or any other call S. Peter the first or chiefe of the Apostles he vnderstood it eyther in age or in order of place and not in Iurisdiction ouer the rest of the Apostles otherwise these Fathers should haue contradicted themselues and as for rancke and precedency S. Paul seemes little to haue regarded that too for he nameth S. Iames before S. Peter Gal. 2. ver 9. Iames and Cephas and Iohn 1. Cor. cap. 9. The brethren of the Lord and Cephas As also doth S. Iohn cap. 1. vers 44. saying Philip was of Bâ—thsaida the towne of Andrew and of Peter In like manner when Iesus sent them to preach two and two together S. Peter was coupled with another as his fellow in that holy labour And in Acts 8. the Apostles sent Peter and Iohn to preach in Samaria Oh what a goodly matter would it be now adayes if an Assembly of Bishops should send the Pope and a companion ioyned with him to preach in Swisser-land or in the valley of Augrogne I thinke sure Mr. Coeffeteau would not like well of it who auoyding this poynt answereth nothing to that which his Maiesty of England affirmeth to wit that the Bishops of Rome haue alwayes beene subiect to the Councels and that the Councell of Constance not long ago vsing this authority did depose three Popes but he therein shifteth betaketh himselfe to those Titles which the Pope assumeth and which the ancients do giue vnto him Of the Titles of quality of the Romane Bishop and whether he be S. PETERS Successor or no. Mr. Coeffeteau confesseth to the King of England that the Pope is called GOD Coeff fol. 93. and that he is a God on earth but in the same sense that the Scripture calleth Kings and other Potentates Gods But this is a faint and trifling excuse and much contrary to his Holinesse meaning For in the old Testament the title of God is expresly giuen vnto Princes in the plurall number but to attribute vnto himselfe the name of GOD in the singular is a thing that no Christian Prince or Prelate euer did The Bishop of Rome is the first that hath vsurped this title in this later age The new Testament also attributeth the name of God in the singular to none but the soueraigne God 2. Cor. 4. or else Sathan whom the Apostle calleth the God of this world because in this world he seeketh to set footing into Gods roome and the Pagan Emperors haue also taken vpon them the Title of God Sueton. in Domitiano cap. 13. Dominus Deus noster fiâ— fieri in bâ—â— Martialis l. 5. Epigâ— 8. Edictuâ—â— Dom ni Dâ—â—que nostri as Domitian and Bassian Caracalla And so the Pope in the Canon Satis Dist 96 And in the Glosse of the Extrauagant Cum inter he is called Dominus Deus noster the Lord our God And in the last Councell of Lateran Sess 9. Diuinae Maiestatis tuae conspectus The beholding of your diuine Maiesty And in the first booke of holy Ceremonies Sect. 7. cap. 6. The seat of God that is to say the Sea Apostolicall And so likewise Steuchus the Popes Library-keeper in his booke of Constantines Donation Sedes Dei id est sedes Apostolica saith that Constantine held Syluester for God ador auit vt Deum and worshippted him as God In Italy at the gate of Tolentine there is this inscription Paulo 3. Optimo Maximo in terris Deo To Paul the third the best and greatest God on earth Of this there are infinite examples Now that the Pope is not called God in the same sense that Kings are called Gods in the Scripture appeareth by this that he doth not onely attribute vnto himselfe the name of God but also those very honours and preheminences that belong vnto none but God alone for he wil be worshipped on earth as God The last Councell of Lateran Session 3. and Session 10. sayth that the Pope ought to be worshipped of all people and doth most resemble God And lest a man should thinke that it speaketh of a ciuill kinde of worship it expoundeth it selfe and sheweth with what worship it should be worshipped to wit with the same adoration that is spoken of Psalme 72. Ador abunt eum omnes reges terrae All the Kings of the earth shall worship him where the Psalmist speaketh of that adoration which is due vnto Iesus Christ as Tertullian teacheth lib. 5. against Martion cap. 9. And so doth the Poet Mantuan vnderstand it that speaketh thus of the Pope Ense potents gemino cuius vestigia adorant Caesar aurato vestit imurice Reges That is His power hath two swords in store Him Empâ—rours serue and do adore Kings in Robes for Princes meete Of golde and Purple kisse his feete The Histories of these later ages are full of examples of this adoration of Popes Sigonius lib. 9. Populum diuisa per vicos pecunia ad ador andum inuitant In the second Tome of the Councels they would perswade the Emperour Iustinian that he ought to adore Pope Agapet But the most remarkeable adoration is that which is giuen
the Church and the first of all other and this is found in the 16 Session But note that it is not the Councell which speaketh thus but Paschasin deputed from Rome who pleadeth his owne cause and yet this hindred not this Councell from making a Canon expresly declaring and defining that the Bishop of Constantinople is equall with him of Rome in all things yea euen in causes Ecclesiasticall the Canon hath beene produced by vs before He further saith that Irenaeus chap. 3. lib. 3. doth attribute vnto the Church of Rome a principality more powerfull thē vnto others which is most false and an euident corruption of the place Irenaeus speaketh of the principality and power of the city for being the seate of the Empire the faithfull of all Churches had necessary occasions to repaire thither The words are these Ad hanc Ecclesiam propter potentiorem principalitatem necesse est omnem conuenire c. Ecclesiam vnto this Church by reason of the more mighty principality it is necessary that euery Church should resort As if I should say that all the Churches of France should come to that of Paris because there is the principality and power of the Realme and yet can I not for all this say that the faithfull ministers of the Church of Paris haue a principality ouer the rest Saint Cyprian in the third Epistle of his first booke doth directly call the Church of Rome the principall Church because in all the West there was no Church so great or so remarkable as it He saith that the vnity of Priesthood came from thence because his opinion was Hoc crant vtique caeteri Apostoli quod Petrus pari consortio honoris potestatis sed exordium ab vnitate proficisc it ur vt Ecclesia vna monstretur that albeit the Apostles were all equall in power and honour yet S. Peter was entertained into his charge some small time before the other Apostles Iesus Christ hauing a determination to begin from one to the end to shew the vnity of the Church as he saith in his treatise of the simplicity of Prelates He beleeued then that S. Peter who for a season held the sacerdo tall dignity alone to testifie the vnity of the Church had beene at Rome and that from thence Christiā religion spred it selfe into the West Now in this Cyprian goeth about to soften and to gratifie the Bishop of Rome to the end to prepare him the better to taste and to brooke the checkes and reproofes which afterwards he adioyneth whereby he proueth to Cornelius that he hath no power at all ouer Affricke and that he neither could nor ought to receiue the causes of those whom the Bishops of Affricke had condemned for saith he presently after seeing it is ordered among vs all and that it is a thing iust and reasonable that euery mans cause should be examined where the crime was committed and that vnto euery Pastor there is allotted a portion of the flocke which each one ought to gouerne and leade as being to render an account vnto the Lord of his carriage and behauiour there is no reason that those whom we guide should runne from one place to another and through their fraudulent rashnesse seeke to breake the concord of Bishops friendly knit together but that they should there pleade their causes where they may haue accusers and witnesses of their crimes lest it fall out that some desperate and forlorne persons should thinke that the authority of the Bishops of Affricke who haue condemned them should be lesse then others their cause hath beene alreadie examined the sentence hath beene alreadie pronounced To conclude he maintaineth that Cornelius may not take knowledge of any causes determined by the Bishops of Affrica without accusing them of lightnesse and vustaydnesse and so trouble the peace and quiet of the Church This is the cause that made Cyprian to gild his pill to extol the dignity of the Church of Rome before he would shew him that he ought not to thrust himselfe into the affaires of other Churches For it is diligently to be noted that those among the ancient Fathers that affirme that the Bishop of Rome is successour to Peter doe thereby vnderstand that he is successour in the charge of Bishop of Rome but not in the Apostleship After this sort also the Bishops of Ephesus were successors to S. Iohn and S. Paul the Bishops of Ierusalem successors to S. Iames so farre as these Apostles were Bishops of Ephesus and Ierusalem but they neuer were successors to the Apostleship and to the gouernment of the Church Vniuersall Nor is there any reason why the Bishop of Rome should be successor to Peter in his Apostleship and yet the Bishop of Ierusalem should be onely successor to S. Iames in his Bishoppricke Besides the Bishop of Antioch more auncient then the Bishop of Rome hath alwaies beene called the successor of S. Peter and why should it not be aswell in the Apostleship and gouernment of the Vniuersall Church If you will say that Peter hath taken away the prerogatiue and preheminence from Antioch and hath transported it to Rome we vtterly deny it and thereof no proofe worthy the receiuing can be brought If they further say that Peter dyed at Rome I will also say that Iesus Christ dyed at Ierusalem And why should not Christ his death at Ierusalem haue in it more power and vertue to make the Bishop of Ierusalem chiefe of the Church then the death of S. Peter at Rome to conferre this great dignity vpon the Bishop of Rome I leaue it likewise to the Readers to iudge who after the death of Peter ought of right to bee the chiefe of the Vniuersall Church For S. Iames liued yet at Ierusalem after S. Peter was dead And the Apostle S. Iohn out-liued him 32 yeares Eusebius in his Chronicle saith that Peter and Paul died the yeare of our Lord 69. and that S. Iohn dyed at Ephesus in the yeare 101. according to the accompt of Eusebius and Irenaeus Is it a thing to bee beleeued that S. Iohn the Disciple whom Iesus loued who leaned on his breast vnto whom he recommended his mother at his death whose writings are diuine oracles as the Reuelations in the Apocalips doe witnes that he should bee inferior to Linus the Disciple of Paul and indeed our aduer saries themselues haue inserred into the first Tome of their Councels certaine Epistles which they say were Clements Bishoppe of Rome amongst which there is one to S. Iames Bishop of Ierusalem and thus it beginneth Clemens to Iames brother of the Lord Bishop of Bishops gouerning the holy Church of the Hebrewes which is in Ierusalem Clemens Iacobo fratri Domini Episcopo Episcoporum yea all the Churches which are founded euery where by the prouidence of God And a little after hee calleth him his Lord words which witnesse that Clemens acknowledged Iames for his superior and chiefe of all
in order as Onuphrius saith Nihil dignitatis aut praeeminentiae illis dabat antiquitus esse Cardinales But now the Cardinals looke downe from a greater height vpon the rest of the Clergy who are very many degrees beneath their greatnesse There was in those times no speech of Cardinall Bishops and if any Cardinall Priest of one of the Parishes of Rome became a Bishop of any City of Italy he reteyned no longer the name of Cardinall no more then a Parson that is made Bishop now reteyneth the name of Parson still but it were now to goe backewards and to stoope very low for a Cardinall to become a Bishop and leaue his Cardinalship Then hee that was made Cardinall was tyed to one certaine Church or Parish but now it is cleane otherwise for by the contrary he that is now created Cardinall is loosed and discharged from the Church that was his cure as appeareth by the forme of the nomination of the new Cardinals contayned in the the first booke of the holy Ceremonies in which the Pope speaketh thus * Sect. 8. cap. 3. Authoritate dei patris omnipotentis sanctorum Apostolorum Petri Pauli nostra N Episcopum Firmanum absoluimus a vinculo quo tenebatur Ecclesiae suae Firmanae c. By the authority of God the Father Almighty and of the holy Apostle S. Paul and S. Peter and likewise by our owne wee discharge and free Iames Bishop of such a place of the bond by which he was tyed to his Church or cure and admit him Carainall Priest * Sect. 9. cap. 14. Cenâ—entâ—r omnia beneficia promo ti vacantia Also by the promotion of a Cardinall all his Benefices are held voyde if he obtaine not a new graunt of them from his Holinesse In those dayes likewise there was no such thing knowne as to receiue a ringe and a red hat at the Popes handes after they had kissed his feete nor the new tricke of opening and shutting their mouthes nor of carrying of * Sacr. Cerem l. 1 Sect. 3. Quatuor nohiles pileos quatuor CardinaliuÌ„ suprà baculos deferentes foure red hats at the end of a staffe before the Pope in solemne procession as saying like to the Doctor whereof it is spoken in Saint Luke Chap. 4. ver 6. All this power will I giue to thee euery whit and the glory of them for that is deliuered vnto me and to whomsoeuer I will giue it Aunciently the duety of the Cardinall Deacons was to carry the Table on which they celebrated the Lords Supper but since their office hath been to carry the Pope vpon their shoulders For which Innocent the third in the first booke of the mysteries of the Masse giueth this reason sayth he It belongeth to the Leuites to carry the Arke of the Couenant which is often in the Scriptures called Euerlasting All that then which was in the time of Gregorie being compared with that which now is hath no manner of resemblance of it but euen as when wanton verses are grauen in the barke of a young tree the letters grow together with the tree Crescent illae crescetis amores Euen so that which was amisse in these Cardinals during the weakenesse and minority of the Sea of Rome since they were glewed and fastened to this Sea they haue growne vp together with it And as it happeneth that in a body generally swolne some parte is more troubled with the swelling then others So this part of the body of the Romane Church is swolne more then the rest and a prodigious deflux is come vnto it The which will be more apparant when I shall haue examined the truth of that which Coeffeteau sayth affirming that Cardinals are most respectfull to Princes and that they desire not to goe vpon euen termes with them I speake not to touch any that are liuing but as it may well be that a man may dislike of his Cloake because it is too gorgeous so it is likewise possible that many of those which haue beene aduanced to this degree doe thinke that there is too great pompe and glittering in this habite we will therfore speake onely of the rules and general customes of the Roman Church which questionlesse doe equall Cardinals with Kings for marke the titles which Pope Pius the second giueth them in the sixt Chapter of the eight Section of the first booke of the holy Ceremonies * Ad collegium Apostolicum vocati consiliarij nostri coniudices orbis terrarum Successores Apostlorum circa thronum sedebitis vos Senatores vrbis regum similes c. Being called to the Apostolique Colledge you shall be our Counsellors and with me shall iudge the world you shall sit about the Throne as the Successors of the Apostles you shall be Senators of the Citie like vnto Kings being the true kings of the world on which the doore of the militant Church must turne But it is not much to equall them with Kings for they are often preferred before them they are not tyed to holde the bridle or the stirrope of the Pope when he getteth to horse-backe neyther are they bound when the Pope is carried by men to giue the assistance of their shoulders as Kings and Emperours are In the publique actions and solemnities at Rome Kings are vnder the Cardinals as for example * Prior Episcoporum in capite ad dextram Et si aderit Rex aliquis erit in secundo loco Si plures Reges mixti erunt cum Card. primis â—ilij vel fratres regum si non seruiunt Papae debent sedere inter Diaconos Cardinales vel post eos Primogenitus autem Regis quia Rex futurus putatur post primum Presbyterum Cardinalem erit In that Papall feast which is made after the Coronation of the Pope described in the first booke of Ceremonies Section the third there is set downe the order that is to be held at the table The first Cardinall Bishop sitteth highest on the right hand of the table If there be any King there he sitteth beneath the Cardinall And if there bee diuers Cardinals and diuers Kings there then they intermingle them placing a Cardinall then a King and then another Cardinall and so another King as for the sonnes and brothers of Kings they eyther serue the Pope at table or else sit amongst the meaner sort of Deacon Cardinals but the eldest sonne of a King hath place next after the first Cardinall Priest so that all the Cardinall Bishops and the first Cardinall Priest are all before him * Dum Papa lauat manus non Praelati sed Laici omaes genu flectunt And when the Pope washeth his hands al the laietie of what degree soeuer kneele downe but all the Prelates stand and not to seeke for examples further off it is not vnknowne to the King of England that Cardinall Wolsey contested with HENRY the eight And we shall hereafter heare what authority Pandulphus and
Otho Cardinals and Legates tooke to themselues in England so farre as to take place of the King himselfe and if any Cardinall now a dayes beareth himselfe with fitting respect vnto his King this is to be attributed to his particular wisedome and discretion but not vnto the orders and Constitution of the Church of Rome The Colledge of Cardinals succeeded the Senate of Rome being made in imitation of it and we haue seene thereupon that the Pope calleth them the Senators of the City Also they haue their right of consecration and Canonization as aunciently the Senate of Rome had the habite indeede is differing for the Senators had somewhat a long Mantle called Latus Clauus which was a Mantle bordered with large flowers of purple and scarlet but the Cardinals haue taken a habite all of scarlet such as the Romane Pontifices and the Priests of Iupiter Mars and Quirinus were wont to weare of whom Caecilius in the Dialogue of Minutius Foelix speaketh complayning that the Christians Sacerdotum honorâ—s purpuras despiciant ipsi seminudi doe despise the dignity and purple of Priests they being themselues halfe naked like to that which Ouid saith in his fourth booke de Fastis Illic purpurea canus cum veste sacerdos For which cause I cannot but much wonder that the Popes who haue so artificially and with such dexterity established themselues haue not with the same aduise and prudency taken a habite of some other colour for feare least it might bee thought that in him and his Cardinals the Prophesie of the Apocalips were accomplished Chap. 17. ver 3. So he carried me away in the spirite into the Wildernesse and I saw a woman sit vpon a scarlet coloured beast full of names of blaspemy hauing seuen heads and tenne hornes and the woman was arayed in purple and scarlet and decked with gold c. which prophesie had bin the obscurer were it not that it is sayd in the ninth ver The seuen heads are seuen Mountains on which the woman sitteth and in the last verse The woman which thou sawest is that great Citie which raigneth ouer the Kings of the earth The * Platina Pope Paul the second was the first that gaue scarlet to the Cardinals as well for themselues as for their Mules to the end that this prophesie which agreeeth in generall with the Sea of Rome might likewise appertaine particularly to euery one of the pillars of the said Sea which is to be set vpon a scarlet coloured beast CHAP. IIII. Of the Iesuites THE Iesuites now follow in their rancke who by this their vnaccustomed title haue taught vs that Iesus and Christ are two diuers things since that now a dayes it is one thing to be a Iesuite and another to be a Christian. The King of great Britaine saith in his Apology that the principall of the Iesuites were dealers in this treason wherof some fled others as Garnet and Ouldcorne were apprehended and executed Hereupon Mr. Coeffeteau with a good grace exhorteth the King of great Britaine to haue a good opinion of these fathers and saith that the Iesuites would giue their liues for his conseruation affirming that they are vniustly calumniated and for their full iustification alleadgeth the testimony of the French King who since hee hath come to the true knowledge and vnderstanding of them hath called and receiued them about his person And as for such as haue attempted against his Maiesties life he saith that if they did amisse yet not confessing that they did so all their society should not be lyable to the reproach of their offence The answere This Discourse being thus sweetned doubtles cannot but much please the King of great Britaine for now he may hereafter sleepe in security since the Iesuites are become his so sure friends as to be ready to die for his conseruation neyther is it a small point of charity to hasten a Prince and send him the sooner to Paradice The Patron of their order which was a Spanish Captain gaue it them in their Institutions to be faithfull and true hearted towards Fraunce and England and doubtlesse the generall of their order which should alwayes be a Spaniard nourisheth them in that good â—nclination and men doe them wrong that say they enterprise any thing against Kings that are excommunicated by the Pope since it is a Tenent amongst them that after such excommunication they are no longer Kings as also they doe them wronge that say they incroach vpon the temporall since what they haue by their hauing of it becommeth spirituall And by this it is likewise to be presumed that when the Court of Parliament by pronounced sentence of all the chambers there assembled declared them to be Heretiques perturbers of the Kingdome and corrupters of youth it is to be presumed that this was done by the aduise and plotte of the Ministers of Geneua as likewise those Iesuites which haue beene executed in England are not to be blamed since they were ledde and carried to these attempts by a Catholike zeale and that at Rome where Saints are made they haue beene matriculated into a roule of Martyrs And indeede Iohn Castell in his examination whereof the original is yet to be seene confesseth that he was put into a Chamber of Meditations all full of pictures of Diuels into which they shut the greatest sinners there making them to become wilde fierce with fasting and darkenesse And so hauing cracked turned their brains imprint and fix in them these desperate resolutions But now we hope that they being made geÌ„tle milde by peace prosperity wil imploy these chambers for grammer Meditations and for this I do not thinke that the other Iesuites doe approue that which the Iesuite a Mariana imprinted at Toledo apud Petrum RodericuÌ„ An. 1599. And since at Mena by Balthasar Lippius 1605. Mariana the Spaniard writeth in his booke De Rege institutione Regis in the 6. Chap. where he greatly commendeth the paricide of Iames Clement sayth that he was incyted therunto by the b Cum cognito à Theologis quos erat sciscitatus tyrannum iure occidi posse Deuines the same Iesuite as it were correcting of himselfe c Hoc tamen tem peramento vti in hac disputatione licebit si non ipse qui perimitur venenum haurire cogitur sed exterius ab alio ad ibeatur vt sella eo aut veste delibutauini interficiendi habeat saith that he in his meat or drinke alloweth not the poysoning of a Tyrant for so he stileth al Princes that the Pope approues not but wisheth that this be done by the impoysoning of his garmeÌ„t or chaire by some violent poyson neyther is that of the Iesuite d Clerici rebellio in regem non est crimen laesae maiestatis quia non est subditus regi Emanuel Sâ in his Aphorismes of Confessions in verbo Clericus by the aduise of the rest of