esteemed most amiable and counted highly powerful since she is to be admired for the goodness and greatness under which comprehend the large Riches Power and Spirit of particular Citizens incorporated into Her For the first let me instance in the commendable diligence of her Mayor Adam Baume who upon a very great scarcity of Corn in the fifteenth of this King providently took care to have Corn brought to Lâ—â—don from forreign Parts to the relief of the whole Realm and add hereunto the Charity of the Aldermen who for the furtherance of so good a Work laid out each of them a sum of mony in those days very considerable to the same purpose and bestow'd the Corn thus procur'd in convenient places where the Poor might buy at an appointed price and such as had no ready mony upon Surety to pay the year following besides the common Act of the Mayor and Citizens in taking two thousand Marks out of the Orphans Chest in Guildhall for the same intent In Proof of the later viz. The Greatness Riches Power and Spirit of particular Citizens I challenge all the Cities in the world besides to shew me such another Example as that of John Philpot Citizen of London the Citizens Orator to this King in the beginning of his Reign who in the second year observing the young Kings inability the Nobles neglect and the oppressions of the poor Commons voluntarily hir'd Souldiers with his own mony rig'd out a Fleet at his own charge and hazarded his own Person to defend the Realm from Pirates Robbers and incursions of Enemies and therewith successfully took in a little time Mercer the Scot with all his Ships which he had before violently taken from Scarborow and fifteen Spanish Ships besides laden with much Riches which came to his Aid Can Rome her self shew me a like Parallel As for the Fabij they were a whole Family among the Patricians and Crassus himself a great Magistrate in the heigth of that Common-wealths Grandeur amidst Equals and Inferiors whereas this publick-spirited Person liv'd still a Subject under a limited Monarchy none of the greatest nor the strongest then in the World This noble Act some would have thought should have deserved great praise and commendation and so it had among the Common People but among the great Lords and Earls it met with Reproach and Detraction as being a manifest reproof of their carelesness and negligence and he himself was endanger'd thereby they speaking openly against it as done unlawfully without the Councel of the King and his Realm though his design could not be denyed to have been very honest in the general Had he suffered for that unpresidented Act because it was deficient in some formalities required by Law the Statesmen of the times therein instrumental without all peradventure had appeared as odious in the Eyes of the Commons as some of the chief Episcopal Clergy-men in a Protestant Country within the Memory of Man would have made themselves obnoxious to the Peoples Censure should they have publickly burnt Vindiciae Pietatis i. e. a Vindication of Godliness from the imputation of folly and fancy which I have heard intimated as if thought of because it wanted such an Imprimatur as the Law demanded and was writ possibly by an Author not altogether Episcopal in his declared Judgment But to pass on If such were the superemient and supererogating Acts of particular Citizens so many Ages ago to what an height of Wealth Greatness and splendor must we needs think the City to have arriv'd at this day some Centuries of years since that time If ten thousand Pounds was a Mayors Estate heretofore we may give a shrew'd guess at the Cities advancement and encrease in Riches since now that the same is made the limited sum for the Citizens to swear themselves not worth who desire to avoid the chargeable Honour and Honourable charge of the Shrievalry Nay to go a step or two further now adays we find her Sheriffs Revenue commonly reputed at double the value and others of her Citizens thought able to number their thousands by scores What if I had also added that some are esteem'd so wealthy as not to know an end of their Riches Certainly such if any must needs come under the denomination of men vastly rich in worldly goods So that this glorious and Triumphant City seems in many things able to vy with if not out-vy the Quondam Mistress of the World Rome her self She exceeds her in Antiquity as being founded in Fabian's Compute above four hundred years before her and hath this advantage of her now that whereas Rome is confest and acknowledged to be in the wane of her power and Greatness both as to her Civil and Ecclesiastical Authority London still continues on the rising hand Rome 't is visible hath suffer'd a considerable diminution as to her former extent and Jurisdiction in both capacities whether she be lookt upon as once head of the world or now pretended head of the Church but London plainly appears to be dayly getting ground both in Fame and Reputation as well as building And whereto she may come in time belongs to a Prophet not an Historian to declare She is already become the Fam'd Metropolis of this our little World and Rome was but Empress in a greater Neither was she anear so influential over the greatest part of that how much soever thereof she had under her Dominion as London is known to be at present over all ours Having thus shewn the influence this Honourable City had upon the Commons of this Land in Peace and amidst tumultuous disorders and the great respect both King and Nobles in Conjunction had for her I should now proceed to disengage my self of an obligation I presume lying on me from part of a promise before made to declare the esteem the Lords when singly consider'd had of her strength and power But before I pass on more immediately thereto I crave leave to observe the great variety and difference in Parliamentary transactions and proceedings under this King within the compass of whose Reign we find but two years on Record viz the nineteenth and twenty second wherein there was not a Parliament called and assembled in one place or other by his Authority sometimes oftner and so those Acts of Edward the third were exactly kept for eighteen years running wherein it is ordained and established that a Parliament shall be holden once every year and more often if need be which being omitted but one year in twenty one and not observed in the twenty second we may easily think it prov'd fatal to the unfortunate King that in the next Parliament he should be depos'd by his own Subjects and the Crown set upon anothers head And is it any wonder to see things so injurious and unjust sometimes done in National Assemblies when in a vein of contradiction they make Ordinances so diametrically opposite each to other as was done in this Kings time For we find parties
held up their heads above ground is evident from the many supplies they had from London of Men Mony and Arms the frequent applications they made to her on all extremities and the constant endeavours they us'd to cultivate her friendship and preserve her affections But over these Transactions I shall choose rather to cast a vail of silence than industriously endeavour to lay open the bleeding wounds of the Nation in those days as being fully assur'd of the impossibility of guiding my pen so dextrously in delivering the truth the whole truth and nothing but the truth as not to subject my self to censure nor incur the anger displeasure and indignation of any one Suffice it then to say that in the long Vacation of Parliaments under King Charles the first such seeds of discontent were sown in City as well as Country that upon the first opportunity they sprung up into bitter herbs and sour fruit and who tasted most thereof I think all the European world knows sufficiently by this time of day But if any in this age is so ignorant as to wonder how it was possible for the two Houses in forty one to bear up against the King without being dismis'd from Westminster by vertue of the Kings Prerogative the usual method of ancient times and the known practice of later days he is to know and understand that his late Majesty had formally pass'd away his grand Power of Prorogations Adjournments and Dissolutions by an Act of Parliament and so put the staff out of his own hands that he could never recover as long as he lived by force nor intreaty An act of Grace this was that is hardly to be parallel'd and yet perhaps it may be likâ—ned to the Statute made in the second of Richard the second of which I have made mention before against abrupt and untimely dismissions only that this is plainer worded and seems enlarged to a further extent Otherwise considering the use that might have been possibly made of the former it might have look't like the same book with additions new Printed in Octavo which before was bound up in decimo sexto Neither of these are to be found in our New Printed Statute books they pretending not to set down all the Antiquated Repeal'd or expir'd Statutes that ever were in being Therefore if any one desires to humour his curiosity he must apply himself to Cottons Abridgment of the Tower Records for the one and search after the other in some of those books that treat of the affairs of the late times Now the Observator in such a case tells us of Scobel and Husbands Collections Upon which so Authentick an Authority as some esteem it if we have recourse to Scobels Collections of the best Edition 't is ten thousand to one but we shall there find the Statute in this manner following Whereas great summs of mony must of necessity he speâ—dily advanced and provided for the relief of His Majesties Armâ— and People in the Northern parts of this Realm and for preventing the imminent danger tâ—â—s Kingdom is in and for supply of other His Majesties present and urgent occasions which cannot be so timely effected as is requisite without Credit for raising the said monies which credit cannot be obtained until such obstacles be first removed as are occasioned by fears jealoâ—sies and apprehensions of divers his Majesties Loyal Subjects that this present Parliament may be Adjourned Prorogued or Dissolved before Justice shall be duly executed upon Delinquents publick grievances redressed a firm Peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded and before sufficient provision be made for the repayment of the said monies so to be raised All which the Commons in this present Parliament assembled having duly considered do therefore humbly beseech your most excellent Mâ—jâ—sty that it may be declared and Enacted And be it declared and enacted by the King our Sovereign Lord with the assent of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled and by the Authority of the same That this present Parliament now Assembled shall not be dissolved unless it be by Act of Parliament to be passed for that purpose nor shall be at any time or times during the continuance thereof Prâ—râ—gued or Adjourned unless it be by Act of Parliament to be likewise passed for that purpose And that the House of Peers shall not at any time or times during this present Parliament be Adjourned unless it be by themselves or by their own Order And in like manner that the House of Commons shall not any time or times during this present Parliament be Adjourned unless it be by themselves or by their own order And that all and every thing and things whatsoever done or to be done for the Adjournment Proroguing oâ— Dissolving of this present Parliament contâ—â—ry to this Act shall be utterly void and of none effect This Act in Gâ—neral prov'd the destruction of that branch of the Royal Prâ—rogative which related to calling or dissolving Parliaments and that particular clause in the end that all and every thing and things whatsoever done or to be done for the Adjournment Proroguing or dissolving of this present Parliament contrary to this Act shall be utterly void and of none effect was we may believe from subsequent passages a Plea the wits of the age durst have ventur'd to have stood by against any attempts to discontinue disappoint or frustrate the meeting of the two Houses of Parliament if they had Spiâ—it and Courage enough to have own'd any thing of the Law So that upon a ground work so firm and a foundation so sure the Parliamentarians valued not all the subtile Arts and devices of their Enemies nor stood in â—ear of those Mercuâ—ial Engines Pen Ink and Papâ—r so they could bâ—t defend themselves against those Martial Arguments the bright-shining Sword and the thundring Cannon By vertue of this Clause we may conclude that after the House of Commons was violently depriv'd of many Members thereof the House of Lords wholly put down and that small remainder of a Parliament forc'd out of Doors by Oâ—iver and the Soldiers after two Protectors and several Assemblies that took on them the venerable Name of Parliaments and some of them too chosen by the People part of the Commons House nevertheless again got into power and being once more thrust out by the Army afterwards Recover'd possession and the whole House was in a fair likelyhood to have been fill'd up by the Re-admission of the secluded Members till they to make way for a greater turn did all that lay in the power of a single House to dissolve the Parliament which with us consists of the King and his two Houses Treating now of the late times and having drawn a vail over the Transactions in the last Wars wherein the City was more particularly concern'd though 't is well known that her power and Influence was very considerable in the many turns and changes through which the State
the cries of the wounded in our streets A Miraculous effect of the Cities influence For what parts of the Land are so inconsiderate to oppose when London is engag'd and resolv'd Former Examples may teach them future wisdom These having been the necessary preparatives in sixty one on Saint Georges day April the 23. comes the Kings Coronation the fairest day except the Preceding in which he made his Cavalcade through London the Nation enjoy'd both before and after if the supplementers Observation be well grounded notwithstanding it began to Thunder and Lighten very smartly towards the end of Dinner time and soon after that another meeting of King Lords and Commons at Westminster whither the Kings Writs had Summoned them to make a New Parliament the former Assembly having been dissolv'd the December before by his Majesties Order and Command How acceptable the Actions of that Assembly were to City and Country hath been hinted before and the concurrence of the King when restor'd was not wanting to Authorize their proceedings yet this new Assembly notwithstanding thinking the manner of it's Assembling not to be drawn into Example and that therewas some defect as to the necessary point of Legality in the Statutes then made or at least desirous to remove all doubts fears and scruples about them would not let several of those Acts pass without being formally ratified and confirm'd anew by it's own Authority And therefore consequently not trusting to the receiv'd opinion of the dissolution of the Parliament of forty by the late Kings Death nor relying on the House of Commons Act to dissolve themselves in fifty nine nor the dissolution of the Lords and Commons in sixty another Declaration was made in the point in these word To the end that no Man bereafter may be misled into any seditious or unquiet demeanor out of an opinion that the Parliament begun and held at Westminster upon the third day of November in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and forty is yet in being which is undoubtedly dissolved and determined and so is hereby Declared and Adjudged to be fully Dissolved and Determined And it was further Enacted by the same Authority That if any Person or Persons at any time after the four and twentieth day of June in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred sixty and one shall Malitiously and Advisedly by Writing Printing Preaching or other Speaking Express Publish Vtter Declare or affirm that the Parliament begun at Westminster upon the third day of November in the year of our Lâ—rd one thousand six hundred and forty is not yet dissolved or is not yet determined or that it ought to be in being or hath yet any continuance or Existence that then every such Person and Persons so as aforesaid offending shall incur the danger and penalty of a Premunire mentioned in a Statute made in the sixteenth year of the Reign of King Richard the second Thus then were all disputes upon this point effectually stil'd and suppress'd by this Authority and Command of King Lords and Commons and the greatness of the penalty incur'd by the person offending which amounts to no less than to be put out of the Kings Protection and have his Lands and Tenements Goods and Chattels forfeited to the King and his Body Attach'd if to be found and brought before the King and his Council there to Answer the premises or that process be made against him by Praemunire facias and if return'd non est inventus than to be Outlaw'd Next I proceed to observe that 't was Petitioning and addressing that prepar'd the way for His Majesties Restauration and therefore doubtless the remembrance thereof should be always grateful and acceptable to the Loyal Such preparatories to great turns and changes being alwaies preferrable to the other rougher methods of drawn Swords and loaded Pistols which are the general effects of Civil Broils and Commotions while these are the rational results of Wisdom and Prudence With the King was that part of the English Clergy likewise restor'd which appropriates to it self the name of the Church of England A Term much gloried in by many as if none but themselves were the constitutive parts thereof and which some now adays pretend freer from Ambiguity than the more general Name of Protestants What we understand by that Term we know very well and are not asham'd thereof Yet by the way I don't think but 't is as lyable to exceptions where Cavils take place as the other title of Protestants so much of late turn'd into ridicule by some few pretenders to wit and sense above the vulgar For if by Church we understand barely an Assembly of Men met together in one place then doubtless without any incongruity it may be applied to many a civil meeting of Men together about their own private concerns If by Church we mean a society of Men conjoyn'd in Spiritual duties or the Ordinances of Divine Worship then I hope it will be no Solecism in common Speech to affirm many of the Dissenters meetings may reasonably lay claim to the Name And if a due Celebration of the Sacraments will make a Church why then may not the Denomination as well belong to some private Conventicles as to the publick Oratories If it should denote only the Association of many distinct Assemblies under the same Ecclesiastical Government what should hinder the Presbiterians from enjoying the Title in those places where they are allowed to exercise their power in Classical Provincial or National Synods Which Power they once exercis'd in England publickly within the Memory of Man But if the Law of the Land makes the difference and the established Government of the Country in Ecclesiastical affairs as with us in England then I am apt to beleive this Expression the Church of England is not without it's Ambiguities and may be a denomination comprehensive of Men of as many different modes and forms as some would fain have us think the word Protestant admits of Heretofore at the first planting of the Gospel in this Isle among the Britains we may call it the British Church When Austin the Monk came in bringing with him the Customs and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome and introduc'd them among the converted Saxons then we may term it the Romish Church When the Monks and Fryers like the Frogs in Egypt had over-spread the whole face of the Land then we may give it the Epithite of Monkish In succeeding Generations when Popery was arriv'd to its height we may name it the Popish Church In King Edward the sixth days it may properly be called Reformed Under the Marian Persecution 't was certainly Popish Queen Elizabeth brought back the Reformed Religion under an Episcopal Government and therefore I venture to give it the Name of the Reformed Episcopal Church A little before the late Wars when the Hierarchy was arriv'd at its highest pitch of Pomp and Grandeur by the Laudean principles and practises It was certainly
declare the Oath for some few small minute petty fancied Inconveniences invalid and of no binding force But be it by the Power of the Sword or by whatsoever Claim else Canutus held the Crown we nevertheless find him to have Govern'd the Land honourably after that he came to be sole King and it may be to the Content of many of his Subjects for 't was the Memory doubtless of his Repute that set and kept the Crown upon the Heads of both his Sons otherwise of themselves of little Worth or Value if compar'd with their Father One remarkable worthy Act of Canutus's is recorded amongst others viz. That in the Nineth Year of his Reign he call'd a Parliament so my Author terms it at Oxford where amongst other things it was enacted That Englishmen and Danes should hold the Laws of Edgar lately King In the Transactions of these Times we may believe the City of London had no small Share aâ— being probably at length pretty well pleas'd with the Father's Reign whereupon the Citizem mav be supposed to conduce at least in some measure to the settling his Sons on his Throne For Harold Harefoot is said by some to have dyed at London after a Three Years Reign and the other of Canutus's Sons Hardicanute was joyfullâ— Receiv'd and Crown'd at the same City In Edward the Confessor's days the Land being not much troubled with intestine Broils there happ'ned but little Occasion for trying London's Strength And thereupon I find no great mention of that Honourable City unless in a Passage or two as about Edward the Outlaw's dying therein and of the King 's being there some time before with his Councill when Earl Goodwin was charg'd to come to Court and render into the King's Hands all his Knights-Fees-that he and Harold his Son held in England The Effect whereof was the Outlawing of the foremention'd Goodwin for his Disobedience and departure out of the Land with his Sons by Authority of a Parliament call'd alittle after In this King's Reign also we hear at both Ears of the evil Manners among the Bishops the Chief of the Clergy of their Voluptuousness Gluttony Leachery Covetuousness Wordly Pomp c. as also of their Endeavours to excuse their Manners by answering that they were suitable to the Times A generall Corruption among Men of a Religious Habit being the Common Forerunners of great Turns and Changes in a Land as it fell out here soonafter this King's Decease This is the King to whom according to the Annalist Stow we are indebted for the Common Law gather'd out of the Laws and Ordinances of the Mercian's West Saxons Danes and Northumbers What Spirit was in the Men of those Times is â—n part manifested in the Message sent to Harola by the Inhabitants of Northumberland when he was â—ent thither by the King to do Correction upon those who had risen against his Brother Tostus their Duke for a cruell Act by him committed taking away what he had and chasing him out of â—he Country Continuing together in a considerable Body they gave him to understand that they were freely born and freely nourish'd and might suffer no cruelness of Dukes That they had learned of their Elders and Sovereigns to maintain Freedom or to suffer Death and to live in quietness under an easy Duke Upon which Message their Pardon was procur'd them of the King and another Duke assign'd Within less then a year after Edward the Confâ—ssâ—r's Death we read of the landing of Duke Wâ—llâ—â—m with his Normans at Hâ—stings in Sussâ—x who came with a strong Army to demand the Crown of Harold who had no Title but what he claim'd by the Power of his Sword and the Dukes Claim also went but upon a limping Foot As great as the Duke's Host was enough it seems by the Event to help to win a Crown we find London so Strong as to hold him out when he and his Army came thereto till he had given good Assurance that he and his People would pass through the City without tarrying which was also observed accordingly When Harold was utterly over-thrown by these Normans and so room made for the Title of Edgaâ— Atheling to take place we find the Londoners among the chief of those who were upon Associating themselves each to other to defend his Right to thâ— utmost of their Powers This Agreement indeeâ— was afterwards broken but by the making of it we are well enough assured that the Câ—tys Strengtâ— was then esteem'd very considerable Another Argument let me produce out of Stow'â— Annalls where it is recorded that Edwin anâ— Marcar both then Powerfull Earles the One â—â— Mercia the other of Northumberland after Harold Death came to London and solicited the Citizen to erect one of them to the Kingdom Though this their enterprise was frustrated yet doubtless it may prove Londons Power otherwise 't is hard to believe these two potent Earls would have applied themselves to the Citizens that they would chuse one of them for King and upon the Failure of their Design would have quietly departed without shewing some resentment had not the City been too strong easily to be dealt with or slightly to be anger'd with Safety and Security The other more rightful Heir was the Person pitch'd upon But the other Nobles of the Realm not powerfully assisting and Edward Atheling not being it seems of Ability sufficient to manage his own Concerns himself and undertake so great a Charge 't is no wonder that this Renowned City suffering it self to be born down the Stream with the Times submitted it Self with the rest of the Land to Duke William who made some pretence to a Title Whereas Harold could shew nothing for his but his Sword And therefore it may be 't is that we read not in antient Histories that I remember of this Citys assisting him to defend himself against Duke William's Power Here now is a great Change indeed The Power and Strength of the Kingdom turned from both the Britains and Saxons and devolved upon the Normans by means of this King William the Date of whose Reign begins reckoning immediately after Harold's Death October the Fourteenth Anno Christi 1066 according to Chronology In this King who himself by the General consent of Writers was basely Born is founded the Succession for higher they care not much to go who keep such a stir about our Princes inheriting according to their Birth-right Though if this be made the fixt unalterable Rule of Twenty Six Kings and Queens reigning Successively upon recourse to the History of their Reigns we shall meet with a dozen at least of them who cannot be denied but to have come to their Crowns with Flaws in their Titles Nay if we reckon in the Number such as may have been controverted upon that Account we may safely add the other Half dozen That from the general Rules there are many exceptions we learnt almost as soon as we went to our Grammar-School This King William is
one that please may peruse at his leasure in the forecited Place We likewise find there declared the severaâ— Wards of the City as they stood in Fabian's Time together with the Parish-Churches and other Religious Houses within and without summed up to the Number of One Hundred Sixty Eight This King Richard in the Beginning of whose Reign we first hear of the Name of Bailiffs giveâ— to the Rulers of London having taken a Voyagâ— into the Holy-Land according to the Religion oâ— those Times and done his Devoir for the Recovery of it according to his Strength the Clergy-men had reason to esteem well of him to humour whose designs he had undertaken so chargeable 〈◊〉 Enterprize So accordingly we find that the Ecclesiastucks stuck as close to him as any of his Subjects in his Adversity For in his Return from the Holy War as 't was term'd Richard being Shipwrack't took and imprison'd by the Duke of Austria and long detain'd by the Emperour he was compell'd to redeem himself after a Year and three Month's Imprisonment at a large Ransom An hundred thousand Pounds were either presently paid or good Pledges left behind him to ascertain the full and true Payment A vast Sum in those days when Wheat was esteem'd at a high Price being sold at fifteen Shillings the Quarter as we find it in the fifth Year of King John's Reign about half a dozen Years after So that for this Ransom were sold the Ornaments of the Church Prelate's Rings and Crosses with the Vessels and Chalices of the Churches throughout the Land Wool of White Monks and Cannons and also twenty seven Shrines scrap't and spoil'd of the Gold and Silver laid on them in former Times No Priviledge of Church then regarded no Person spar'd A costly Voyage indeed it prov'd to the Land undertaken to satisfie the Clergy-men's Ambition and therefore they might well be content to bear much of the Charges and use their utmost Endeavours in the Imprison'd King's Vindication And so the Pope did as far as Curses would go to which was imputed those Mischiefs that befel the Duke of Austria and his Country a little after as the Effects of the Pope's Indignation The Power and Esteem of this City's Favour in those Times of the King's Captivity we need but remark out of Neubrigensis who acquaints us That when the Chancellour being then Bishop of Ely and Governour of the Land dreaded the Force of the opposite Lords who strove to suppress him for his Insolency and ill Government he retir'd to London and humbly intreated the Citizens not to be wanting to him in that point of time But they being not unmindful of his former Behaviour rather favour'd the other Party whereupon the proud haughty Prelate was compell'd to resign his Office which he had so ill manag'd and depart to the no small Benefit to the Land in those troublesome Times At London likewise was it that the Lords consulted together for the ordering the Land in the King's Absence which after the late ill Governour had been discarded and after an Oath of Fideliâ—y to the absent Prince was put into another's Hands When King Richard was delivered as soon as he landed at Sandwich we find him coming straightway to London as the fittest Place it seems to receive him and assist him So accordingly we read of his Reception there with all Joy and Honour in so splendid a Pomp that the German Nobles present beholding it affirm'd That if the Emperour had known of such Riches in England he would not have dimiss'd the Ransom'd King under an Intolâ—erabâ—e Price A little afteâ— we hear of his riding thence with a convenient â—â—râ—ngth to recover the Places that stood out 〈◊〉 him After this by a Councel of Lords call'd at Winchester having deprived his Brother John of his Honours and Lands for his Rebellion he took care to have himself crown'd King of England anew As if the Force of his former Coronation was impaired by his Imprisonment or else he thought by this politick Shift to take off all Obligations that might haply lie on him for any thing done before As indeed we quickly after read of a Resumption of all Patents Annuities Fees and other Grants mâ—de before his Voyage But then it 's affirmed to be done by the Authority of a Parliament call'd after his Coronation After these Passages two State-Informers are â—oted to have riâ—en up promising the King great Matters the Scenes of whose chief Acts were either laid or to have been laid at London One of them the Abbot of Cadonence warning the King of the Fraud of his Officers by vertue of a Warrant from him called divers Officers before him at London to yield to him their Accounts This Place was made choice of by him as the fittest it seems wherein to ingratiate himself with the common People by â—o plausible an Act as bringing offending Officers to conâ—igne Punishment But Death soon cut him off and so put an end to all his Designs The other Informer call'ed William with the Long Beard reported to be born in London of a sharp Wit having shew'd the King of the Outrage of the Rich who as he said in publick Payments spar'd their own and piâ—led the Poor and being upheld by him became the Patron and Defender of poor Men's Causes and stirred up the common People to a desire and love of Freedom and Liberty by blaming Rich Men's Excess and Insolence Hereupon he was followed with such numbers of People that being called before the King's Councel upon suspicion of a Conspiracy the Lords were fain with good words to dismiss him for the present for fear of the Multitude attending him and commanded certain to seize on him in the Absence of his numerous Abettors But those thus commanded mistaking the time and so failing in their intended Design he escaped and took Sanctuary in St. Mary Bow Church where his Strength quickly grew so great by the Access of the Multitude that he was not easily taken hold of nor without shedding of Blood However being at last taken after that the Heads and Rulers of the City had diminish'â— the People he with other his Adherents waâ— arraign'd before the Judges cast condemn'd anâ— hang'd very shortly after even the following daâ— saith the Chronicle so desirous were the rich anâ— great Men to have him out of the way as sooâ— as they could But as his Plea of Freedom was â—â— acceptable to the Commons in his Life-time thâ—â— he became a Terror to the Great so after 〈◊〉 Death he ceased not for a while to be a Dread 〈◊〉 many by reason of a Rumour raised and banded about among the Commons of his Innocencâ— and favourably received of the People even to 〈◊〉 approving of him as an holy Man and Martyr anâ— making Pilgrimages to the Place of his Execution to the no small trouble of those that had a hanâ— in his Death At last the Flame of this Devâ—tion was somewhat cool'd by the
at 24 â— â— Quarter Scarcity of Corn in those days made this a considerable summ Dâ—arer we are told it would have been had not some been brought out of another Counâ—ry which made People flock to the City because 't was â—heaper there than in many Shires of England This is the year wherein the K. kept his high Court â—f Parliament at Oxford which of some Writers is named the mad Parliament because of many Acts there madâ— for Reformation of the State the prosecution of which prov'd in event the death and destruction of many Nobâ—â— Men by means of that famed strife then begun anâ— called at this day the Barons War True the accidental Consequences proved fatal to many But if unfortunate broils give to any Laws the denomination of evil I know not but in time some may grow so presumptuously bold as upon the like account prophanely to branâ— even the Christian Religion which we have been assured at first from the divine Oracles should prove thâ— occasion of much strife in the world and the Experience of these latter times confirm it plain enough to our Understandings Whether the forementioned Parliamenâ— justly and really deserves the opprobrious Title thâ—â— some have given it I shall very willingly submit to the Judgment of any experienc'd Reader who hath throughly perused weighed and considered the Equity Justice and reasonableness of the English Liberties and Priviledges contained in the grand Charter sealed and given to the Nation by K. John Father to this Hen. 3 d which was confirmed in this very same Oxford Parliament according to Matthew Paris as the chief thing then desired and insisted on by the Nobles and whereon were likewise grounded the other Acts and Ordinances then and there made by the King and his Lords For that the King his Brethren the Noblemen and Bâ—rons took their Oaths to see the same observed I appeal to Stow's Annals for proof That these Acts might be kept firm and stable we read of 12 Peers then chosen to whom Authority was given to correct all such as offended in breaking of these Ordinances and others by the said Peers to be devised and ordered touching and concerning the same matter and purpose It was not long after the end of this Parliament before strife and variance began to kindle between the King and the Earls of Leicester and Glocester by reason of such Officers as the Earls had removed and put others in their room Amongst which John Mansell of whom enough is mentioned above was discharged of his Office and Sir Hugh Bygot admitted for him Upon occasion of this difference beginning to arise between the King and his Barons we meet with an eminent Instance of the City's Power and esteem for when the Peers heard of the murmur at Court fearing that the King would be advised to alter his Promise to make their party the stronger they are said to have come about Maudlintide to the Guild-Hall at London where the Mayor Aldermen and Commonalty of the City were assembled to whom they shewed an Instrument or Writing at which hung many Labels with Seals as the King's Seal Edward his Son's Seal with many others of the Nobles of the Land wherein were contained the Articles ordained and made at Oxford willing as saith the Book the Mayor and Aldermen considering the said Acts were made to the Honour of God Fidelity to the King and profit of the Realm that they would also in upholding of the same set their common Seal of the City thereto After this Request the Mayor and Citizens at first indeed desired to be excused till they knew the Kings Pleasure but no excuse at that time being to be granted at last by the labour of the Lords and such solicitors as they had within the City the common Seal was put to the forementioned Writing and the Mayor with divers of the City sworn to maintain the same their Allegiance saved to the King with preservation of their Liberties and Franchises After this obtain'd we find the 12 Peers assembling day by day as if now they feared no colours the City being on their side and valued no ones Threats keeping their Councils and Courts for the Reformation of old grievances removing from the King divers of his Menial Servants and setting others in their places and moreover a Proclamation comes forth that none of the Kings Takers should take any thing within the City without the owners will except a small customary matter therein excepted upon which what the Kings Officers took was straight paid for within the City and Liberty of the same and so continued to be for a while Can any one then desire a better proof of the City's repute in those days Yet within few years following we shall meet with more Instances of her power in the History In the 42d year Sir Hugh Bygot with Rogâ—â— Turkelay and others kept his Court at St. Saviours and held there the Itinerary Pleas to the sore punishment â—â— many convicted offending Officers Though this Hugh Bygot was put in by the Peers to reform as may be supposed old grievances yet power seems to have made him also go astray or else corruption or to colloguâ— with another party Whereof the City in General waâ— like to have tasted deeply could he have had his Will some of the particular Citizens scaped him not for hâ— summoned the Citizens to the aforesaid Court for Toll taken on the further side of the Water And though it was answered that they were taken lawfully and they were ready to prove it in places and Court convenienâ— within the Precinct of their Liberty Yet notwithstanding he charged upon Inquest 12 Knights of Surry to enquire thereof who acquitted the Citizens and sheweâ— that the said Toll belonged to them of Right Afterwards coming to Guild-Hall he kept his Court anâ— Pleas there according to my Author without all order of Law and contrary to the Liberties of the City inflâ—cting new punishments on the Bakers and ordered many things at his Will This year the Citizens had opportunity of shewing their Respect to the Kings Brother Ricbard Earl â—â— Cornwall coming over from beyond Sea where he had been dealing in the affairs of the Empire unto London where he was joyfully received the City being richly hang'd with Silk and Arras In the 43d year John Gysours being Mayor and John Adrian and Robert Cornhill Sheriffs Fryday after Simon and Jude's day we hear of the reading in the Parliament kept at Westminster in presence of all the Lords and Commonalty at sundry times of all the Acts and Ordinances made at Oxford with other Articles added by the Peers After which reading we find all those very solemnly accursed that attempted in word or deed to break the said Acts or any of them The Form of the Curse which was most solemnly denounced against the Violaters and Infringers of Magna Charta is to be seen in Matthew of Paris and this here intimated was in probability
upon Summons the Barons had obtain'd their design but how would the change succeeding have been brought to pass so much to the Courts advantage and the other sides prejudice Where 's the politick Casuist that can here slit a haâ— between loyal and disloyal deeds Obedience and Disobedience the duty of subjection and open refâ—sal thereof According to an Agreement there made in the said Octaves a Parliament was held at Westminster where met as Fabian hath left upon Record the King with his Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the Land to begin that Parliament Here was it enacted the King being present that he nor Edward his Son nor none of them should after that day grieve nor cause to be grieved the Earls of Leicester and Glocester the Barons Banerets or Knights the Citizens of London and Barons of the Five Ports nor any other Person oâ— Persons of high or low Degree that was upon thâ— Party of the said Earls for any matter of displeasure done against the King and his Son Edward 〈◊〉 any time before that day To uphold this the King 's Sworn before his Lords After that was shew'd and Read a Charter of Pardon concerning the said Cause and a confirmation of the Statutes of the Forrest with many other Acts and Statutes before granted by the King Here was an Act of Oblivion strong enough one would have thought to have indemnified the offending Parties but before the end of the Year we find the Tide quite turn'd through variance and difference arising between the Two Thiefs of the Barons Party and then the King's side prevailing Casheers what was done before Oaths held them not and another Parliament â—â—peals and disanuls the former Pardon So that the 〈◊〉 Pardon'd Offendors soon became the reputed Guilty Prisoners upon the old Scores Cancell'd and forgiv'n as was thought a little before The longest Sword will make and mar Laws at pleasure let people say what they will This Party's Might commonly bears down what the other Party calls his Right Edward the King's Son having likewise Sworn to perform the promises which the King had before made in Parliament was deliver'd at liberty and the other Pledg his Cozen upon assurance made â—â— abide in the King's Court and not depart without licence of the King and some of the Barons What care do the Barons seem here to have taken to â—â—rengthen and confirm their Party against any future â—â—â—erclaps How sollicitous do they appear to have â—een to prevent an after-Reckoning and all Tendenâ—ies thereunto Nay how conformable to them did the King and his Son shew themselves likewise â—herein Witness the many Instruments and Bonds â—ade by them for the performance of Covenants and Pactions before agreed on And yet all was soon destroy'd and brought to none effect One of the 〈◊〉 Chiefs helping Penelope-like to unravel the Web they had been so long a Weaving The Ordering the former Statutes made at Oxford which had hitherto so fast united them was the occasion of dissention between the Two Potent Earls â—â— Leicester and Glocester to the ruin of the Baron's Party the difference arose as Stow tells us betweeâ— them for that Leicester not only kept the King anâ— others as Prisoners but also took to himself the Revenues of the Kingdom which it seems should have been equally devided amongst them So that it waâ— the Golden-Apple that seems to have occasion'd thâ—â— so fatal Discord The King indeed and his Lords labour'd for an Union but it fell out well for the King's side and ill for the others that they succeeded not This happen'd between Easter and Whitsâ—â—tide In the Wâ—â—tsun-Week we hear of Edward thâ— King's Son secretly departing from the Court at Hereford without Licence and associating himself wiâ—â— the Earl of Glocester and other Lords at Chester froâ— whence he hasts to Glocester breaking the Bridges aâ— he went that he might not be follow'd till he had Assembled his Power The Earl of Leicester was toâ— wife not to guess at his Intent and therefore in all haâ— sends to his Son to Assemble his Forces Simon his Soâ— with his Forces Assembled draws towards Winchestâ—â— and was at first kept out by the Citizens because theâ— knew not whether he came as the King's Friend anâ— for that they had also receiv'd a Letter from Edwaâ—â— to that purport But it was not long e're the Ciâ—â— was yielded and then the Castle Besieged after thâ—â— the City had been spoil'd and many of the Jeâ—â— therein Inhabiting Slain They were so odious generally to the People that they should be sure to havâ— their share to the purpose in the publick Calamity if the Commons might have their Will The Papistâ— after all their discover'd Plots known Practices anâ— destructive Principles are not in a vast degree much more hateful to the generality of the English Nation in these Days than where the griping Jews in those Elderly Times At Kenelworth the Baron's Party receiv'd the first â—â—ow under this Simon where they were shamefully defeated by Edward and his Host and many Eminent Prisoners taken without the shedding of much Blood At Eâ—yshum in Worcestershire were the Barons discâ—mfited with such a total overthrow and the destruction of so many Men of Note on that side that â—is no wonder that their Interest among the People so visibly decay'd for the future and in time was fully lost Soon after this Victory the King and his Son Edward met by whose Authority the Prisoners then in hold were released and many others accus'd and put in for them Not long after was held a Parliament at Winchester where by Authority of the same the Statutes and Ordinances before made at Oxford were Repealed and all Bonds and Writings before made by the King or any other Cancell'd and Broken and all such as had favor'd the Barons disinherited A Rout indeed A Rout first to the Men that would have had the Laws have been kept and then a Rout to the Laws themselves to Parliament Acts and Statutes So destroy first of all the Protestant Men and Women the Subjects of Religion and then the Protestant Religion falls of course What could it at that time avail the defeated Party to plead a former Obedience to the Power then Regnant since the present Powers were otherwise resolv'd If the Parliament in Being will have Obedience paid to a former Parliament esteem'd Treason who dare gainsay it Little boots it the poor weak Beast to cry the Bunch in his Forehead is no Horn when the more powerful Lion says it is After these Parliament Transactions we hear of the King 's reâ—â—ming into his hands all grants before made and giveâ— to any Person After his Sons Victory the King calls not a Parliament at Westminster least possibly it might have been over aw'd by the City of London but assembling it at a place far enough distant and things having there been carried according to the Courts intent and desire now have at London Accordingly
deny such their important Requests â—o glorious and gracious did the City appear in the â—â—ght of the good people of the Land or rather â—â—ch was the influence she had upon the Nations reâ—resentatives As to the Common's Desires that 〈◊〉 the Counties might conform themselves to the â—eights and Measures made in London and the â—â—der there made against Usury might be observed â—â—oughout the Realm as if they would have this so famous a City more particularly give Law as well as example to all England I pass them over without pretending from thence to draw an Argument of the City's Grandeur and likewise Wave the priviledg by this King granted the Citizens that the Officers of the Mayor and Sheriffs should from that day forward use Maces of Silver parcel gilt as not intending to insist thereon as a more especial mark of honour design'd the City above the rest of the Nation in those days And choose rather to pass on to the last part of this King's reign wherein I must needs acknowledge there was a strong though short contest between the King and the Court But when was that and how hapned it 'T was when the King was grown old near to dotage after his good Queen Philippa was dead and he himself amidst the Infirmities of sickness and old age indulg'd his own lustful pleasures in the lascivious Embraces of a wanton Miss leaving the guidance of his Realm and all things about him to so ambitious a spirit as under the Wings of his Authority durst aspire so high as to the hopes of the Crown against the good Will of the people and the Title of a person much more affected and beloved at London The contest was short and sharp as may be seen in Stows Annals where it is plac'd in the fifty first i. e. the last year of the Kings Reign So short as not taking up the whole space of time between Christmas and the latter part of June wherein the King died and yet so sharp that the Cities Priviledges were in great danger menaces there were of deposing the Major which was at length actually done and of Creating a Captain in his Room with many other things threatned against their Liberties And all by the arts devices and contrivances of the aspiring Uncle who would fain have mounted up into the Throne of the Kingdom over his young Nephews head but that the Londoners opposed him in his designs both honourably and succesfully too So far were they from being Hector'd or trapan'd into a base Compliance with this Ambitious pretender and his flattering favourites desires who thought to have carried all before 'em because they esteem'd themselves sure of the Kings Authority and so lookt upon the principals of the opposite party if not under a Cloud at least under a great disadvantage comparatively such were their fond hopes and pretensions In the good Parliament as it was commonly called held in the fiftieth of this Kings Reign several Reformations had been made and divers at the Commons suit remov'd from about the King as evil Counsellors by the Mediation of the Black-Prince but the Parliament being ended and he dying the old King contrary to his promise soon recalled the former persons before removed and Committed the Government of the Realm again to his third Son John of Gaunt that aspiring Duke of Lancaster whereby the Tide being turn'd at Court the storm fell heavy upon some Patriots of the late Parliament who had been the greatest promoters and occasioners of â—he before mentioned change so lately made of the Ministers of State Now was the time to remember â—nd revenge all things about the King being mannaged by the Dukes order who making use of the Kings Authority turn'd out â—nd put in at his pleasure the more easily to bring â—bout his designs by his own Creatures now â—rought in again into the Government and manâ—gement of the affairs of State which tended to no less than the putting his Nephew the young Prince Richard an Orphan by the Fathers side though not the Mothers from the Crown and setling himself in the Throne upon the old weak Kings decease This it seems had been intended by the Duke for some time but now carried on more vigorously with all the art imaginable A Parliament is summoned to meet at Westminster after Christmas honour is openly shewn to the young Prince and his name made use of by his crafty Uncle to further and promote his own privy intentions and intreagues The name and power of the French as that they had raised great Armies and made new Confederacies to bloâ— out the English Tongue and Nation is likewise made use of for a stale to induce the Commons the more readily to part with a good round sum of Mony to put the King into a good posture of defence to speak and act as a King And the old Knights who in the last Parliament had stood up so couragiously in behalf of the Commonalty are by the Dukes meanes for the most part remov'd and Creatures of his own are made the chiefest managers of Parliament-business so that now he seemâ— ready to carry almost all things before him Buâ— only there lies a rub or two in the way that mighâ— spoil his bowling if they were not timely removed London was not nor would be at the Dukeâ— beck and therefore 't was thought daâ—gerous to attempt publickly what was privately and principally intended as long as the Laws and Customs oâ— the City were in force Moreover the Church oâ— England it seems in those days was look't upoâ— by the Duke as none of his best friends thougâ—â— I don't find but he might have been before anâ— was a Church-Man good enough afterwards as to outward appearance whatever he was in his heart and therefore if Stow may be Credited who writes after Walsinghams Pen he attempted to overthrow it for that end favouring Wickliff and his Disciples who went then under the name of Lâ—llards among the Commons and were as much hated in those days for pretended Heresies laid to their charge for at that time you must know the Nations Religion was Popish as the Papists are now adays for repeated Plots and Conspiracies proved upon them Whether or no it was to pull down the English Bishops the better to facilitate his own intents and purposes that he was a favourer of the fam'd John Wickliff as Walsingham a great Papist and also a Monk affirms Providence out of the Dukes sinful Ambition raising Protection for the Maintainers of the true Religion or else that being convinced of the Conformity of Wickliffs Doctrine to Truth and Godliness He like Herod heard John gladly and did many things at his instance I shall not now pretend to determine But most certain it is from the story that 't was London not the English Clergy that put the greatest stop to the Dukes aspiring designs and dash'd all his Ambitious Intreagues in pieces to his and his Favourites no small Disappointment
For the Londoners being enraged at the Dukes threats and their fury increased against him for that in the Parliament the Duke being President a motion had been made in the Kings name over whom at that time 't is well known how great an ascendant the Duke had that there should be no more Major of London according to the Ancient Custom but a Captain appointed over it and the Marshal of England might therein arrest Offenders as in other places so that 't was in the Military Officers that the Duke seems to have plac'd most of his Trust and Confidence as doubtless his Creatures and Favourites in esse aut posse with many other things manifestly contrary to the City's Liberties at the encouragement of the Lord Fitzwalter who claim'd to be their Standard Bearer by inheritance they put themselves in Arms and acted with such an excess of rage and violence that had it not been for their own Bishop who pacified them for the time the Duke and his great favourite Piercy had that day saith the book lost their lives But they having timely notice fled from the people and applied themselves for safety to the young Prince and his Mother who undertook the business and sent to the Londoners to make peace with the Duke so kind and gracious was the good Princess as to mediate in his behalf who desir'd in his heart to dispossess her own Son of his right To her Messenger Answer was return'd by the Citizens that for her honour they would perform her Commands but as to what concern'd the Duke injunctions were laid on them to will him that he should suffer the Bishop of Winchester to come to his answer and to be try'd by his Peers and also permit Peter de la More Speaker of the last Parliament then by the Duke's means imprison'd to answer for himself after the Custom of the Law and as for the third they said they would account a Traitor wheresoever he should be found So run the words in Stow which being to the Duke reported he became not a little troubled and not without reason in my opinion at the Citizen's Answer and their indignation conceiv'd against him since that he interpreted what they had spoken of a Traytor to be meant by them of himself though as to that particular he denied himself to be one He had been mad I should have thought or foolish if he had presently confess'd and own'd the imputation However from the Citizens message and the Dukes interpretation thereof 't is easie to conclude how little they lov'd him and he soon found it to his trouble and vexation Jealousies and suspicions generally go a great way among the common people and are almost as prevalent as proofs especially when there is a great man in the Case whom they dare not openly accuse and impeach and cannot try for lack of safety and a good opportunity and he himself is not very willing to put himself upon a fair trial and thereby wipe-off all aspersions in the common legal way of his Country All his Tergiversations do foment rather than diminish the Heats of the people who have but the more opportunity and occasion to think and will commonly too think scurvily the less they have to act The rough Message the Londoners sent the Duke we have heard but that was not all They would away to the King too and acquaint him with the late proceedings And so accordingly upon a Councel held thereabouts they sent some of their chief Citizens either to justifie saith the Annalist or excuse what had hapned Long were these a suing to come to the Kings prescnce the Duke keeps them back For they might be apt to â—o tell Tales or at least remove the prepossessions wherewith the Duke and his party doubt-less had fill'd the credulous King's Head The Duke would fain have stopt their entrance and put them off but they would not be so serv'd The Duke tells them that the King was very ill at ease and his sickness might be encreast if he were mov'd to anger by their Speech A fine excuse but 't would not pass The Londoners were resolved on 't They were not come to encrease but mitigate his grief and their Commission from their fellow Citizens they sayd was not to be Communicated to any but to their Liege Lord the King himself They were for no Proxies Advocates nor Attorney-Generals of the Dukes providing They would be their own Spokesmen Well then at last after much ado they gain access and shew the King what had been published in Parliament as his Will against their Liberties and priviledges They excus'd likewise themselves of some of the Commonalties behaviour in the late Commotion as being the effect of some ill men among the rabble whereto they were neither privy nor consenting whereupon the King a little cheer'd up with their coming answer'd that he would not the diminishing of their Liberties No he was rather ready if need were to augment them neither did any such Resolutions ever come out of his Mouth and therefore willed them not to fear but to return and appease the Citizens and to keep them in Peace The Dukes faction would have made use of the Kings Name and Authority to deprive the City of her Charter of Liberties and endeavour'd to perswade the Parliament Men that it was the Kings good Will and pleasure to have it so but upon the Citizens application to the King they hear an other tale the King own'd no such thing never any such thing came out of his Mouth he tells them expresly Set a mark here Observe likewise the conseqâ—ence of the Citizens coming to the King he was alittle cheer'd somewhat better in mind possibly when he heard the truth of the matter Before perhaps he had heard strange tales of seditious meetings Insurrections Riots Tumults and the like as if none were for keeping the Kings Peace but the good Dukes good party such stories had they buz'd iâ— the ears of this weak old infirm sickly King and he as ready to believe all till disproved by the different Relations of as Credible witnesses To hear one side only and stop ones ears to the others defence is not only a manifest sign of extream partiality but also the ready way to be impos'd â—pon by the deceit of lying Tongues and to be kept always from the knowledge of the truth where those near us think it their interest to have â—t so About the time of the late uproar it 's said that â—he Duke's arms were hang'd up revers'd in sign â—f Treason in the principal streets of the City â—â—ch was the hatred the Londoners had conceived â—gainst him but 't was in those days as unknown â—ho did it as 't is at this time uncertain who cut â—e Picture of his Royal Highness the Duke of 〈◊〉 the other day at Guild-hal Whether there â—ere any Proclamations with promises of reâ—ard emitted to find out the Author and Actor â—f that deed I
dearly belov'd Liberties when they might with greater ease and as effectually gently walk them down as a certain Person is said to have express'd it on a much later Occasion The City petition'd and address'd and she was follow'd by the Country She waited a while with patience and the secluded Members that were chosen in forty and from forty eight kept out of the house till fifty nine for almost twelve years space were restor'd in peace and quietness though under some few Obligations And so there was again the face of a House of Commons Being restor'd they dissolv'd themselves in a short time after to make way for another assâ—mbly call'd a Parliament though some thought in thâ—se times that the Parliament of Forty had been dissolv'd long before by his late Majesties death and so might haply think this a needless Ceremony It being most certain that that Parliament ow'd its beginning to the Kings Writ although its continuance was thought to depend on the continuing Act as long as the King liv'd Yet notwithstanding the House of Commons had actually dissolv'd themselves and it was become the receiv'd opinion that the Parliament of Forty was in Law dissolv'd before upon the old Kings death the next Assembly Stylo Communi Parliament would not barely stick to either of these ways but thought good likewise themselves by vertue of their Authority to declare that Parliament of Forty dissolv'd Whether or no they thought that the bare Act of a single house of Commons without King and Lords could not in Law be took for a formal Repeal of the former continuing Act made by King Lords and Commons joyntly and so rejected it as really insignificant in its self though made use of for the time and out of a Cautious foresight dreaded some ill consequences attending the receiv'd opinion of the long Parliaments being dissolv'd by the Kings death whether or no the continuing Act were formally repeal'd by as good Authority as made it lest thence in time no body knows when occasion might be taken to argue that if a Kings death repeals one unlimited Act it may likewise on the same ground vacate all by him made and so by affirming the same of all other Princes since the first William a foundation might be laid for the Introduction of Arbitrary Power when evil minded Pretenders are absolute enough to attempt it with hopes of Impunity I pretend not to determine For I remember my self to be a Relater of matters of Fact not a Reader of Law Cases Therefore I proceed to acquaint the Reader that that Assembly though call'd without the Kings Writ yet by his Majesty afterwards most Graciously own'd and acknowledg'd for a Parliament thought it fitting and convenient to declare and enact that the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the third day of November in the sixteenth year of the Reign of the Late King Charles of blessed Memory is fully dissolved and determined They are the words of the Act to be seen in the Statute-book Cap. 1. 12 Car. 2. This was the Assembly that blessed us with his Majesties actual Restauration towards which there had been made so many steps a little before by the Loyal Nobility Gentry and Commonalty of the Land and the Worthy Citizens of this Honourable City Whose publick Reception and Triumphant Cavalcade through the City of London to White hill was very remarkable for the splendid appearance of the Citizens to conduct him the Gallantry shewn by them on so acceptable a Solemnity and the many demonstrations of joy and gladness they gave him worthy themselves and that glorious day which they had so long expected and contributed so much of their assistance to hasten For which I have a passage or two more to produce besides what hath been already brought For the first out of the supplement to Baker I quote his Majesties most Gracious Letter To his Trusty and well belov'd the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of the City of London wherein he Honourably acknowledges the publick and frequent Manifestations of their affections to him and the Encouragement and good Example â—hey gave the Nation to assert the Ancient Government and thereupon concludes with large Promises of Extraordinary kindness to this his Native City to the Renewal of their Charter Confirmation of all priviledges granted by his Predecessors and the adding of new favours to advance the Trade Wealth and Honour thereof The next is a Commemoration of the Cities Joyful Resentment of this Letter and the Kings Declaration enclos'd in it as it was was express'd by the Grateful Duty of the Common-Council who immediately upon the reading of them ordered a Present of Ten thousand Pounds to be made to His Majesty and a thousand pounds to each of his Brothers And likewise deputed several of the Aldermen and worthy Citizens to attend upon His Majesty from the City with a Presentment of their most Dutiful acknowledgments for his Clemency and Goodness towards them So desirous were they to give him the greatest demonstrations of their affection and Loyalty before his Return and Judiciously Wise as well as Loyal to set all parts of the Nation a good Example to imitate in a ready manifestation of their Duty and Allegiance to him after his Return Neither in this would they be behind hand with any of them all For the City of London as being the first the richest and most Honourable and the Seat of Kings for many ages might Judge it self oblig'd as the Supplementer insinuates in point of duty and Reputation to exceed all the rest in the Glory of their performances towards their Soveraign But whatever the Citizens did think of the Obligation on either side certain enough it is that the reiterated expressions of their Loyalty to the King were Honourable and Meritorious to the highest degree For to the splendor of their former Preparations at his first Reception and Triumphal Entrance they added the cost of a most magnificent Entertainment at Guild-hal for that very purpose richly beautified and adorned whither the King his two Brothers the Lords of the Privy Council the two Houses of Parliament and the chief Officers of State were conducted July the fifth 1660. in great Pomp by the Lord Mayor and the Grandees of the City and treated in a Royal manner with the choicest of Delicacies with excellent Musick and whatever else could be thought on or delightful for so Illustrious an Assembly As if the Citizens thought it not enough to entertain the King but for his sake were resolv'd to put themselves to the charge of gratifying others for their Loyalty Where 's now the Man can bring me a parallel hereto General Monk appear'd and London concur'd and then the House of Commons of the Parliament of forty is immediately reviv'd a face of the Ancient Government restor'd a new Parliamentary Assembly call'd the King sent for home to enjoy his Fathers Throne and most peaceably settled therein without the noise of War or
view the differences between York and Lancaster in the lump considering them under the Notion of one particular Contest though of a long and large durance and throughout with all plainness and perspicuity I can lay claim to shew what powerful Rays of Influence from London were shed abroad upon the Face of the Land For I intend not to Write an Abridgement of Englands general History as having only undertaken a particular Argument relating to this Honourable Cities Fame Renown and Glory abroad Strength Riches and Power at home within her self and the various Influences she cast all over England in the more special turns and changes of Affairs For the rest the Curious may peruse the laborious Works of our English Historians Therefore choosing my own Method I shall make a division of what I have to produce in this place into two Parts or general Heads under which I hope to comprehend the most material Passages I meet with sutable to the design and purport of this Attempt The first containing Instances of Lonâ—ons affection to the Red Rose and the other shewing the sollicitous care and regard she had for the preservation growth and advancement of the White First then and foremost to begin with the Citizens respect to the House of Lancaster who bore the Red Rose for their Badg of their continued Favour and Affection thereto in the prime of its flourishing condition while the many and great Victories gain'd in France were yet fresh in their Memories and Henry the Sixth enjoy'd the Fruits of his Fathers Labours and retain'd the English Conquests therein there is no doubt to be made But I presume I have a much stronger proof to produce from no less convincing an Argument than Statute Law as authentick an Evidence in the Case as the Subject is capable of to be found Anno octavo Henrici sexti cap. 11. where we have express mention made of the entire affections and great kindnesses done and shewed to the said King in all his Affairs by the Citizens of the City of London which to reward and for the future the more to encourage the King was induc'd by Authority of Parliament to give them leave to put and take in Apprentices according to their ancient manner form or custom of which they had some time before been abridg'd by a former Statute to the great hindrance and damage likely thereby to redound to them If any shall require further Instances hereof let them but have recourse to the Annals of this Kings Reign and there I doubt not but they 'l have their Expectations answer'd and their Curiosity highly satisfied when they shall have carefully and thorowly boserv'd the Noble Equipage of the Mayor Aldermen and Citizens in the Tenth Year when they rode forth to meet the King upon his return out of France the Pomp and Gallantry wherewith they receiv'd him at London and entertain'd him in his passage through it and the costly Present they made him afterwards at Westminster And take Notice of their splendid appearance in Scarlet blew Gowns broider'd Sleeves and red Hoods to convey his Princely Bride Queen Margaret through the City in the Twenty-Third of his Reign But when this Daysy Flower of France being thus linkt to the Red Rose of England the Queen and her Creatures rul'd all about the King at home and things went every day worse and worse abroad through Envy and Emulation among the Nobles and negligence of the Kings Councel ill conduct and management of State Affâ—â—rs by the new Favourites at Court and the good Duke of Glocester greatly belov'd and ador'd among the Commons was privily taken out of the way in a clandestine manner to the great and bitter resentments of the People the Citizens soon began to alter in their affections and inclinations and look with favourable Eyes upon the opposite Party then springing up under Richard Duke of York the chief and principal Head thereof whose Sails upon the aforesaid Dukes death being full blown with fresh Gales of Ambition He became a secret pretender to the Crown and privately among his Familiars whisper'd a more plausible Right and Title thereto than the King Regnant himself had though in actual Possession Yet they did not so soon forget their old Love as presently to side with the Yorkists against the Lancastrians but seem for a while to have continued as it were in a state of indifferency sometimes favouring the one sometimes the other as if uncertain with whom to side till the Number of publick Grievances being greatly encreast or else more eagerly and plainly remonstrated to them by the other Party they more openly at length shifted all their Sails and with fix't Resolutions espous'd the Yorkist Interest and so that Family got Possession of the Throne thereby Then which what greater Evidence can there be of the Cities Power and Influence in those Times And yet in this interval and space of time which I venture and I hope with truth enough to term the State of her indifferency or neutrality several other Instances of her Power are produceable for the further illustration of the Point in hand to demonstrate beyond dispute that the variation alteration and change of the Citizens Minds over-rul'd the Affairs of the State in each turn and change of Things though as mutable for a season as the ebbing and flowing of the Sea yet likewise as succesful as the turning or returning of the Tyde in bearing all before them The first Instance that comes to my hand shall be that of Jack Cade Captain Mendal who calling himself Mortimer Couzen to the Duke of Yorke upon the specious promises of reforming grievances and freeing the Commons from immoderate Taxes and Impositions the fame of keeping good Orders among his people and his successfull overthrow of the Staffords with other Hotspurs of the Court at Seven-Oke-Wood had so strengthned himself the City of London being at that time saith Stow full favourable to him that upon the King and Queens remove from the City to Killingworth Castle distrusting their own Servants and Soldiers he came to Southwarke and marched over the Bridg in good Order into the City with such Confidence and assurance that passing along by London-Stone he struck it with his Sword and said Now is Mortimer Lord of London and so possibly might have continued he had so won the Hearts of the Commons by his orderly behaviour and got such an encrease of Power as to give the Mayor Orders how he would have his People dispos'd of they coming and going freely as they pleas'd had he but followed the Mayors Advice who bad him take â—eed he attempted nothing against the Quiet of the City and made good his own Reply Let the Worâ—â—â—ake notice of our honest Intention by our Actions But when he once grew so inconsiderately Insolent as to fall a robbing the Citizens themselves he presently lost their Favour and good Will the honest and wealthy Commons disliking such extravagant Proceedings and
of the Secluded Members that procured a free and fuller meeting of the Lords and Commons and soon after the King was recall'd from his forced Exile to the open Exercise of his Royal Power and Authority over these his Three Nations and made his Publick Entrance in the greatest Calm of Peace and Tranquility imaginable Thanks to the Honourable City for concurring so unanimously to the Revival of the remaining part of the Old Parliament which brought forth so Miraculous Effects as to have an Injur'd and Exil'd Prince fully restor'd to his Throne and yet the Glory of the Action not tinctur'd with Blood Such was the Influence of Londons concurrence of Londons Power of Londons Prayers If then the many instances hitherto related being conjoyn'd rise not up to a demonstration as much Mathematical as the subject can bear I know not what will As for the truth of them I defie any one to disprove me who hath but the least grain of sence and reason in him and as much Historical knowledge as may amount to the sixtieth part of a scruple The particular reasons of the Cities Potency have been shewn and the general ground thereof is as plainly evident For how can it otherwise be but that a City endowed with such Royal Grants fortified with so many and so great Priviledges and exalted to the heighth of Grandeur by the vastness of her Trade multitude of her Merchants Wealth and Riches of her Inhabitants Spirit and Courage of her Citizens Stateliness of her Buildings Preheminances of her Antiquity Conveniency of her Scituation and Regular Order of her Government so Ennobled with the highest Courts of Judicature for the Law adorned with numerous Churches for the Gospel and frequented by Strangers from all parts of the habitable World the Receptacle of all Arts and Sciences the Haunt of the Commonalty the Delight of the Gentry the Habitation of the Nobility the Residence of the King and Glory of the whole Nation so pleasant to Admiration and so populous to a Wonder where many Scores if not Hundreds of Thousands can be Raised and Armed in a few Hours Warning How I say can it otherwise be but that such a City must needs highly influence over-rule and over-awe the Counsels of the Nation and turn the Inclinations of the People whithersoever she please For Nature generally uses the common ordinary means and methods and I do not see that the All-powerful God of Nature often diverts her Course or works Wonders and Miracles in every Age and Season Now that London is such a City I appeal to History and Experience for my Witnesses These are the Observations I had to make concerning the Glories of the City of London and the Influences she had upon the grand Concerns of the Nation in that great and famous Contest between the two Houses of Lancaster and York through the most considerable part whereof I have hitherto traced her Actions wherein finding her most triumphant amidst the great variety of the publick Transactions of these times I think it not much material to give so distinct a Relation of her private Affairs though among them I might likewise find many things most worthy of Remak as hastening apace towards the Conclusion of this Treatise that it may not swell into too great a bulk to the Reader 's Discouragement and the wearying out of his Patience I fear already almost tired Wherefore as to what concerns the private Troubles of the City the Tumults Riots and Insurrections sprung up out of her own Bowels in these perilous Times and happily supprest by the Power of her Majestrates and the accidental Casualties happening within her Liberties or else the many Benefits accruing to her by the Care and Vigilance of her chief Officers the good Rule and Order of her Government the strict Observation of her particular Ordinances and putting in Execution her Injunctions Or as to what relates to the external Augmentation of her Honour her Splendor and Renown by the Reparation of her Walls Renovation of her publick Structures founding and erecting of new Fabricks I pass them all over without a more particular mention sending the curious and inquisitive to the Chronicles Baker's especially who hath treated purposely of such remarkables in distinct Sections at the end of the Kings Lives as not so pertinent to my present design tho' in other Kings Reigns I may have here and there touch'd upon some such Remarks And shall direct the Reader with an Instance of the Courage of some bold spirited women of the City having hitherto entertain'd him with the Heroick and Illustrious Acts only of the other Sex The Relation I have out of Stow who places it in the Seventh of King Henry the Sixth Anno 1428. where after mention made of a Parliament Asiembled at Westminster that Year he gives it us in these words In this Parliament there was one Mrs. Stokes with divers other stout Women of London of good reckoning well Apparell'd came openly to the upper-house of Parliament and deliver'd Letters to the Duke of Gloucester and to the Arch-Bishops and to the other Lords there present containing matter of Rebuke and sharp reprehension of the Duke of Gloucester because he would not deliver his Wife Jaqueline out of her grievous Imprisonment being then held Prisoner by the Duke of Burgundy suffering her there to remain so unkindly and for his publick keeping by him another Adultress contrary to the Law of God and the honourable Estate of Matrimony Bold words and bold women For this Duke was then Lord Protector of the Realm and so confequently of great Power Place and Dignity therein But these were Londoners that durst be so couragious as to say to Princes Ye are Wicked and then the wonder is not altogether so great on one hand that they dar'd to reprehend the great ones of the Age and on the other that we still find such Heroical Spirits in the City since they spring from such a Race both by the Fathers side and the Mothers The Roman Historians celebrates the Memory of that Noble Matron who came into open Court and with so undaunted a spirit of boldness pleaded her own Cause to the great amazement of the Senate for the present that they made an Order to forbid the like for the future What Viragoes then were these English Matrons of London that in open Parliament durst reprove the Nobles to their faces and were not afraid to attempt to teach our Senators wisdome wherein they may seem to have out-did that fam'd Roman Matron in that what she did may be thought to have proceeded from self-love and self-defence whereas these with a greater Courage espous'd another Cause an excess of Charity and Humanity and instead of staying for an opportunity of defending their own Interest upon occasion or necessity durst voluntarily make an onset on the more powerful with sharp rebukes for neglecting the distressed and refusing to assist the poor weak and disconsolate So that the Royal
Arms and forwardness of Service as if the City had been a Camp and they not Men of the Gown but all profess'd Soldiers which they perform'd to their great Cost but greater Commendation saith Sir Richard Baker But the greatest Inducement may be supposed to have been that they never appear'd prone to join with the King's Enemies of which he had good store abroad besides Domestick Troubles and private Insurrections at home especially towards the latter end of his Reign when he had taken away the Pope's Supremacy excluded his Authority and suppressed the Abbies and Monasteries the chief Fortresses and Pillars thereof either by force of an Act of Parliament or by vertue of the Resignations of their Governours either over-aw'd by fear or brib'd with Pensions Not long after which there were several Commotions in the Land which might have much shaken the Throne had the Citizens openly shew'd any inclination to joyn with these disturbers of the Kings rest and repose but they continuing quiet thâ—se troubles were quickly compos'd and so the foundation undesignedly doubtless was laid for a publick Reformation which was more vigorously carried on in the next Kings Reign though I hardly think it hath yet arriv'd to such perfection as to render it so compleat as might be piously desired Short was the Reign of this pious Prince Edward the sixth yet not so short but that it gave such an Addition of strength to the Protestant Religion by removing out of the way many of the Relicks of Popery and openly encouraging the Preaching of the Gospel that hitherto it could never be rooted out of the Land notwithstanding the damage it sustained under the next Successor a most violent and rigid Papist and the many secret Plots and practices of Popish Emissaries to undermine it and introduce Popery again into England prov'd upon them Thus was the outward face of Religion visibly chang'd in the City under this Religious King but yet her power we find not in the least diminished nor the esteem our great men had thereof of which we meet with an evident instance in History on account of the difference arisen between the potent Earl of Warwick and some of the Privy Council on the one hand and the Lord Protector Seymour the Kings Mâ—ternal Uncle on the other The Privy Counsellors having designs upon the Protector and withdrawing themselves from Court got to London with their attendance and taking possession of the Tower made it their business to secure the City to their side by sending for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen to Ely house in Holborn where they were assembled and entertaining them with a long Oration about the ill government of the Protector and the many mischiefs that came thereby as they affirm'd upon the Kingdom attended with a request of their joynt assistance to help them to remove him wherein they were so successful that upon the arrival of two Letters almost at the same instant to the Common Council held at Guildhall one from the King and Lord Protector for a thousand of the City to be arm'd in defence of the Kings Person and the other from the Lords to have two thousand men to aid them with the same Plea for defence of the Kings Person and that the City should be well kept with Watches day and night the Citizens shew'd themselves so inclinable to the Lords that they arm'd an hundred horse men and four hundred foot men in defence of the City suitable to the motion of the Lords and sent no Assistance to the Protector though it had been desir'd in the Kings Name but rather suffered a Proclamation containing diverse Articles against him to be made in several Parts of the City and the Lords were entertain'd with a Dinner at one of the Sheriffs the eighth of October after they had been themselves in Person at Guildhall and on the tenth they din'd at the other Sheriffs after that by a Common Council the same day in Stows Computation five hundred men of the City had been granted to be ready on the next morning Evident marks signs and tokens doubtless which way the City bended and the event is a sufficient confirmation thereof For the next News we hear is the removal of the Protector from about the King and the sending him to the Tower within two or three days after where an humble Confession and Submission was his best security for that time by which he got his Liberty some time after and was sworn again a Privy Counsellor but no more a Protector Had the City sent him the Aid requâ—sted he would possibly have had little reason to have stood infear of the combined Lords or had but her Magistrates continued Neuters in the Case and not been so openly favourable to his Enemies he might perhaps have been able enough to have cop't with them with little or no bazard for he had raised much People about Hampton Court in the Kings Name and conveyed him to Windsor with a great number of Horsemen and Footmen But the Strength and Authority of the City was not to be contradicted much less opposed Thus the Protector lost his Place and well it might have been haply for the King and Nation if that had been all For his Enemies having remov'd him from his Protectorship and thereby gain'd the greater access of Power to themselves and the Principal of them the politick Earl of Warwick lately created Duke of Northumberland advanced in Title and Honour equal with and in Authority and Power above the highest whereby his aspiring thoughts were grown ripe to be put in execution they were resolv'd to have the other touch with him for his Life wherein they made use of the Cities Power to secure them for his Tryal by ordering every Housholder in London to take care of his own Family keep his house and have one ready in arms upon call for the day time and that by Night a sufficient Watch of substantial Housholders should be kept in every Ward So litte durst they attempt without ingaging the City therein and so frail and transitory had been their projecting designs had she refused But with her concurrence what could they not do So then at last tryed the late Protector was acquitted of Treason and condemned for Felony and afterwards beheaded on Tower-Hill much against the Kings Will the Constables of every Ward in London by vertue of a Precept directed from the Council to the Lord Mayor strictly charging the Citizens not to stir out of their houses before a prefixt hour for fear perhaps of a Rescue for 't was known he was well belov'd generally by the People and plainly evidenced when upon a mistake thinking him acquitted they gave so great a shout for joy that it was heard Stow tells us from Westminster-Hall to Long-Arce to the Lords astonishment So fell Sommerset by the malice of his Enemies and weakness of his Friends and we may easily believe 't was not design'd the King should be long liv'd
then Prelatical In the late times 't was once the Presbyterian then the Independent Church and other Sectaries were puting in a pace for a share and then had they succeeded it might have been without much impropriety entitled to the Epithite of Fanatical King Charles brought back the Bishops and so now 't is again Episcopal Should Popery come in it would be Popish Were there any likelihood of so great an Impossibility as the prevalency of Judaism then it would be the Jewish Church If Mahomets Religion which hath been publickly profess'd in the Pulpit preferable to Presbiteriansm why might it not be allow'd the Title of Mahometan And if we should revert to the Ancient Barbarity where would the impropriety be should we term it the Heathenish Church For the Heathens heretofore had the thing though not the Name Temples instead of Churches and bloody Sacrifices to make up the greatest part of their Devotion What a fine Company then of different Epithites of different signifâ—cations would these be for an impertinent Caviller to prefix before that so much applaud'd expression the Church of England in reply to his impertinence that would perswade simple ignorant people that they know not what they say when they call themselves Protestants British Romish Monkish Popiâ—h Reformed Episcopal Prelatical Presbyterian Independent Fanatical Jewish Mahometan Heathenish and what not To such a fine pass would people once be brought when they fall to wrangling about words and terms at the same time that they know one anothers meaning well enough yet will pretend not to understand each other We may have haply reason enough to approve of and glory in the Name of Church of England men though not perhaps in such a restrained sense as some do yet our grounds without all peradventure are as good to apply to our selves the glorious Title of Protestants and we can as properly distinguish our selves thereby from Papists as if we term'd our selves only Sons of the Church of England under this consideration that Protestants at first were such Baker tells us as made a Protestation in defence of their Doctrine and now we are such as protest against Popery and Slavery But to return how contributory this Honourable City was to his Majesties Restauration and how Loyally affectionate her Citizens shew'd themselves to him before and after hath been already instanced Let us then in the next place take a short transient view of her actions and the accidents hapning to her under King Charles the second and see whither she hath not continued still the same as of old a City of high Renown Fame and Power and of great sway and influence all over the Kingdom First then let us consider her misfortunes that we may the better contemplate her glories In sixty two her Parishes lost many of their beloved Pastors in that great ejection of publick Ministers among whom were some that had declar'd in Print against the pretended high Court of Justice in the time of his Late Majesties Tryal In sixty five the great Plague swept away her Citizens by thousands tens of thousands and scores of thousands In sixty six the fire burn'd almost all the Remainder out of House and home and laid in a manner the whole City in Ashes So that if ever she feem'd then near to a very dismal Catastrophe And yet we see now Providence hath delivered her out of these her Calamities and she is become more glorious than ever in the Eyes of the Nation The number of her Citizens is so encreas'd and her streets fill'd with such multitudes of people passing to and fro that those who dyed in the sickness are neither miss'd nor wanted The fire hath made such a Reformation within her Walls and the new buildings publick and private have been rais'd up to the admiration of all in so small a space of time and in so pompous and stately a form that she may be thought like the old Phaenix burning in her nest of odoriferous Spices only to have shaken off her old decay'd feathers by the fire and out of her own Ashes Phaenix like to have risen up with more Splendor and Gallantry than ever Come we now to the late Discovery of the Grand Popish Plot and the times succeeding and therein also we meet with instances of Londons influence and Authority with the rest of the Nation She guarded her self with her own Arms and how soon was she follow'd in other places After the dissolution of some of the National Assemblies which we English men call Parliaments and firmly beleive the greatest liberty of the subject to consist therein upon a new choice when her Citizens made a publick promise to their chosen Representatives that they would stand by them with their lives and fortunes Such a Copy was set the Nation that most places strove to imitate it and the Example was as influential as when before upon the Cities Petitioning for the sitting of one of those before mention'd Parliaments Petitions of the same nature came thronging in amain from several parts of the Land in imitation Look we now upon the City and see how intent the eyes of the Nation are fixt upon her actions and the great contest about the Sheriffs How all the Land seems concern'd on one side or the other and think their own well-fare wrapt up in her security Such sollicitousness of a whole Nation for one particular City must certainly denote some what extraordinary therein And what is it can more interest the Nation in her concerns than the great Influence 't is known she has upon all their grand affairs be they more or less publick Even the very business of the Quo Warranto now depending will administer an instance of her Power and Greatness How do all now stand ready waiting the Event depending upon her success or ready to follow her fate When the Writ was brought against her Charter how great was the Expectation of the people and their longings to know what would be the Issue Some Resign'd but when London appear'd to Stand up in her own Vindication what a stop was there put to Resignations and how rare have been surrenders since Most seem now ready to defend themselves by Law Nay Oxford hath pitch'd upon the same way and method with London Whereas had this Honourable City but surrender'd calmly and quietly 't is a question whither any would have stood out or whether rather all Towns and Corporations would not have strove to have out run each other to the Throne of Majesty there to have made an intire Resignation of all their Charters Liberties Priviledges and Franchises notwithstanding the hazard they might have run by dissolving their Ancient Corporations to have lost back all the Estates given to them as Corporate bodies to the Donors Heirs sutable to the Reply said to be made to the Burgesses of a Certain Corporation when they ask'd advice in the Case Such having been the influences of the City of London all along