who neither write so plaine for vnderstanding as the Scriptures nor yet so currant for beleife It followes in the Bishop Nam nec primatum negamus Petri c. for wee deny not the primacy of Peter nor the names which doe signifie it but wee demand the thing or the matter it selfe now in question to wit his earthly Monarchy Thus he And to this what say you You say he grants the primacy of Peter and yet labours to ouerthrow it when it is prooued out of the fathers As how trow you When they teach that Peter had the primacie because he was the foundation of the Church and that he had a speciall commission giuen him to feede Christs sheepe he goeth about to prooue that Peter was no more the foundation of the Church then the rest of the Apostles were nor otherwise Pastor thereof then they And what of that Wherein then consisted this primacy which the fathers teach and deduce from the power giuen him by the keyes and by his pastorall commission which doe import authority power iurisdiction and gouernment This you It hath bin told you Sir sufficiently ouer and ouer wherein the primacy of Peter consisted though it draw no soueraignty or Iurisdiction with it and much lesse so great as you are in loue with I meane the temporal and the terrible quae spiritum concutit saecularis rei gratiâ as Tertullian saies or saeculum concutit praetextu Spiritûs as yours apparantly doth It is neither keyes not crooke that will content you but onely a glaiue and a staffe the armour of the foolish shepheard whereof Zacharie speakes describing your Pope that idoll in sede meâ as Christ from heauen bespake him long agoe if the stories say true And yet why should we tell you wherein this primacie consists that the Fathers deduce out of the words of Scripture rather then you conclude it out of the words themselues or the Fathers words vpon those words and so force it vpon our consciences that we may haue nothing to answer but by yeelding to your desire Nowe you are faine to raue and chase and cry after all is done what is it if it be not this What is pasce oues and super hanc petram but onely the making Peter cheife Magistrate of the Church so as all Iurisdiction may flow from him Whereas we may say more truely and aske of you what so vnlikely foundation hath this exorbitant power as either the keies of the Church or the feeding of Christs sheepe And doth the Bishop good Sir only goe about to prooue that other Apostles are ioyned with Peter either in the feeding of Christs flocke or in the receiuing of the keyes Which hee hath euidently conuinced and demonstrated to your eye both by the sequele of the text and the authorities of the Fathers The Fathers argument then say you is nothing worth whereby they would establish the primacie of Peter from such places As though Peters primacy might not be prooued from the places and yet that primacie bee no such primacie as you conceit For the verie promising of the keyes though with intention to them all yet to him onely formally the feeding of Christs lambes which was the charge of them all yet three seuerall times enioyned to him because of his threefold deniall of his Lord giues him a kind of prerogatiue or primacie if you call it so which we enuie him not and yet still falls short of your Monstrous Monarchie S. August hath told you and S. Ambrose hath told you the first two that Pasce oues belongs to all yea to all vs not only to all them but the last that not those words onely but whatsoeuer else was said to Peter by way of such honour no doubt is commune omnium common to all at least common to all the Apostles Neither pittie the fathers as most idlely you would seeme to doe in your 19. numb for inferring the primacie from such places as those but rather condemne your owne foolish fancie for misinterpreting so grossely both the Fathers and the places When you say The Bishop is miserably troubled with certaine petty words with voculae quaedam as Caput and Primatus and sometimes hee graunts them sometimes denies them What more iust or more reasonable course can bee held then both to graunt them and denie them the one in the Fathers sense that they alledge them in the other in yours as you peruert them As for troubling the Bishop they are so farre frō that those small words as you say petty voculae that by his accurate explaining them I verily beleeue he hath prouided so well as they shall neuer trouble any man more hereafter § 16. In fine you carp him for calling the Popes supremacy an earthly Monarchy or temporall primacy of which before Yet you repeat it againe And wherefore then did you in reporting Origens words num 2. of this Chap. concerning the founding of the Church vpon Peter veluti super terram as vpon the earth breake off the English to print those words aswell in Latine as in English veluti super terram which is more then you affoarded to certaine other of the same sentence to expresse them twice Was it not to perswade vs that his primacie was earthly or his Monarchy temporall which here you abhorre But let vs heare you in good earnest The place say you is temporall or earthly where it is exercised that is this present world the power heauenly both by institution from aboue and because he is guided by Gods spirit in the vse of it Which I pray you may we not say of the power of Kings as well Vnles either you haue forgotten Rom. 13. That there is no power but of God or the Emperours style which the Fathers giue them Non ex hominibus neque per homines or in the Councell of Calchedon Desuper regni sceptra suscipiens Imperator c. Or Per me reges regnant Pro. 8. 15. Or Inde potestas vnde spiritus Tertullian in Apologet. Or Gregory Nazianzene in orat ad Praesidem irascentem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab illo sceptrum habes c. Thou raignest with Christ thou hast thy scepter from him Or that happily yee are perswaded that the Pope is better assisted then the King by God in his Consultations What meanes that then Prov. 16. 10 Oraculum in labijs and In iudicio non errabit os eius What that Prou. 21. 1 The heart of the King is in the hand of God quocunque volet flectet illud Which S. August so stands vpon that he doubts not to say per cor Regis ipsa veritas iussit Truth it selfe commands by the heart of the King and againe Emperours commaund the selfe same that Christ for when they commaund what good is no man commandeth by them but Christ Epist 166. To make short what thinke you of that Rom. 13. Rulers are no
the right sense and his most vpright quoting of S. Ambrose his words to the same purpose § 1. AS Eusebius describing the raigne of Constantine the Great after the Nicene Councell calls it a blessed time when all things beeing established both for Religion and Gouernment nothing was in mention but the Trinitie in heauen and the Emperour vpon earth with his Royall issue that prayed to these prayed for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Paul couples them 2. Thess 2. 4 euen twice a day praied for in the publike seruice without any flatterie witnesse S. Chrysostome Com. in 1. Tim. 2. So the Adioynder spends it selfe in the defacing of them both the KINGS Supremacie and the Invocation of the one and onely true GOD by his Sonne Iesus Christ And first the Supremacie then the other because Kings beeing as ramparts to fortifie Religion when they goe downe Gods worship consequently goes to wracke For Kings doe not minde matters of warre so much or of the State saies the same Chrysostome else-where and Leo subscribes by vertue of their calling which they haue from God as of Religion and Pietie and of the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Therefore many other particulars occurring in the Bishops Answer to Card. Bellarmine as indeede each of his bookes for their admirable varietie is rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather an artificiall embroiderie then a single monument this man singles out onely these two in effect not ignorant of the relation or the connexion that they haue betweene themselues That it is fatall in a manner as the Orator said of himselfe nec vinci sine Republica posse nec vincere so that Christ should be dishonoured without the King were impeached nor the King disparaged vnles Christ were dishonoured And againe Nemo alteri bellum indicit qui non eodem etiam tempore alteri no man assaults the one but he oppugnes the other for the most part at the same time § 2. FIue Chapters he spends about the first of these two points fiue more about the second and certaine other driblets which he interlaces to the end of his booke In the first is first quarelled S. Austens exposition of Pasce oves meas feede my sheepe which the Bishop alleadged out of his booke de agone Christiano c. 30. Cùm Petro dicitur ad omnes dicitur Pasce oves meas when it is said to Peter it is said to all Feed my sheepe And therfore he is not made by vertue of those words at least Vniuersall Gouernour of Christs Church The strength of F. T. his replie to this authoritie sparing the more ample quotation of the place which in the ende I shall quote perhaps more amply then he though he pretend to quote it somewhat more amply then the Bishop lies in this That whereas S. Austen saies the commission giuen to Peter Feede my sheepe was giuen to all ad omnes dicitur it was because S. Peter bare the person of the Church which with him imports as much as to be indued with Supreame authoritie ouer the Church And to this end Tullies Offices are quoted very freshly Est proprium munus magistratûs c. It is the proper office or dutie of a Magistrate to vnderstand that he beareth the person of the citie And so saies he Peter looses no authoritie by this authoritie but gaines rather § 3. Where first when S. Austen saies that Peter bare the person of the Church and by that expounds his ad omnes dicitur as this man fancyeth I should thinke vnder correction that he meanes the Church onely representatiue consisting of the Apostles and Pastors and no more for they onely feede which will hardly amount to so great a summe as the Papists would make S. Peter chiefe Magistrate of viz. to beare authoritie ouer the whole Church militant and euery member thereof Yea and in some cases of extention not onely ouer them which are without holy orders and so no Feeders but ouer them also which are cleane fallen away from the Church and which is yet more ouer them which neuer set foote within it For thither also reacheth their ierke as they call it of indirect power And though this should be granted in S. Austens sense that S. Peter bare the person of all the members of the Church as no question but he figured the communitie in many things as may be afterward not onely yeilded to but declared at large yet who would euer beleeue that whē the precept is of Feeding the flock of Christ this precept is giuen to the flocke it selfe which neuerthelesse must needes be I say if it be giuen to S. Peter bearing the person of the flocke as he must needs beare that if he beare the person of the whole Church euen in that that he was bid to feede the flocke Doe you see then what a confusion you haue brought vs in already how you haue pulled down the partition wall betweene the Laitie and the Clergie so as now Theodosius may sit him downe where he will though it be at Millan it selfe without any scrupulositie how you haue vtterly remooued the inclosures about the mountaine and made way for M. Saunders his Aclerus as he calls him while you would seeme to set vp a Nauclerus in Christs Church and to be the onely true friend to the beautie of Gods house Yet you are wont to say that this is our fault to take away distinction betweene the sheepe and the shepheard betweene the people and the Pastors and to lay all open to the wild boare out of the wood Nay not onely you confound the Laitie and the Clergie but you make as many Popes by this meanes as there be Christians For placing the Popedome in Pasce oves meas in feeding Christs sheepe you graunt that this commission was giuen to Peter representing their persons c. Which is as much to say as they are all made Feeders of the whole flocke by vertue of these words no lesse then he § 4. As for that you expound the bearing of the person by Tullies Offices to be no other then to be made Supreame Magistrate though it be first vncouth to expound Austen by Tullie whose phrase for the most part is not so sutable yet let S. Austen deliuer his owne minde for this point lib. de pastor for wee speake of pasce and hee handles this argument in the very place that I quote cap. 12. Quemadmodum loquantur authores mundi quid ad nos As much to say as What care wee how Tully speakes Besides that if S. Austen had meant to decipher Peter by those words to be cheife magistrate of the Church vnder Christ for so you conceiue perhaps he would rather haue said that he bore Christi personam then Ecclesiae the person of Christ then of the Church As the deputy Regent of a
his reading this text and the vprightnes of it Woe is me for that diuine man M. Casaubone that speaking of his monument I should speake ambiguously of his tombe or of his writings But what that hath deuoured these shall eternize and now is no time to bewaile our losse Because Peter had lambkins and lambs and sheepe committed to his charge to be fed by him suppose incipientes prosicientes perfectos the leafe the blossome and the ripe almond in Aarons rod suppose all the steps in Iacobs ladder at least as it signifies the Church here militant suppose Prophets and Apostles Kings and Emperors the boundlesse latitude of the Church Christian Ergò quid who can replie with patience to such emptie stuffe Doe we looke it should haue beene said Feede all saue the Apostles or all saue Princes why should Princes and Apostles not profit by Peter why should they be denied the benefit of his feeding why should not all the Apostles feede all the world why should not one Apostle feede another Peter his fellowes and they Peter As I thinke Paul fed him and that with his staffe too tipt with iron I haue heard some construe virgam ferream so Apoc. 2. and Psal 2. as alluding to the sheepehooke I meane with his reproofe and that at Antioch his owne seat not onely with fodder or with greene bowes As againe Iames fed him with viri fratres audite me Act. 15. 14. you would thinke this were rather the successor of Christ of whome that was said Heare you him And againe ver 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To say nothing of Simeon narrauit in the 14. ver Not Peter now but bare Simeon Doth this prooue a Monarchie ouer the Apostles Or if Kings be content to lend an eare to his pipe and to graze vpon such leaues as he shall cast before them the word and the Sacraments that refection of immortalitie quorum vis inenarrabiliter valet plurimùm what is this to your moderne frighting omnipotencie Me thinks I heare Constantine rauished with his note to yeild thus much Be you Bishops in the Church and I without Me thinks I heare Valentinian call for such a Prelate as he may safely lay his head in his lappe but safely beeing the head which is the head of the world as euen the heathen Poet could say But doth this prooue the terrible power that you striue for which is neither of kin to Peters feeding and the daungerousest resort for a Kings head that may be Nay how if the Iesuit haue so mistaken himselfe in his curious distinction betweene lambs and sheepe that he hath cleane exempted both Apostles and Kings from Peters iurisdiction to bring whome in and to range them within the compasse of that supreme power the distinction onely was at first deuised For if oves and agni onely be S. Peters walke and he the sheepeheard where are arietes where are the rams The rams beeing the Apostles by Turrian his exposition or the successors of the Apostles that is the Bishops And againe the rams beeing meant by Kings as Tolet will haue it vpon the 15. of S. Iohn Annot. 3. Two Iesuits you see I bring him and the one a Cardinall made for his learning which I thinke will neuer be his lot But hath not he spun a faire thread I say shutting them out both Apostles and Kings whome by that very tricke he would haue shut in § 35. And so much of his answer to the first exception that the Bishop makes against their argument drawne from Pasce oues meas consisting in the authorities of Austen and Ambrose § 36. IN his second saith he he seekes to retort the Cardinals argument vpon himselfe to prooue the Kings supremacie by the word Pasce for so much as God said also to Dauid Tu pasces populum meum Israel Thou shalt feede my people Israel Where no man can denie saies the Bishop but that a King was made the Pastor of all Israel yea of the Priests themselues except he will deny them to be part of Israel But what faies F. T. thinke you to this Thus argueth this learned and sharpe Doctor ouerthrowing his owne argument sufficiently by his owne conclusion graunting in effect that if the Priests were not a part of the people Israel the King was not their Pastor These are his prefaces if wee had time to ponder them And yet it is almost the modestest clause in the Book of them wherein he bespeakes the Bishop that the Reader may pardon me if now and then I be mooued euen more then he is aware or pitie me when I am compelled as often I am for want of leisure to swallow such curteous girds in silence The summe is that in answering to the Bishops retortion hee would haue the Priests to bee no part of Israel And once againe you shall discerne the spirit of the man who thus sets forward To this purpose then it is to be considered what I haue amply debated in the first Chapter of my Supplement concerning the exemption and separation of the Priests and Leuites from the temporall estate by the expresse words of Almightie God Numb 8. who gaue the Leuites to Aaron and his children not to the temporall Prince Tradidi eos dono Aaron filijs eius de medio populi And againe Num. 1. The tribe of Leui shall not be numbred nor haue any part with the rest of Israel but the Lord must be their possession portion and inheritance I must bee short And so shaking off the Supplement with other idle complements though he is not ashamed to set a trūpet to his Pharisaicall cheeks and euerie where to display his owne worke as if there were no other storehouse of learning in the world no file but this Philistines to whet a witte vpon consider we as well as we can what is to bee said to this point of the exemption of Leuites from the state politick that is from their subiection to ciuill Magistrates for else he saies nothing sith we knowe the Leuites were not lay-men and the Priests Priests not populars Yet he implyes such a thing when hauing quoted the text and not daring to vtter that audacious proposition that Priests were not subiect to the ciuill Magistrate he saies onely this that God reserued them for his owne seruice which no doubt is the true meaning of the place but how doth this ouerthrow ciuill obedience § 37. To speake particularly to the places As for Num. 1. to beginne with that Non numerabitur tribus Leui I could send him to a place as he does vs where hee should finde his answer if Datin be no eie-fore to him alreadie shaped to a man of his coate and as it seemes verie reuerently esteemed by him I meane Iohn Eudoemon of Crete but the summe is this A viewe of the people was to be taken there either as landed men or sufficient for the wars From both which the Leuites beeing
feeding yet Peter to one kind of feeding Dauid to another Peter to spirituall Dauid to temporall As if the Bishop could not discerne the difference of their feedings vnlesse you taught him But Sir thus it is For so much as you Iesuits would picke a feeding of state that is of regiment and Monarchy out of Peters feeding we demand whether it be not likely that if any gouernment be implied in the word Pasce it is rather in Dauids whom you confesse to haue bin a King then in Peters whome we neuer acknowledged to be a Monarch And therefore we say your argument for the Popes supremacie followes not well from Pasce oues meas Rather Dauids Pasce giues him some interest euen in matters of religion to which Pasce belongs after a special sort as it is vsed in Scriptures and Peter is bidde to feed rather then to rule to shew his authority is not temporall nor coactiue but of a milder kind That you say Cyrus was no head of Gods Church though styled Pastor and Pastor meus by Gods owne mouth how do you prooue it No member you say therefore no head But this Eudoemon will help you to vnriddle Though neither hee was ingrafted into the bodie mysticall nor yet linked in the bond of outward profession yet a head he might bee of Gods people by a certaine deputation or assignement outward that is by bearing authority ouer the multitude of subiects committed to his charge of what relligion soeuer which is the onely headshippe that we attribute to Kings I haue read some both Fathers and moderne writers that thinke Cyrus was illuminate and faithfull and perhaps saued Who knowes what the reading of that prophesie might preuaile vpon him Esa 44. as Iosephus witnesses in the 11. of his Antiq. cap. 1. quoted by S. Hierome vpon Esa 45. wherein he was called by his name certaine hundred of yeares before he was borne If this be so then he might bee both member and head in your sense but howsoeuer a Pastor by office and vocation as God intitles him Shall wee see what followes § 41. Whereas the Bishop in like sort had instanced from Ioshua Numb 27. whome God called to feed his people after Moses one temporall magistrate after another least they should be as sheep which haue no shepheard he answers that Iosua was to be directed by the high Priest not è contrà As if direction were not one thing and commaundement another For the Priest may direct though the King command And we speake of authoritie now not of abilitie to counsell Though Dauid is so little affixed to the Priests that he sayes Gods statutes are the men of his counsell that is his priuie counsellors The Common-wealth no doubt is happie where Heman the Kings Seer is admitted neere vnto him vt exaltet cornu 1. Chron. 25. or Benaiah placed ad auriculam Dauid 2. Chron. 11. I meane where Bishops are of the consultation of estate In multitudine boum implentur praesepia and where such labourers are all goes well But yet Eleazar shall onely runne betweene Iosua and the Lord while we neither denie the Lord to be supreme nor yet suffer the messenger to turne the Kings master To the place quoted out of Theodoret. quaest 48. in lib. Num. that Moses diuided his double glorie betweene Iosua and Eleazar as giuing his supremacie in spirituals to one in temporals to another as the Adioynder would haue it we finde no such thing in the Scripture it selfe Num. 27. but only that God appointed Moses to giue Iosua of his glory ver 20. without naming Eleazar And Theodoret meanes no more but that Moses gaue of his Prophesie to Eleazar which was aureola gloriae as your Schoolemen would call it or an additament to the maine not any branch of dignitie or of authoritie His words are Ex rationali iudicij humeris Eleazari adiacente discat Iosua quid sit agendum Let Iosua learne what to doe from the Iudgement plate that rests vpon Eleazars shoulders A great prerogatiue beleeue me and to top Kings Is it not rather to waite vpon them and to serue their vses Lastly thus Ex quo discimus quomodo qui à sacerdotibus ordinantur gratiam consequuntur spiritualem that is Whereby we learne how they that are ordained of Priests attaine spirituall grace We call not the Kings primacie spirituall howsoeuer it extends to spirituall matters though you imputing such a thing vnto vs as you doe afterwards you may see what a hint Theodoret giues vs here if we list to vse it And before he had told vs that Iosua was consecrated by imposition of hands Does not that sauour of somewhat spirituall And how does Moses pray here when he praies for a man to be set ouer the Congregation namely Iosua Lord God of the spirits of all flesh As if spirit and flesh temporall and Ecclesiasticall were the gouernours charge And straight after ver 18. God saies to Moses Take Iosua in whome is the spirit So Platina in the life of Clement the seauenth Corona caeremoniae per quas inauguratur Imperator testimonium sunt diuini spiritus accepti The crowne and the ceremonies saies he whereby the Emperour is installed are a token of the diuine spirit receiued And he addes Qui animum Imperatoris iam augustum augustiorem diuinioremque reddat Which makes the Emperours mind alreadie royall of it selfe more royall and more diuine Was not Saul changed into another man vpon his attaining the kingdome And how but by the grace which he receiued in his inauguration Salmeron your fellow-Iesuit but too learned I feare to be your fellow throughout saies Kingdomes themselues turne spirituall in a manner vnder Christian Kings The same saies Rossaeus with more store of words Sacrum Ecclesiasticum spirituale sacerdotale pag. 526. I might giue you more but this shall suffice in this place § 42. THE third exception saies he that the Bishop takes to the argument drawne from Pasce oues meas is this That albeit S. Austen and S. Cyrill haue amply commented vpon the Gospel of S. Iohn and vpon those very words of our Sauiour to S. Peter Pasce oues meas yet neither of them saw illustrem hunc fidei articulum de prematu Petri temporali This notable as he construes it article of faith concerning the temporall primacie of Peter c. What saies Father Thomas to this For some thinke F. T. to haue that mysticall signification to note vnto vs his Fatherhood which euery hedge-priest and beardlesse boy vsurps now a daies among the Iesuits to beard Bishops with and what Bishops As if the Cardinall saies he did teach that S. Peters primucie is a tēporall primacie because in some cases it extends it self to temporall matters As for the spirituall primacie saies he the Bishop himselfe grants that sometimes as far forth in effect as we demand What the Bishop graunts we shall see hereafter when
What then though the same in another place be done vpon all that is the Church is said to be built vpon all the Apostles and all to receiue the Keyes of the kingdome of heauen and the strength of the Church to be equally grounded vpon them all Yet indeede one is chosen among the twelue that a Head beeing appointed occasion of schisme might be cut off Is this no cooling card to the other authoritie For you that tell vs of dice I may doe well to speake to you in a sutable metaphore and not abhorring from your trade As the Philosophers say the braine in a mans bodie tempers the heat of the heart beneath so doe not the words precedent allay the force of these latter which yet the Cardinall onely set before vs For the threefold equalitie which S. Hierome before ascribed to all the Apostles one of their equall interest in the foundation another in the keyes of the kingdome of heauen and the third which is reiterated for deeper impression of bearing the whole strength or stresse of the Church leaues onely now this sense of caput that Peter was chosen to haue such a kind of Headship that is of prioritie among the twelue as should not derogate from paritie and yet exclude schisme or garboyle or confusion Which is the primacie of order that we haue often told you of and you would faine diuert to a primacie of Maiestie I could not answer your fallacie in a directer fashion yet I know you haue replies as that caput in the last place addes great force to super quem fundata est in the first Which we remit to the iudgement of the indifferent Reader whether so many equalities yeelded to the Apostles in the words afore doe not rather force vs to construe caput as hath beene sayd not derogating from the equality of their power in the keyes nor from bearing the groundworke of the Church ioyntly that is as you construe it from beeing gouernours thereof Besides that Caput is onely a borrowed word and signifies primum or the first in that kinde which we grant to Peter with all readines and lastly tempered with such a modest clause to keepe out schisme or disorder onely § 9. You say there is more daunger of schisme nowe then among the twelue For they were confirmed by speciall grace we not so And therefore they were not so likely to runne into schisme for which they should haue a head As though Paul and Barnabas were not running into a schisme a paroxysme at least that is the first grudging of the other ague as though when Peter confirmed his brethren tu confirma Luk. 22. 32. they had the lesse vse of him as their head against a schisme And though the will of God be to confirme some here yet not without meanes neither at first to rectifie them nor afterward to continue them in their good course to the ende Of which meanes this might be one of which S. Hierome speakes Was any man more confirmed then S. Paul rapt into the third heauen c. yet he struggles with his nature least preaching to others he should be a reprobate himselfe So here Besides that this schisme which our Sauiour preuented by appointing an Head as S. Hierome saies might be schisma populorum not Apostolorum and therefore he saies vt occasio schismat is tolleretur that the Christian people seeing who was eminent in the Colledge of the Apostles might not euery one rashly set vp their principall and so fall into schisme § 10. But at least we neede a Head now a daies as much as they As if we haue not our Head in our manifold regiments Dedit quosdam pastores Eph. 4. Obedite praepositis Hebr. 13. Terribilis sicut castrorum acies ordinata and so forth Is there no Head but of an vniuersall Bishop yea theirs was of order onely and to shun confusion ours of power and commands subiection Besides Kings and Princes which God hath giuen to our times as to feede his Church and to giue them milke which very milke is Discipline so to bring home wanderers from the high waies and the hedges to the feast of the great King that 's to suppresse schismes as S. Austen often but namely contra Gaudent l. 1. c. 25. § 11. For where you tell vs that Princes may cause these schismes themselues and so contemning spirituall censure and proceedings must either be hampered with another coerciue power extending to bodies and to estates or els all runne to nothing and the Church be cleane extinguished you bewray your spirit sufficiently and a man may read your drifts in your forehead which at another time you would so faine couer and smooth ouer Sermo tuus indicat te may be our speech to the Pseudo-Peter as was once to the true Doe you thinke then that S. Hierome would giue this leaue to Priests or the Prince of Priests as you would haue him to bind Kings in materiall chaynes and to load their Senators with such iron fetters as no metaphore hath mollified to vse such other violence as commonly goes herewith Though of you I lesse wonder if you giue them iron in their chaynes to whome you haue giuen it in their crownes as Clement to Charles if Platina say true in Clem. 7. But to S. Hierome How then does he construe these words of Dauid Against thee onely haue I sinned to haue been spoken in that sense because Dauid was a King and not to be proceeded against by any temporall punishment or coactiue hand of a mortall man How does he say in his Epistle to Heliodore de obitu Nepotiani that a King rules men against their wills a Bishop no farther then they will themselues They subdue by feare these are giuen vs for seruice and many the like How does Basil vpon the 37. Psalme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and he knew his power as he bore his name A King is subiect to no iudge How does Chrysostome professe so often that he can goe no further then words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shepheard though he be yet he may not fling a stone at a wolfe but rate him onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Again in his 2. de Sacerd. c. 2. 3. at large againe in the Homil. which is not extant in Greeke but in Latin onely Cum ageretur de expulsione S. Iohannis Statis omnes non ferro sed fide deuincti Tom. 5. And in Act. Apost hom 3. in Morali the people to the Minister are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not subiect to him or in his hands but hauing their obedience free in their owne power Againe in the same place within a fewe lines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Magistrates rule by feare so doe not these viz. the Ministers And yet more frankly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There things are caried by order and by appointment here
Cùm tibi placet quod scribo noui cui placeat quoniam qui te inhabitet noui Hee meanes that the holy Ghost dwels in Simplicianus which would haue made a faire shew in a Popes style Largitor enim omnium munerum per tuam sententiam confirmauit obedientiam meam c. He speakes of obedience yeelded to Simplician who yet was not his superiour Againe In meo ministerio dixit Deus fiat factum est Hee calls it his ministerie or his seruice and sets him almost in the place of God In tuâ verò approbatione vidit deus quia bonum est At least there he makes him his God or his superiour directly Generally of all Bishops thus wee read in S. Austen Epist 168. In alijs ciuitatibus tantum agimus quod ad ecclesiam dei pertinet quaentum vel nos permittunt vel NOBIS IMPONVNT earundem ciuitatum Episcopi fratres consacerdotes nostri What is lesse in imponunt then in the iniungunt that you vrge Iniuncta nobis à Zozimo necessitas Yet here you see imponunt is an act that any Bishop might exercise towards S. Austen euen his brothers and fellow-priests fratres consacerdotes not onely Zozimus So Ruffinus in exposit symbol ad Laurent which Laurence was no Pope though he be called Papa there i. a reuerent personage One Laurentius stood with Symmachus for the Popedome I graunt but hee lost it as you knowe Well what saies Ruffinus He calls it pondus praecepti because Laurentius desired him to put his exposition which he had preacht vpon the Creede in writing the weight of his charge or the charge of his commandement Againe Astringis me vt aliquid tibi de side c. Yet Laurence had no power that I know of binding Ruffinus Lastly expositionis à te impositae necessitatem sayes he which answers word for word almost to that which you bring out of S. Austen Iniuncta nobis à Zozimo necessitas But of Zozimus saith hee hereafter wherein we will attend him § 19. First therefore of Liberius a most wretched proofe Certaine Arian hereticks obtained his letters for their restitution to the assemblie of Tyana and by vertue of them they were restored though they did but dissemble in that they feigned their conformitie with the Church of God inwardly remaining deepe Arians Is not this fit to be brought in behalfe of the Pope to shew how wel he stands vpon his watch how meete a man he is to inherit the trust of all Christian soules that suffers such knaues to beguile him in this sort As for that that Liberius letters were of force so should any other graue and worthie Prelates haue been vpon whose testimonie the Synod might relie especially when if there had beene no doubt of their repentance they should haue needed no other mediatour happily then themselues But because he hath quoted S. Basil in the margent let vs heare his words and see what confidence he puts in Rome or in the Bishop thereof Epist 74. thus he saies of Liberius and his restoring of Eustathius that Arian heretick which suspition to say truth Liberius was not free from enclining thither himselfe when time was The rather might he write in the behalfe of an Arian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Since therefore from thence he meanes from Rome and from the Westerne Churches this Epistle bearing inscription to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bishops of the West since from thence he hath receiued power to hurt the Churches and the libertie that you gaue him Liberius with the rest he to the subuersion of many hath abused it is necessarie that reformation should spring from the same place and that you should send word to the Churches for what cause he was receiued and how beeing changed since in his opinion he makes void the grace that was then giuen him not by Liberius so much as by the Fathers that is they of the Councell of Tyana of which before And in the same Epistle a little afore this place S. Basil giues two reasons why he implores the aide of the Italian Bishops in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The first is because if onely the Easterne Bishops appeare against Eustathius it may be thought to come of emulation and partialitie one Bishop of the same countrey opposing another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But you the farther of the better beleeued Which to say truth hath alwaies bin the Popes felicitie But you see he flies not to them for any vniuersal authoritie or prerogatiue as they imagin frō Peter deriued but for the distāce of the place which makes them seeme to be more incorrupt The second reason is from the consenting of many Bishops together and the power of that to preuaile with peoples minds when there shall be a concurrence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is But of with ioynt consent many shall auerre the same thing the very multitude of them that are of one minde will make it to be entertained without contradiction By which you see the Pope can doe little alone And so speakes Basil in his greatest extremitie euen when he needes the Pope most Else we know how sharply he can taxe Rome and giue the Popes their owne when occasion serues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Westerne pride saith he haereses propagant they spread heresies or multiplie heresies Epist 8. ad Euseb Samosat § 20. Of Iulius and Athanasius I spake before The same was the cause of Marcellus and Asclepas Paulus and Lucian and the rest restored as you say by Iulius Pope tanquam omnium curam gerentem as bearing care of all Tripart l. 4. c. 15. As if euery Bishop were not obliged to doe his seruice to the whole Church as farre as he can which were easie to demonstrate but that I haue done it before and quoted Origen very lately for the same yet Iulius the rather because the prime Bishop but prime in order onely and in a certaine excellencie propter sedis dignitatem as the Tripartite here speakes in the very words that this man quotes not propter auctoritatem S. Austen calls it Speculam his watchtower Besides that this same Iulius is many yeeres before S. Austen and yet he professes to reckon vp onely such as liued in S. Austens time Doe you not see how he labours to vtter his prouision Finally in Sozomene who reports the same matter and is quoted by this man to that very purpose cap. 2. num 8. In Sozomene I say lib. 3. c. 7. thus we read That the persons to whome Iulius wrote in behalfe of the aforesaid catholicke Bishops though they acknowledged the Church of Rome primas ferre apud omnes to be the chiefe Church in euerie bodies estimation as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the schoole of the Apostles and the mother citty of piety not for any succession into the authoritie of S. Peter in particular and yet
the Kings of the Newe Testament c. But why should he taske vs to shew when this Translation as he calls it was made vnlesse first hee shew a Commission for himselfe to enioyne vs such trifling peice of worke rather then he or his fellowes prooue if they can for their blood that the old authority was euer taken from Kings and giuen to Church-men hee calls them Apostles here but his meaning is Popes and Termagaunts and Hildebrands Yet the new Testament I can tell him is no backe-friend to Kings whatsoeuer he thinke of it This hath partly appeared out of that which hath been said And if Kings be Soueraigne by the right of their place Constantine shall not lacke it because Nero hath abused it but Nero shall haue it though Constantine onely employ it as hee should leauing the other to his iudge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Cor. 5. 13. God iudges those whome man may not iudge which is so much the terribler as S. Chrysostome notes well vpon that place § 65. The more excellent priesthood that he would faine coine and setvp in the new Testament to defie Kings with is a most excellent fancy as he aboundeth with many of them vulesse he measure excellencie by no vulgar ell Which the Iesuites will not Dextra mihi Deus est telum They call the Church indeed a spirituall body as this prater doth soone after Numb 50. but their cubite is not Christian nor their sicle of the Sanctuary their arme is meere flesh that they trust to finally So was not the Apostles vnder whose name they march of whome he that said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. Cor. 3. 8. sayes soone after in the same Epistle vnderstanding his calling which these are strangers to c. 10. v. 3 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. If they hold to the first let them take in the second The spirit ioynes them who shall separate them And now lastly to his Numb 45. 46. where he dares do nothing without a precept of Scripture for it so tender conscienced he is wax'd of late Scripture wants no precepts of submission to Princes euen in the highest Clergy-man that a concerning the most sacred duties but Malchus venter amiseruns aures Sloth and Surlynesse haue no eares to heare with they will not suffer them to heare what the Spirit saith vnto the Churches Returning into our way I thinke it long till I dissolue his last cauils § 66. Where seeking to make the Bishop to contradict our Diuines about the extent of Supremacie he yeelds him such testimony of consent with them all in his very first words euen those that seem to be furthest off as none greater shall need for this time to shew how much at ods he is with himselfe that would faine set enmitie between the Bishop and others I make no doubt saies he but all the Puritanes of England and Scotland will subscribe to this c. To what trow you To the Bishops declaration and defence of Supremacie God grant it I beseech him if our sinnes hinder not Wherin is it short then what halteth or what faulteth the Bishops iudgement about Supremacie First he makes it externall then tantum vt nutritis onely as a foster-father a tutour to the Church to cherish it and to defend it But more then externall gouernment who hath of it sauing God alone and his holy Spirit Who can worke vpon our inward man The very Minister Bishops pierce not hither with their Sermons their Censures their Sacraments or what you will The well is deep and they cannot reach it without another manner of plummet then their owne Ego vox saith he and that is all euen the Baptist himselfe the most stout in his generation Till Christ came they caught nothing though they fisht all night Nemo pugnauis in valle Terebinthi donee Dauidveniret ad praelium What is Paul or what is Apollos 1. Cor. 3. 5. and they are made to be iust nothing there ver 7. that is Nothing but Ministers and externall instruments working so farre as God shall giue leaue nay grace rather and concurrence with their labours else they are but blunt and nothing can bee effected On the other side if God concurre with the Magistrate and ioyne the internall hand to the externall the sword of the Lord to the sword of Gedeon no lesse is done then by the ministers tongue or whatsoeuer more wholesome seruice he may performe yea that which the Minister cannot doe with his tongue the Magistrate ofttimes with his hand brings to passe Os gladij enters farther then gladius oris with the wantons of this world that haue set shame farre from them Ebal then Gerizim preuailes more if that mortifie thousands this ten times as many Quia meliores quidem sunt quos dirigit amor sed tamen plures quos timor corrigit See S. Austens report of this found true by experiment to spare the enlarging of farther doctrines and S. Chrysostome in the Appendix at the end of this Chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the needle is said to make way for the silke So that hitherto the Magistrate is not excelled by the Minister in that which they call internall gouernement The Adioynder saies God hath communicated this to man but I rather thinke he hath reserued it for himselfe to be the Lord of hearts and Bishop of soules fingens sigillatim cordaeorum But if he meane by the internall gouernement of the Church the administring of Sacraments the preaching of the word the inflicting of censures c. herein I graunt the Minister is sole conuersant the Prince meddles not with the execution but what derogation is this to the Supremacie or who euer of our Diuines went farther then so in this point So as hitherto there is neither errour against the truth of God nor yet singularitie against the iudgements of men in the Bishops doctrine about the Supremacy § 67. Now for that that he calls him â—…itium a foster-father or intorem a guardian or whatsoeuer of the same kind why he calls him as the holy Prophet before had called him and entitled him by that name when he promiseth the greatest benefit that euer befell the Church I meane of mediate and externall benefits still Erunt Reges nutritij tui Reginae nutrices tuae Esa 49. Kings shall be thy nursing fathers and Queenes whom you contemne what meruaile when Kings thy nursing mothers c. Is this a small authoritie ouer the Church thinke you which the Apostle S. Paul borrowes of the Prophet Esay to notifie his affection towards the Thessalonians by 1. Thess 2. 7 affection and yet not void of authoritie and ruie rule and authoritie and yet louing and fatherly not tyrannous not insulting What is more in the Pastor then in the Nutritius in Feed my lambes then in
Iohan. Adioynd num 44. Col. S. Chrysostome saies he giues vs to vnderstand that whereas S. Iames was onely Bishop of Hierusalem and the countries adioyning c. S. Peter had the charge of the whole But if we heare Bellarm. de Pontif. Rom. l. 1 c. 27. Caeteri Apostoli missi sunt ad certas prouincias Paulus ad omnes Gentes sine cortae provinciae determinatione Et ipse de se ait Plus omnibus laboraui At least as Eutalius Diaconus for so they write him praesat in Epist Pauli Petrus Paulus inter se partili sunt vniuersum orbem in which diuision Paul had the better euery way Conim in locum Genebeard construes this both of all the Apostles citing Arnobius Pro 12 Patriarchis 〈◊〉 12 Apostoli and also of all the faithfull who are called sonnes saies he because begotten through the Gospel And he addes that they doe gerere vices Christi how will the Pope like this and that their Soueraigntie here mentioned stands in the iâ—â—tation of the vertues and worthines of their auncestors And lastly this he calls the eternall succession Genebrard in Psalm 1. Pet 2. 5. 〈◊〉 linyâ—d c. 〈◊〉 num 56. Masson in vitâ Pâ—â— V. Epist 7 quae ad Smymeniâ—s Apud Gelas Cyzic p. 172. ex edit Morel per Salâ—oreum Iesuitam Episcopus habet locum capitis ecclesiae post Christum preshyter Seraphicum D aconus Cherubicum No Pope then but Anti-christ See him ad longum num 40. c Moses and Salomo two famous patternes of gouernment in Scripture each of them complaining of the great multitudes of people committed to their charge and yet but a handfull to the now Christian maruell that Peter neuer did of his if all was so entirely recommended to him as they fable See 1. King 3. and Numb 11. 14. As for Quu ad baec idoneus that is Pauls not Peters Adioyn Seeing that Peter was made head of the Apostles 〈◊〉 of the Church the Bishop cannot denie the same authoritie to S. Peters successors for the same reason especially since the succession of all the Apostles is failed in other Churches sauing onely in the Church of Rome by our Sauiours prouidence c. * Homil 55. in Act 2. a Praefat. in Epist Pauli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pro Lege Manil. b In Athanas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Pertinax himselfe in Herodian lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Much more true in the Episcopall throne then the Imperiall Primas 〈◊〉 in Epist Paul giues this reason why the Epistle to the Romanes is set first quiae scripta erat ad inferiores I suppose it should be infirmiores by that which followes But that helps but little And comparing all the churches to which the Apostle wrote he makes Rome simply the worst And wheras now a daies they conceit it to be such an armorie of faith against all defects he makes them so simple that he saies nihil intelligebant They vnderstood nothing at all As for their morall perfections see Salvian de gubernat dei l. b. 7. Viciositas impuritas quasi germanitas quaedam est Romanorum hominum quasi mens atque natura quia thi praecipuè vicia vbicunque Romani Et ibid. Omne impuritatis scelus omnis impudicitiae tur pitudo à Romanu admittitur a barbaris vindicatur Et Auaritiae inhumanitas proprium est Romanorum penè omnium malum Et Indurauerunt facies suas SVPER PETRAM This is the super petram that he acknowledges in Rome And least you thinke he excuses them from peruerse faith in the midst of so many morall corruptions lib. 5. he saies Ipsae haereses barbarorum de ROMANI MAGISTERII prauitate fluxerunt See Bernard de Consyd ad Eugen lib. 4 c. 1 2. Quid tam notum seculis quà m proteruia fastus Romanorum c at large Yet of late a French parasite Flor. Rem praises that sinke which is the worse for continuance without all question as the Paradise of God and the dugge of heauen For he saies it signifies mamilla in the Hebrew childishly enough De orig haer l. 5. c. 4. num 5. 6. c. One thing I allow that he obserues that it was ab initio obnoxia incendijs alway in danger of fire since first it was a citic that we may beleeue that one day it shal be burnt cleane downe as it is in the Reuelation numb 2 ipso fine Praefat. Anchor Idem Origen in Matth. vide c. 5. huius Masson in Marcello 2. Cap. 1. Idem habet S. Cyprian tract de idolorum vanit Rex vnus est apibus dux vnus ingregibut Vide Hieron in epist ad Rustuum Grues vnum scquuntur ordine literato It is a scholler-like order to be subiect to Monarchy in the politicke estate Also Chrysost most excellently Com in 13. ad Rom. which comment vpon all that discourse of the Apostle for obedience to Magistrates though they be infidels the Iesuites are so confronted with as if it had beene purposely written against their new-fangle deuises finds the like euident prints of soueraigntie in Bees in Cranes in flocks of sheepe c. yea in the bottome of the sea emong the fishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hence Seneca perhaps l. 1. de Clemen c. 19. Natura Regem commenta est b On the other side our Sauiour Christ came into the world when intrusion and vsurpation of Kingdomes was â—ifest as if his errand had been emong others to giue Monarchies their right and to cut short the encroachers sayes Haymo Halberstat conc hyem in Epiphan Dom. Quia enim deficientiâ—… principibus ex Iudi alienus extraneus atque falsus c. De Rom. Pontif. lâ—b 1 c 12. ex Chrysost Hieron Aug. Petrus pro omnibus locutus est Adde Cyprian l. 1. ep 3. ad Coâ—… Petrus vnus pro omnibus loquent ecclesie vâ—â— respondent Capâ—…ag 25. 26. c. Mart. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 captivut pastor non Rec pastor as the Papists would Vide Ioseph l. 1. contra 〈◊〉 Hierom. epist ad Magnum * A pud Theod in Eccl. lust l. 5. c. 4. * At least Martinianus consented to marrie a maid called Maxima which you may do well to see Mr F. T. whether you will allow to Church-men or noâ—… though we heare you haue taken this libertie to your selfe whatsoeuer you are num 12. So cap. 1. huâ—us Alâ—â—ate not finding the vncertaine Epistle of Pope Iohn in some auncient copyes suspects the heretiques as he cals theÌ„ to haue raced it out In like sort Florimund Remund 〈◊〉 orig haeres part 1. shews himself very much offended with those of our Diuines that traÌ„slated Greek authors either historians or dogmatists c. * Numb 16. 3. a 1. Sam. 17. 28. b Brisson in Persicis Cic. in Pis Plut. And indeede Pope Nicholas argues so in gond earnest out of that place from Benedicitur to Mâ— lâ—dâ—â—ur Epist ad
printed copies very ancient then in fowre manuscripts beyond exception One of the KINGS MAIESTIES Librarie a copie very faire written and withall so auncient as before the Conquest giuen by a Monke called Os-Ketel to the Monasterie of Rochester Another of Merton Colledge in Oxford Two out of the Vniuersitie of Cambridge Lastly in an other edition of Paris that retaines those words after the late Rome Copie had presumed to leaue them out by the partiall direction of Felice Peretto afterwards Sixtus Quintus pag. 44. c. Whereunto may be added because the Adioynder makes this his capitall imputation of vntruths to the Bishop that Iohannes Viguerius a Papist of chiefe note for learning and iudgement reads them iust as the Bishop quoteth them Institut ad Theolog. Christianam c. 16. § 6. v. 5. De Sacramento Ordinis 9. How the Friars vse the Fathers when they are not for their turne but especially S. Ambrose aboue all others out of Iunius his report of his owne experience of their Presses when he was at Lyons in France p. 45. 46. 10. Peter the prime but more primes then Peter p. 47. 11. The Vicars of Christ are all Ministers in their degree but specially the Bishops p. 49. 12. Peter feeds all and yet others feed him as Paul and Iames so as no superioritie follows from thence p. 51. 13. The friuelous distinction betweene sheepe and lambs hissed out by Maldonate preiudiciall to the Pope though it were receiued by Tolet and Turrian their expositions p. 50. 51. c. 14. The Leuites were subiect to the Temporall Prince and a part of Israel euen in that sense The Adioynders proofes to the contrarie are answered Arguments for the other side which he hath not answered p. 52. 53. c. Rabanus Maurus in locū praeter alios citatos in corpore Defens sic Quòd recensiti quidem Leuitae fuerint inuentusque numerus ad 22000. sed seorsim Non ob exemptionem ab obedientia sed eximietatem virtutis quam prae se ferre debent Denique 3. Reg. 11. 38. secundū 70 dantur Salomoni i. Regi saeculari Nihil ergò iuvabit ad exemptionē quòd aliàs Levitae dati sunt Aaroni vt pertendit F. T. 15. The Adioynders blasphemie confuted That Christ by his comming abridged the soueraigntie of temporall Princes That it remaines as ample still as in the old Law p. 59. c. largè 16. Kings are to feede the Church of God and Peter himselfe but to feede it Cyrus head and pastor of the Church with some likelihood that he was saued p. 63. c. 17. The Papists ascribe temporall primacie to the Pope for all the Adioynders dissembling The KINGS MAIESTIE is not so forward to challenge spirituall primacie as the Papists impute to him whatsoeuer he might p. 67. 18. English Bishops and among them the Bishop of Elie no dealer in Coactions p. 68. 19. The Swords are two and diuided in their bearers though linked in vse according to Gelasius his iudgement of that matter p. 69. 20. Princeps Caput common to others with Peter and therefore enforce not p. 70. 71. 21. The Papists not we are readie to depose Magistrates vpon conceit of their misbehauiour Their slaundering of Wickliff vpon no ground that they shew So in another matter Wickliff is censured by Petrus Lutzemburg to hold that which none els euer imputed to him though they had sifted him narrowly Witnes Alphonsus lib. 12. contrahaereses V. Purgatorium in initio Lex quaedam accusatoria Consuetudo maledicendi pricking them on without any further euidence to carpe at Wickliff NONE but CHRIST from heauen may depriue his STEVVARD by BELLARMINES owne confession p. 74. 75. 22. The Bishop said right that Peter was restored to his Apostleship p. 77. c. Adde de Magist in 4. Sent. dist 19. § Qualem autem c. ex August Saepè lapsis Sacerdotibus reddita est dignitatis potestas Et Petrus post lapsum restitutus fuit c. 23. S. Cyrill giues the preheminence ouer all to Kings p. 81. To which that might be added ex eodem Cyrill Comment in locum Micheae citat which he speakes of Kings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Crowned and dignified with the MOST SVPREAME EXCELLENCIES 24. S. Chrysostome no fauourer of Peters singular Primacie but against it directly p. 82. 25. Peter the mouth of the Apostles And what though p. 83. 26. Peter gaines the checke by asking Christ the question which the Adioynder would draw to prooue his Monarchie by p. 84. 27. Leoes authorities of Peters primacie are discussed p. 86. 28. The Law Inter claras not glossed by sundrie Lawyers and for that and other reasons iustly to be suspected if not reiected p. 88. c. 29. The not erring of the Church of Rome for a certaine season was no securitie for her perseuerance in after-times The titles giuen to her by Iustinian are common to other Churches and some greater then they p. 91. 30. Iustinians facts of more force to prooue then Patarensis his words And the Adioynders instance against this is answered p. 93. 31. Vniust assaults proceeding from authoritie are not to bee resisted but from others they may Syluerius a traytour to Iustiniau p. 94 32. Iustinian slaundered by the Adioynder of vnlearnednesse without ground His saluation likewise questioned by him very vncharitably p. 95 33. Patarensis his words imply not Syluerius his right to vniuersall iurisdiction and much lesse to the temporall which the Pope challengeth p. 96 34. Euery Minister is a Minister ouer the Church of the whole world in what sense p. 97 35. Liberatus his storie which the Adioynder quoteth hath more for the preheminence of the Emperour aboue the Pope then the Pope aboue him p. 98 CHAP. 2. 36. AThanasius flees to Iulius for aide not for iudgement As any Bishop in distresse might to him that were able to rescue p. 103 37. It was more then Pope Leo could doe to quash the Canon of the Councell of Chalcedon concerning the equalling of Constantinople with Rome The Adioynders foure reasons to the contrarie are answered p. 105 38. The Popes censures derided by godly Bishops and himselfe censured as fast when there was occasion p. 107 39. Other obiections dissolued against the Canon of Chalcedon viz. 1. the Emperour Iustinus and Iohn Bishop of Constantinople their seeking for vnion with the See of Rome 2. Tu es Petrus super hanc petram applyed to Pope Symmachus by the Easterne Bishops 3. Vigilius his presidentship in the Councel of Constantinople with Eutychius his good leaue 4. The Popes deposing of Bishops c. p. 108. c. 40. Pope Leos humble and yet bootelesse intercession to the Emperour Martian to disanull the Canon of the Councel of Chalcedon The Adioynders childish aucupium at the word intercedere p. 110. c. 41. Fowre reasons brought by the Adioynder why Pope Leo had good cause to except against the said Canon though it be
once contest with Iames for that priority But returne we to S. Austen § 13. There are yet two more places behind in S. Austen One Tract in Iohannem 124. an other de Agone Christiano cap. 30. With that we began and with the same wee will conclude But the first we will fetch from his Tractat. in Ioh. 123. somewhat higher Speaking there of our Sauiours repast after his resurrection with fish hony-combe he ponders the very number of the disciples then present and thus gathers Vt omnes qui hanc spem gerimus per illum septenarium numerum discipulorum per quem potest hoc loco nostra vniuersitas intelligi figurata tanto sacramento nos communicare nossemus eidem beatitudini sociari That is That all we which are indued with this hope may know that by that seuenfold number of disciples by which our whole companie may here seeme to be figured we are both partakers of that mysterie and fellowes in that blisse Neither doubteth he but S. Iohn ending his Gospel with this narration hauing many things else to report of Christ he ends it magnâ magnarum rerum contemplatione as he saies making it as important so mysticall you see by that word of contēplation Where first we haue figurari in the sense before confirmed not theirs but ours As erewhile Peter figured the Church so now those seuen disciples figured the vniuersalitie of Gods people that is the Church And yet I hope they are not made thereby regents of the Church though the Iesuites haue a proiect wee heare to bring in more then one to manage at one time the Sea Apostolick I remember Occham in his Dialogues hath a question to that purpose whether the Popedome may bee swayed by many at once And inclining to thinke it lawfull it may be the Iesuites drew it from him and would put it in practise In truth our Sauiour choosing 12. Apostles shewed he neuer meant that one should gouern all after they were dead as these now would haue the Pope to doe in Peters stead But as I was saying the 7. figurers here are not 7. gouernours no more then is Peter figuring the Church or bearing the figure of the Church or whatsoeuer else soundeth that way inuested in the authoritie that this man here dreames of as if gerere figuram were gerere personam and gerere personam were potiri rerum § 14. HEre also that is answered that F. T. in his wisdome asked a little before why onely Peter should beare the person of the Church or whether none was meete for that part but he Wee haue answered it before and the like might be asked of Iudas was there none wicked in those dayes but he not Herod not the Pharisies not any other or could none but an Apostle stand for the patterne of bale and condemnation But S. Austen here answers it a great deale more roundly that seuen men at another time and not onely Peter figurauerunt vniuersitatem nostram represented our whole companie the company of the faithfull that is the Church of God whom yet I suppose he will not allow for Popes § 15. Againe in the same tractat that you may see how farre Pasce oues meas surmounts the Pope or the Popes commission which they squeeze to the vttermost to giue him aduancement S. Austen insists first vpon that consideration oues meas not oues tuas which is worth the poizing not onely in the sense that the Iesuits vrge it as if all Christs sheepe were thereby recommended to Peters charge Apostles Prophets Kings and Emperours whereas our Sauiour neuertheles hath sheepe in heauen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both Saints and Angels which I trust are not liable to Popish iurisdiction no though pasce were impera and sarculum sceptrum contrarie to S. Bernard Not only thus then I say but he addes further and giues other cautions pasce meas not pasce tuas therefore non te pascere cogita gloriam meam in ijs quaere non gloriam tuam dominium meum that was not ex hoc mundo non tuum yea lucra mea let the Venetians heare this not lucra tua and to conclude Ne sis in eorum societate qui pertinent ad tempora periculosa perilous times indeede times the more perilous because all the strife is de temporalibus § 16. Neither doubts he to extend the force of that pasce which was giuen to Peter to the censure not of Popes onely though of them too but of all bad ministers through out the world Contra hos vigilat toties inculcata ista vox Christi Pasce oues meas quos Apostolus gemit sua quaerere non quae Iesu Christi Against those stands vp this saying of Christ so often repeated Feede my sheepe whome the Apostle laments for seeking their owne not the things that are Iesus Christs whosoeuer they are or of what ranke soeuer And a little before that Qui hoc animo pascunt oues Christi vt suas esse velint non Christi se convincuntur amare non Christum vel gloriandi vel dominandi vel acquirendi cupiditate non obediends subueniendi deo placendi cupiditate Which because our Adioynder vnderstands Latin so well we will leaue to him for this once to English § 17. Come we now to the 124 Tractat out of which he vrgeth this Hoc agit ecclesia spe beata in hac vitâ aerumnosa cuius Ecclesiae Petrus propter Apostolatûs sui primatum gerebat figuratâ generalitate personam Which the easier to cleare we may sort out by parcels that which makes for them First gerebat personam which this man thinks to be as much as tenebat regimen but of that before To omit how it is qualified with figuratâ generalitate his bearing the person beeing but figuring and signifying and representing still with S. Austen which is short of Magistracie Secondly propter Apostolatús sui primatum Which the better to conceiue heare we further S. Austen heare you too good Sir that accuse the Bishop for laming places as if no bodie were such a legall reciter of them as your selfe Quod enim adipsum propriè pertinet speaking of Peter naturâ onus homo erat gratiâ vnus Christianus abundantiore gratiâ vnus idemque primus Apostolus Sed c. that is For as concerning himselfe Peter was by nature but one man by grace one Christian man by a greater measure of the same grace one and a prime Apostle But c. You will say perhaps that this is a third kind of aduantage an authoritie more then euer you were aware of for Peter vnus idemque primus Apostolus But there is more in it then so S. Austen knowes but three steps of condition here in Peter A man which he was by nature a Christian which by grace but by height of grace by excesse of grace an Apostle Yet vnus Apostolus but one
vpon vs in your num 27. and num 29. with an ouer-plus of valour that the Fathers alleadged doe not onely teach in expresse words that S. Peter did not loose his Apostleship by his fall but doe withall acknowledge a certaine increase thereof and preheminent authoritie ouer the rest of the Apostles what increase could there be if he was made their Head and gouernour before and not onely theirs but the whole worlds Was it so that more notice was taken thereof For I see not what actuall exaltation could accrew Therefore you doe well to expound your selfe by saying that he was made more eminent then before Yet if you will goe thus farre Arnobius would teach you to maintaine that which you call increase in a more literall sense For that which before was promised Peter was now giuen and exhibited and so plus redditum quà m sublatum as Arnobius speakes Yet no more to Peter then to all the rest as Matth. 28. 19. and Ioh. 20. 23. To all as much as to Peter was giuen Saue onely as the Bishop excellently distinguishes the res or the substance to all the solemnitie to Peter with demand of loue and triple acknowledgement Ioh. 21. 15. As for the place out of Matthew if you compare the coherence you shall see if our Sauiour made any Pope he made more then one without all question For who is the Pope but he to whome the power of Christ is communicated Now he saies thus All power is giuen me both in heauen and in earth And what then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Goe YOV therefore and teach not Goe THOV therefore This power therefore of Christ is communicated to them all by vertue of this therefore as much as he thought good to communicate it at all Either many Popes then that you must giue vs or we you none This by the way That Cyrill of Ierusalem calls Peter princeps Apostolorum excellontissimus I haue answered you before to the word princeps in Cyrill of Alexandria a man of more authoritie then he of Ierusalem as one Sea exceedes the t'other who writ what hee writ when he was yong saies S. Hierome But the Greeke is otherwise then you quote First 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the most verticall Therefore many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many vertices that is either heads or crownes of heads more eminent thē heads What if Peter among these excelled Euen the Sunne is sometime more verticall then another yet he acquires no authoritie among the starres though more opportunitie to worke vpon our bodies So Peter to edifie with the rest that excelled But if you stand vpon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Basil saies of Athanasius Wee runne to thee or to thy persection so he styles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as to the vertex of the whole world And Cyrill of Alexandria will tell you that secular Princes are the heights of the earth and so the Scripture Mich. 1. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom God treads vpon not your Pope Againe Amos 4. Calcans altitudines God treads vpon the altitudes of the earth that is Kings by Cyrills interpretation What is Peters altitude to this altitude 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another word that S. Cyrill vses whome you alleadge is no more then was giuen to S. Paul in the Acts and that by vnpartiall iudges of primacie I meane such as went by meere obseruation to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they call him or the prime man of the sect of the Nazarites that is of the Christian Church not onely of the twelue To the place of Opratus Solus accepit claues caeteris communicandas Onely Peter receiued the Keyes to be imparted to others What more to our purpose what lesse to yours Does not this confirme all that we haue said before and ouerthrow you Onely Peter tooke them as an instance of vnitie as a pledge of the body as you haue often heard out of S. Austen before but neither in his owne name nor to be kept by him or swaied by him but communicandas caeteris to be imparted to the rest and made common to all Eucherius wittily Peter receiued the keyes but Paul was rapt to the third heauen How could that be if he had not the keyes And Clemens in Eusebius before quoted lib. 2. cap. 1. saies generally of the three that they cōmunicated it to others what they had heard of Christ These were Peter Iames and Iohn But that was doctrine that Clemens spake of yet the like no doubt holds in the Keyes after a sort at least de possibili without any disparagement to the communitie of the Apostles § 51. Chrysostomes authoritie mooues lesse then any other who in his Commentaries vpon S. Iohn at that very place where of all the strife is viz. Pasce oues meas saies that Iohn as well as Peter receiued the gouernment of the whole world from Christ which is enough to ouerthrow Peters monarchie euen when Chrysoft shall say that he was made gouernour of the whole world by pasce oues meas For how can that now be speciall to Peter I could affoard you better places out of Chrysostome my selfe as that Christ gaue power to Peter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to carry all afore him This no doubt would serue the Popes turne right finely to tosse the ball whither he list to raigne and to ruffle in the Church at his pleasure But is any so madde as to thinke that Chrysostome meant any such thing And yet suppose he did he saies the same of Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Epist ad Coloss id est cap. 4. v. 9. adding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 euen as Paul thought good For that you bring out of his 2. booke de Sacerdot you should haue specified the chapter and we would haue closed with you better In the Greeke I finde nothing but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which before out of S. Cyrill in the very superlatiue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But in the same chap. he saies which is the first of that booke that Christ committed his flocke by Pasce oues meas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Peter and them after him And least you thinke he meanes onely the Popes he applies it to himselfe not yet so much as Bishop but onely called to single priesthood that he should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suppose you like a Peter i. be set ouer all the substance of Gods house And farther he saies he is to doe those things which Peter if he did should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. goe beyond the rest of the Apostles Doe you see then how all the prerogatiue of Peter is built vpon his practise and good desert not absolutely cleauing to him and his Nay no more saies Chrysost then extends to euery good Pastor I might contemne your Latine now to which nothing is answerable in the Greeke Yet suppose it were so as you
auouch AVTHORITATE praeditum ac reliquis item Apostolis longè praecellere Is this arguing for a Iesuit Which all put together doth not shew so much as that Peter had any authoritie ouer the Apostles Vnlesse you thinke because he had authoritie therfore they had none This were prettie if you could worke it but neuer out of Chrysostome And yet longè praecellere is worse then so of gifts of qualities not of iurisdiction And I beleeue if the truth were knowne that same very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I quoted euen now nothing to their purpose In summe if S. Peter had all the authoritie that Chrysost giues the Priest in his book of priesthood it would not serue the Pope who is for temporall and coactiue which Chrysost denies tooth and nayle cap. 2. 3. c. of the afore-said Another place you bring out of Chrysost cap. vlt. in Euang. Ioh. that Peter was the mouth of the Apostles And you might haue added that of Dauid I will giue praise with the best member that I haue meaning the mouth or the tongue for els what gaine you by this bargaine And againe Awake my glorie that is my tongue say the Interpreters because the tongue is the glorie of a man Psalm 56. Casaubone will shew you and that most excellently that the mouth is put in a diminutiue sense and notes ministerie not supremacie office and paines not authoritie And so we might say of the head which Peter was as the forwardest to resolue ad respondendum faciendum paratissimus saies S. Cyrill as including both This was his disposition not his commission Of late the Pope hath left both the head and the mouth and betakes him to the hands S. Bernard had challenged him for it long agoe for liuing by his hands not as S. Paul and the olde Monkes which is tedious to you to heare of but he meant of bribes we of forcible and coactiue execution Brachia mea iudicabunt populos as if he tooke it literally and to himselfe And could you not for a neede finde in your heart to construe caput congregationis after S. Austens meaning as a figure of generalitie and representing the whole bodie What a scandall will it be for Iesuits to encounter such a worke and of so reuerend a Prelate with no better speares then one might make of fennell stalks breaking into fitters with the least crush and which if a man should answer but as many waies as he might it would be intolerable § 52. That which followes is as idle that Christ did not vpbraid S. Peter for his sinne as if he doth any Iam. 1. 5. either for grace affoarded or faults pardoned That Peter had the care of his brethren committed to him as if we imagined Peter such a Cain that cryed What haue I to looke to my brother But he is confident now that was fearefull afore to aske 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Why not then rather superiour when he might set Iohn a work to doe as he directed Besides great charges make not confident but carefull rather and solicitous surely as extraordinarie fauours binde to awe flesh not in pride vnlesse it be fooles The approoued loue of our Sauiour Christ in receiuing him to grace and setling him in his Apostleship or if you would suffer me to speake so in restoring him might adde spirit to him which is S. Chrysostomes meaning not as you construe him But alas what did Peter get by asking that question What not secret censure but open check at our Sauiours hands Quid ad te what preiudice to his discretion let S. Cyrill shew you But two faults onely Curiositie and Desire to haue other men partakers of his miseries This is the inbred corruption of our nature Communiter insitum hominibus saith S. Cyrill vt optent si quid periculi subituri sint non se esse solos sed caeteros etiam aut videre pati aut passos audire aut passuros esse It is the nature of men if they be to slide into any daunger to wish not to be alone but either to see others to suffer or to heare of them that haue suffered or that they shall and must at least suffer the same So Peter Hearing that he must suffer he asked whether Iohn should escape or no. As for Si me amas fratrum curam suscipe if cura fratrum be the boundlesse Monarchie little neede he wooe Popes to that place by so stiffe a coniuration as Si amas me Aske Iulius the second who when his friends were offended with him for offering too largely for the Popedome he said None that knew the worth of that place would stick at any gifts whereby to compasse it Aske Praetextatus the heathen Make me Pope saies he and I will be a Christian. Yet this is your Si amas me suscipe curam fratrum It were infinit to go through all I will conclude with Mr. Casaubones most worthie obseruation that if Peter were the Head and Rector intended as you imagine what neede S. Chrysostome make the question Quare Petrum omissis caeteris affatur de his rebus why does our Sauiour conferre with Peter about these matters skipping by the rest For euery man might see it were the due of his place And so much of S. Chrysostome § 53. THE last of them whose authoritie you alleadge is S. Leo your owne Pope and not a little addicted to the amplyfying of the Phylacteries of his owne sea as his MAIESTIE hath told you in his Apology most plentifully but all as it seemes vpon the deafe side For you will not heare nor bee charmed Yet what sayes Leo The charge of feeding the sheepe of Christ was more specially commended to Peter Ep. 89. A most true word But the Bishop tels you how Praeceptum ad omnes Solennit as ad illum So Peter more specially receiued the keies for hee receiued them saies S. Austen as the Churches proxey but communicandas cum omnibus to bee imparted to all as Optatus told you but verie lately But in an other place Ser. 3. de Assump ad Pontif. what brings he That Peter was chosen out of the whole world to haue the cheife charge of the vocation of the Gentiles and of all the Apostles and of all the Fathers of the Church Here is nothing for your turne saue that Peter was chosen to haue the charge of the Apostles But to the calling of the Gentiles though all helped yet none might compare with S. Paul for that matter who therefore calls himselfe the Apostle of the Gentiles and least you thinke he gloses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in faith and veritie 1. Tim. 2. 7. Neither doe wee denie that Peter might haue the charge of the Apostles yet no commaunding charge but either as ferrum acuit ferrum as Salomon saies one iron whets and sharpens another so the face of one brother to quicken another by his encouragements Confirma
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What should we heare Patarensis his words as long as we see Iustinians deedes Iustinian banisheth Sylverius is banished Patarensis pleads for him Who is the Superiour Not because the words that this pleader vsed in Sylverius his behalfe to magnifie his reputation could not otherwise be answered as shall appeare anon but beeing a namelesse person and no where else mentioned which is worthy your marking the Bishop shooke off both him and the Cardinall in the aforesaid fashion So the valiant beast little mooued with the dog or the hunters staffe goes on his iourney minding other matters as we read in the Poet Et tergo decutit hastas By this reason say you neuer any thing in the world was so wickedly done but it may be iustified For howsoeuer it bee reprehended by holy graue or learned men those that list to iustifie the fact may say Facta cum videamus verba quid audiamus When we see the deed what should we heare words c. As though it were not one thing to iustifie a thing done by the simple doing of it against all that might be excepted or controlled in it concerning the wickednesse and another thing to auouch the power of the doer or the authority of the doer who howsoeuer abusing the aduantage of his place yet he doth no more then in that right he may and his deeds passe for vncontrolled As Nero as Herod as Pilate whome you alleadge Meritum criminis not alwaies going with ordo potestatis and ordo potestatis often hauing his course where there is no meritum criminis For neither when Syluerius was banished by Iustinian doe we iustifie Iustinian as hauing done well though we bid you marke what Iustinian did but rather point at his authoritie euidenced by such actions nor if we would prooue the power of heathen Caesar ouer our Sauiour Christ condemned by his deputy and at length crucified are wee therefore to be thought to approoue his deed or the vse of his iurisdiction And yet I hope it shewes where the authoritie rested and how true it was that our Sauiour said Non haberes potestatem in me nisi desuper datam for so much as our Sauiour neuer excepted against him as an incompetent Magistrate but willingly submitted himselfe to the very death According as S. Andrew of whome we read in the Decrees that beeing condemned to die by the Lieftenant of Achaia when some would haue reskued him he desired them not Quaeso ne impedite martyrium meum I pray good people disturbe not my martyrdome Who if pyrats or theeues had offered him this violence without any lawfull calling of Magistracie I suppose he would not haue refused to haue saued himselfe by all honest meanes As S. Paul did against whipping Act. 22. He opposed saies S. Austen his ciuill priuiledge to defend him in the assault of his sacred faith as the left hand holds out it selfe to protect the right What so naturall Cùm percuteretur dextra opponeb at sinistram in Psal 120. And most excellently to our purpose the same Father againe Epist 48. to shew that power howsoeuer vsed is from God Terror temporalium potestatum saies he quando veritatem oppugnat iustis fortibus gloriosa probatio est infirmis periculosa tentatio Quando autē VERITATEM PRAEDICAT errantibus cordatis vtilis admonitio est insensatis invtilis afflictio NON EST TAMEN POTESTAS NISI A DEO c. No iniquitie can abolish authoritie And yet by your leaue Sir howsoeuer you excuse Sylvenius in your relation how the matter passed as I can not blame you if you be loath to haue more traytours registred in the beadroll of your Popes then needes you must both Procopius and Euagrius lib. 4. cap. 19. shew that he was held in suspition of high treason as drawing the Gothes to besiege the citie and an author of your owne Papyr Masson can hardly acquit him as in all likelihood sauouring of olde rellikes and hauing a Goth in his bellie since his first education Fortè enim amantior Gothicarum partium erat Sylverius Frusinone genitus and as Pope now able to giue countenance among the citizens to trayterous attempts Neither was this any cause that Euagrius mentions or in the least sort points at why Iustinian afterward was stricken of God but rather his hereticall declining from the faith Now we neuer denied but Emperours if they be men may fall into heresie but euen in heresie we so free them from the feare of earthly controll as tremblingly we referre them to the heauenly censure Neither yet for lacke of learning was Iustinian punished nor it may be for want of that so much as seduced to heresie though you would gladly insinuate so much out of Suidas sith many wanting learning haue both knowne the right faith and kept it to the ende I am sure Pope Iohn in the Epistle that begins Inter claras of which before cals him edoctum Ecclesiasticis disciplinis taught in Church-learning or Church-disciplines Suidas also at the place that you quote out of him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a most orthodoxe Emperour And yet had it bin otherwise neither you Mr. F. T. nor any of your side remembring your Popes neede greatly to obiect the defects of learning to a secular Emperour many of the Popes comming to their preferment as if it were by that rule which Aquinas cites out of the 70. Psal when he would defend such proceedings but not from his heart Propterea quòd non cognovi literaturam ideo introibo in potentias Domini And was it learning or charitie that you lacked trow when you said that Euagrius places Iustinian in hell to endure penalties whereas he onely saies he was taken from hence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to abide the triall of the places beneath Which not onely your owne Popish relligion holding more vnderground places then hell but the right faith would teach you so to constiue as should be no preiudice to Iustinians salvation You cite also Euagrius about the suddenesse of his death as a punishment of God which Euagrius mentions not in the least word but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invisibly stricken vnlesse you will say suddenly because hee fore-sawe not his death comming which who does Else he raigned in all about 39. yeares As for the words of Paterensis whome you call from Patera as if your mind were in pateris or your selfe dignum patellâ operculum a worthy champion for such a wooden Bishop whome no bodie vouchsafes to knowe like another Democritus comming to Athens saue onely Liberatus and that in the very place which Surius your owne author finds euident footsteps of egregious forgerie in ab improbo nebulone quodam conficta videntur and nescio quid monstri parturire which if any such bee I see not but it may reach to this storie of your man of Patara being both in the
it was exalted by consent to be a patriarchall Sea and not euery such neither but the second in order and setting that aside equall to Rome in all respects Else neither should this Canon haue suffered such opposition you may bee sure at the Bishop of Romes hands nor needed the Fathers to name this so distastfull equalitie with Rome in the bodie of the Canon if nothing but the ordaining of Bishops had been assigned him which other Patriarches exercise in their diocesse as well as the Bishop of Rome without his repining And yet lastly you may remember that the Canon of Nice describing the preheminence of the Bishop of Rome as a patterne of Patriarchship vtters it in those words of Ruffinus translation quòd Ecclesiarum suburbicariarum curam habeat that he hath care of the Churches that are abutting vpon the citie to which Canon of Nice spreading so the iurisdiction of the Church of Rome this Canon of Chalcedon may seeme to allude mentioning so many Churches as you here recite and all of them subiect to the Sea of Constantinople § 8. As for that you thrust in here vpon verie small occasion of Athanasius of Alexandria appealing to Iulius Bishoppe of Rome to shewe that Alexandria was subiect to Rome if you meane the subiection of order and ranke it is nothing to the matter and yet it followeth not by your leaue out of your example The subiection of authoritie is that which we contend about and yet that much lesse may be gathered from hence For neither did Athanasius flee to Iulius alone but with his companie of Bishops as his letters shew that he brought in his behalfe Omnibus vbique Catholicae Ecclesiae Episcopis i. To all the Bishops of the Catholicke Church and againe Hac quidem ad omnes ad Iulium scripsere i. This they wrote to Iulius and to all And the Church that enioies more flourishing fortunes or whose arme God hath strengthened with temporall prosperitie may bee sought vnto of the distressed though not subiect to it by any dutie of obedience as one King sayes the Orator easily rescues and succors another though not referring to him by subiection no more then Mithridates did to Tigranes as also I doubt not but if Iulius had suffered wrong and Athanasius could haue holpe him neither would Iulius haue disdained to craue his assistance nor Athanasius haue refused him no more then the aforesaid Bishop of Patara did to sue for Syluerius and to sheild him all he could against the rage of Iustinian as euen now you told vs and yet he of Patara much inferiour to the other without question § 9. But to deale more liberally with the Bishop in this point put case say you that the Councell of Chalcedon did meane to giue to the Church of Constantinople that equality with the Sea of Rome which he affirmeth yet he should nothing gaine by it but rather it confirmes the primacie of Pope Leo whose onely authority was able to quash it How is that prooued First because the Canon tooke not place presently Which is no more then happens for the most part to any lawe to haue slower execution then it hath making But does it follow from hence that either the Bishop alleages a counterfeit Canon for by this reason you may cauill any Canon in the booke or that Leo's authority was of force to disanull it Let vs breifly looke into it as not much to our purpose For in truth what ende may we looke for of dispute if so pregnant allegations be reckoned for counterfeit By a few heads we may iudge of all the rest You obserue 4. things out of Gelasius his Epistle to the Bishops of Dardania to disprooue the Canon § 10. One that Martian praysed Leo for not suffering the old Canons to be violated in that point and yet himselfe zealous for the aduancement of Constantinople The answer is most easie He might take Leo's excuse in good part as grounded vpon pretence of conscience not to crosse the Canons though it was so farre from beeing sound that both Leo might haue altered them as your selfe confesse positiue Canons and afterward it was altered euen by a generall Councell if that of Lateran at least was general as you acknowledge And I hope Sir I may praise Constancy euen in mine aduersary and in a wrong matter though I could wish his constancy were better imployed So might Martian with Leo and somewhat the rather to induce him by addoulcings for direct thwarting alienates rather Is this a good reason now why the Canon should be no Canon or this also scored among the Bishops forgeries § 11. You say secondly that Anatolius in fauour of whom the Canon was made beeing rebuked by Leo for his forwardnes to preferre it deriued the fault vpon the Clergy of Constantinople and said it was positum in ipsius potestate Leo might chuse whether he would grant it or no. Answer That the Clergie of Constantinople concurred to the making of it I hope good Sir derogates not from the Canon but rather fortifies it as likewise the consent of so many other Bishops and if Leo's shake bestriding his praye that is the honour of his seate the singularity rather affrighted Anatolius and startled lentum illum Heli as he calls him that timorous old man what is that to the antiquating of the Decree of a Synode and so populous a Synode as this was For I hope the Canon was not so in fauour of Anatolius whatsoeuer you prattle but that much rather of his Sea then of his person as both the reason shewes which the Canon contaynes drawne as you may remember from the Imperiall city and Martians loue was to the city not to the man Yea it rather tooke place you say after his death What then doe you tell vs of Anatolius § 12. Your third obseruation that Pope Simplicius was as loath to yeild to Leo the Emperour for the aduancement of Constantinople as Leo the Pope had beene to the Emperour Martian in the same cause prooues nothing against the Canon vnlesse it be graunted that the Pope hath a negatiue voice in the making of them which is the thing in question betweene you and vs therefore to be prooued not to be presumed But if you meane that it took not place so soone you haue your answer before it brake out at last like fire in the bones and that 's enough § 13. With like facility to your Quartum Notabile that Acacius obtained the censures of Pope Felix and executed them vpon the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch What then As if one Bishop may not craue aide of another to represse abuses when he cannot doe it himselfe euen as they in Peters boate beckened to the next to come and helpe them for your primacie is that Moses taken out of the waters by your owne description so here Acacius becken to Peter that is to the Pope himselfe as you dreame Neither
thinke you that Acacius was the Popes mā to execute his pleasure but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Homer sayes And congregatis vobiscum vnà cum meospiritu as in all excommunications so specially I suppose when Patriarches are to be censured Does not Gelasius say so in the Epistle that you quote Ipso quoque Acacio postulante vel exequente Where you see what execution Acacius performed namely with which Postulation might well stand which is not the ministers or the vnder-officers part to demand censure against offenders but only to lay it on as is enioyned We read in the same Epistle that Acacius proceeded against other two Patriarches of the aforesaid Seas whereof one was Calendion whome Gelasius names the other vnnamed onely qualiscunque Catholicus as Gelasius styles him and that neither with a Synods as Gelasius there sayes nor by censure obtained from the Sea of Rome for ought that hee implyes but belike of his owne head yet Acacius had no authoritie ouer the aforesaid Patriarches No more then hath the Pope ordinary ouer them whome in casu and quantum fas est he may offer to excommunicate when they are otherwise incorrigible And therfore this prooues no Supremacie neither of the Pope aboue other Patriarches that Acacius as you say executed his censures § 14. What should I say of them that withstood these censures of the Pope and despised them and yet godly men and allowed by the Church Which shewes that they breath from no such power as you imagine See Austen contra Donatist l. 5. c. 25. of Cyprian not forfeiting his freehold in the Church though he were one of them quos Stephanus Papa abstinendos putauerat whome Stephen Pope doomed with excommunication Irenaeus censured Victors censuring of the Churches of Asia where Baronius would triumph vpon the name of Victor as if straightway victorie went with Rome but giue me Irenaeus for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in choro nostro the supremacie will goe rather on his side Blessed are the peacemakers So likewise did Polycrates if you regard names so much a man compounded of multitudes and power which two endowments your Church much delights in Anicetus a pretie name too to guggle Baronius yet resisted by Polycarpus not abhorring in his nomenclature frō the Churches propertie Esa 54. Paulinus in his Epistle ad Sulpitium Seuerum calls the buzze of the Pope or the bull as you tearm it vacui murmur culicis the trumpeting or the wheesing of a silly gnat that was all he set by it Tertullian hath many flings at him as Pamelius will tell you and no maruell for the rigour he sustained among them S. Hilarie to Liberius Quotapars orbis es tu as much to say as what are you sir that you should so take on And sometime other Bishops did as much for the Pope I meane they excommunicated him no bodie controlling them For it is ius commeabile or ius reciprocum passing and walking from the one to the other In the Councel of Ephesus the Bishops that held with Cyrill and Memnon Scire autem volumus vestram sanctitatem c. We doe you to wit euen you the Popes Legates representing his person that if you despise ought of these things you are thereby shut out from our Communion what was that in effect but excommunication Lastly you tell vs that Acacius obeyed the Pope for a time as much to say as while hee listed himselfe And euen Gelasius when he affirmes him to stand excommunicate by vertue of the excommunications that he procured against others he meanes iure meriti not iure fori desert beeing one thing sentence another Vnlesse you will say that Nathan censured Dauid in Tues homo which was rather Dauids act against himselfe like that in the Gospell Ex ore tuo iudico te which in Conc. Sinuessano was made you knowe whose priuiledge not the Bishops of Constantinople but the Bishop of Romes though very ridiculously that no bodie should proceed against him but onely himselfe And so much of your foure reasons out of Gelasius his Epistle why this canon should be insufficient § 15. In the examples that you bring vs of such Bishops of Constantinople as sought for vnion with the sea of Rome what a childish ignorance is it not to be able to discerne betweene the vnion of consent in matters of faith and vnion of subiection which implies superiority that they neuer acknowledged in the Popes ouer them Was there no vnion sought for but with Rome Or doe not all the members of the great bodie pant for it each string of that harpe endeauour after accordance to make vp the perfect harmony of Christianity No doubt this is that which the Apostle saith Did the word of God come out from you alone or to you alone which was the case of Corinth not of Rome in those daies It were long to trace all your absurdities The like you bring vs out of the Epistle of the Easterne Bishops to Symmachus that the soundnes of the true faith was alway preserued in the Romane church because of Tues Petrus super hanc petram Loe the primacie of the Sea of Rome say you grounded vpon our Sauiours expresse words with little regard to the equality of priuiledges in the Councell of Chalcedon which the Bishop so much standeth vpon Thus you will neither giue leaue to the learned Fathers to deflect those words after a witty manner to their innocent purpose as Pighius saies of some of them that scripturae ijs nascuntur sub manu for their dexterity that way and Andradius dares no otherwise defend your detortion of Ecce duo gladij to establish the temporall iurisdiction in the spirituall one monster in another nor againe can you distinguish betweene primacy of power and infallibilitie of iudgement which though Rome cannot be said to haue preserued alwaies in rigore as S. Basil and diuerse others will testify and somewhat we haue spoken thereto afore yet without doubt this place so glaunces at the one as it hath no word so much as tending to the other For if exemption from error entitles to soueraignty then how could Peter be the gouernour of the Apostles who all of them had this priuiledge of not erring So fowly you fall vnder your owne instance Lastly Chrysost Tom. 4. pag. 942. in Lat. concion applyes these words Tues Petrus c. to demonstrate the steadfastnes of the Church of Constantinople other some to Leo the lay Emperour c. § 16. The like also I might say of Vigilius his presidentship in the Councell of Constantinople which what if Eutychius did of courtesie offer him Praesidente nobis Beatitudine tuâ Who knows not that the Presidents of generall Coūcels are not alwaies the chiefest Bishops in Christendome As Cyrill as Hosius as diuers more Cui non concilio praefuit Hosius and yet Hosius a Cordevant not a Romane Bishop § 17. The
a touch of the Luciferian spirit to exalt his nest and climbe higher which is not so likely yet the concurrers with Anatolius in his desire for Constantinople were led as is apparant with farre diuerse respects In their Epistle to Leo the Fathers of that Councell mention these 1. To gratifie the Emperours who reioyced in it 2. to shew their zeale to the Senate 3. their honour to the citie of Constantinople it selfe and 4. lastly not onely from the good liking of persons but à naturâ rei to establish order and to abandon confusion out of the Church of God You see all was not for Anatolius his sake whom you so much talke of § 23. Secondly because it was made you say in the absence of his Legates and by surreption Answer That it was made in their absence it was their owne default who would not stay but that it was made by surreption it is your vntruth for they all gaue consent to it againe the next day and protested strongly against this imputation You shall heare the Councell it selfe for the first of these Act. 16. so wee read Paschasinus Lucentius vicegerents to the Sea Apostolick said If it please your highnes we haue somewhat to say to you The most glorious Iudges answered Say what you will Paschasinus and Lucentius said Yesterday after your Highnes were risen and we followed your steps there were certaine things decreed as we heare which we thinke were done besides the order and Canons of the Church We beseech you therefore that your excellencies would command the same to be read againe that the whole company may see whether it were rightly or disorderly done The most glorious Iudge answered If any thing were decreed after our departures let it be read againe And before the reading Aetius Archdeacon of Constantinople after a few other words premised said thus We had somewhat to doe for the Church of Constantinople We prayed the Bishops that came from Rome that they would stay and communicate with vs. They refused saying we may not we are otherwise charged We acquainted your Honours with it and you willed that this holy Councell should consider of it Your highnes then departing the Bishops that are here conferring of a common cause required this to be done And here they are It was not done in secret nor by stealth but orderly and lawfully This for the First § 24. Heare also for the second what we read in the same Action Lucentius reuerend Bishop and Vicegerent of the Sea Apostolick said First let your Highnes consider how guilefully the Bishops were dealt with and how hastily the matter was handled that they should be constrained to subscribe contrary to the holy Canons And Beronicianus most relligious Secretarie of the sacred Consistorie interpreting the former saying the Reuerend Bishops cryed out None of vs was constrained And after many things between againe we read The most glorious Iudges said These the most holy Bishops of Asia and Pontus that subscribed to the book as it was read vnto them let them say whether they subscribed of their owne accord and with full consent or compelled by some necessitie laid vpon them And the aforesaid Bishops of Asia and Pontus that had subscribed comming foorth into the midst Diogenes reuerend Bishop Cyzici said Before God I subscribed willingly Florentius reuerend Bishop Sardeorū Lydiae said No necessitie was laid vpon me but I subscribed of mine own accord Romanus reuerend Bishop Myrorum said I was not constrained It seemes iust to me and I subscribed willingly Calogerus reuerend Bishop Claudiopolis Honoriadis said I subscribed with my will not constrained and according to the determination of the hundred and fiftie holy Fathers in the first Councell of Constantinople Seleucus Bishop of Amasia said I did it by mine owne will desirous to be vnder this Sea of Constantinople because to me it seemes good wisedome Eleutherius Bishop of Chalcedon said I subscribed by my will knowing that both by the Canons and by custome aforegoing the Sea of Constantinople hath these priuiledges Where by the way you may see how fond the obiection is that Lucentius then made and some since him that the Canon of Constantinople was neuer put in vse whereas the Bishop of the place here where the Councell was held alleadges both Canon and Custome for it Nunechius reuerend Bishop of Laodicea of Phrygia I subscribed of mine owne accord Marinianus Pergamius Critonianus Eusebius Antiochus with diuerse more too long to be reckoned professed in the same sort Sponte subscripsimus we subscribed willingly on of our owne accord What can the Adioyndrer reply to this And yet afterward more effectually if it may be When the glorious Iudges had so pronounced Oportere sanctissimum Archiepiscopum regiae Constantinopolis nouae Romae oisdem primatibus honoris ipsum dignum esse c. that the most holy Archbishop of the royall citie of Constantinople which is new Rome must be allowed the same primacies or preheminences of honour that the Archbishop of olde Rome is and when they desired the holy and vniuersall Councell to declare what they thought for so are their words in the said Action Reuerendi Episcopi dixerunt Haec iusta sententia haec omnes dicimus haec omnibus placent c. The Reuerend Bishops said This is a iust sentence we all say so these things like vs all we all say so once againe the decree is iust and much more to that purpose which I omit § 25. His third reason is because the other Canon of Constantinople vpon which this was grounded was neuer put in practise till that time But how happily haue we refuted that euen now out of the mouth of one of the Bishops that subscribed Eleutherius Bishop of Chalcedon Besides Baronius confutes him that acknowledges Chrysostome talem patrem as he saies such a Father i. so reuerend to haue practised this Canon in deposing no lesse then 13. Bishops of Asia as you may reade in Sozom. l. 8. c. 16. Likewise the Clergie of Constantinople that in this verie Councell Act. 11. relying on this Canon challenged to themselues the ordination of the Bishop of Ephesus metropolitane of Asia minor and called it Custome as well as right So that belike they had knowne it practised by others Lastly why did Anatolius subscribe his name in this Councell the Councel of Chalcedon before Maximus and Iuuenalis one Bishop of Antioch the other Bishop of Hierusalem but onely because the Canon that was made at Constantinople in fauour of that Sea was and might be practised And when you quote Leo Ep. 53. that the Canon of Constantinople lacked authoritie because it was neuer sent to the Bishop of Rome neither does Leo say any such thing that I can finde in all that Epistle nor shall you prooue that the Popes consent is necessarie to enact Canons though most childishly you presume it and lastly he rather yeeldeth in the said Epistle as I conceiue him quandam
a metaphore saying he would build vpon him § 18. The like ad Marcellam Epist 54. vpon whome our Lord built his Church namely Peter But can we answer S. Hierome better then by S. Hierome The fortitude of the Church or the puissance of the Church was equally built or grounded vpon them all Super omnes ex aequo You heard it before out of his 1. lib. against Iouinian How does this then prooue Peters priuiledge in the matter of authoritie though building were graunted to found that way as it doth not And when S. Paul sundrie times as Coloss 1. 23. and Eph. 2. 20. speakes of grounding and building the Church either vpon faith as in the first place or vpon the Prophets and Apostles as in the second shall we thinke he was enuious that said nothing of Peter and that extraordinarie manner of the Churches building vpon him that you dreame of § 19. Here you tell vs of three waies by which the Apostles might be saide to be foundations of the Church in hope that Peter may be so in singular And quoting Bellarmine for it not your owne inuention you counsell the Bishop to learne it of him Shall wee first see how good it is One way for that they first conuerted nations perswaded people and founded Churches not Peter alone but ioyntly all of them In this sense belike they are all foundations But what is this to beeing the foundation of the Catholicke Church and to lie like a rocke vnder that great building because they were planters of particular Churches Also you argue fallaciously from the diligence of preaching to the power of supporting and that by authoritie as now the question is Besides a founder and a foundation is not all one And did none plant Churches good Sir but the Apostles Shall your Iesuites in Iaponia be foundations too And shall we say of them super quos aedificaeta est Ecclesia dei You see the absurditie Yet you quote proofes Rom. 15. I haue preached the Gospell where Christ was not named least I should build vpon another mans foundation Does this prooue that men are foundations of the Church or rather that the man and the foundation are two Againe 1. Cor. 3. I haue laid the foundation like a wise architect so speakes your Vitruvius-ship but would you call him a wise Logician that should argue from hence that S. Paul meant himselfe to be the foundation Yea though he said not in the same place Iesus Christ and no other foundation § 20. Secondly you say the Apostles were all foundations because the Christian doctrine was first imparted to them and the present faith is groūded vpon that which was deliuered at the first And new articles of faith you say are not alway reuealed Is not this accurate trow you as well for order as for substance For had this been a reason ought it not to haue been set in all reason before the other Can a thing bee preached afore it be vnderstood or made knowne to others afore it selfe be knowne Your argument therefore from preaching should by all meanes I say haue followed this from reuealing and this from reuealing haue gone before the other But pardon your order looke into your substance Were not some things reuealed to others afore the Apostles Did not our Lord first manifest his resurrection to women Did not the Angel say to them Goe and tell Peter Will you haue women and all to be the foundations of the Church But we are much beholden to you that you coyne not newe articles of faith euerie day Articles therefore and new articles you graunt and of frequent reuelation but not euery day We long for your last kinde of foundation wherein Peter is so entire § 21. Thirdly then you say in respect of gouernement and authoritie For Peters was ordinarie their 's Legatine his originall theirs depending from him You should shewe what Father sayes so besides your selues for of Scripture you despaire And yet you agree so ill emong your owne selues of this point that you iumpe not about the very termes For Baronius cals Peters power extraordinarie the other Apostles ordinarie you make his ordinary and theirs extraordinary Is it possible that kingdome should long hold out which is so at ods Yet behold another leake in this obseruation For though the Apostles had deriued their authoritie from Peter yet they might all haue beene foundations of the Church as well as he euen in regard of gouernment no lesse then some receiuing the doctrine immediatly from Christ as Peter Iames and Iohn witnes Clemens in Eusebius before quoted the others from them yet you make them all in regard of doctrine to be foundations alike num 25. § 22. Another authoritie of S. Hieromes is out of his Epist ad Damas 57. I following no first or chiefe but Christ doe communicate with thy blessednes or am linked in fellowship with it that is to say with the chayre of Peter vpon that rocke I know the Church is built You see Hierome followes no first but Christ Nullum primum Where is then the primacie that you challenge to Peter if none of the Apostles be afore another but Christ Indeede Bellarmine saies he meanes he preferres none but Christ before Damasus which is an vtter peruerting of S. Hieromes words who as he saies he followes no chiefe but Christ or none prime but Christ so he shewes after what sort he is affected to Damasus communione not subiectione by communion not by subiection communico tibi as to Theophilus to Cyrill to Athanasius to who not the auncient orthodoxe professe of themselues in diuers places But the edge of the place as it serues your turne lies in those words I know the Church is built vpon that rocke Which rocke is Christ not so long before mentioned but this may referre to it and to build vpon a chayre is no such cleane pickt metaphore that we should be forced to take it so though vpon a rocke be Besides the scio that he giues it a word of certentie makes vs thinke he would neuer be so peremptorie for Peter sith diuers haue construed the rocke another way whome S. Hierome would not crosse ouer hastily with his Solo and lastly his owne modestie declared a little before professing to follow none but Christ Therefore he tooke Peter for no such foundation § 23. The last and the least is out of his first against Iovinian O vox digna petrâ Christi â speech worthie the rocke of Christ But you may as well build Christ himselfe by this deuise vpon Peter as the Church of Christ For as Saunders writes of the rock of the Church so Hierome calls Peter here the rocke of Christ That is the fortresse and champion of the Christian faith as S. Ambrose was called columna Ecclesiae S. Iames 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the title of the Church of Ephesus wherein Timothie was to conuerse rather then of Rome as the
Apostle bestowes it and the Archbishop of Ravenna in one of the Councells was honoured by the same style So cleane is petra Christi beside your purpose either as too little or too much § 24. Of S. Chrysostomes testimonie we haue said enough before to your first chapter Vertex and Princeps is found too light Magister orbis is not Monarchae orbis And for all S. Iames his Be not many masters in this case many Masters were sent out into the world whereof Iames was one Yea Chrysostome himselfe as Theodorus entitles him Nothing cleerer with Chrysostome in the place you quote then that all the Apostles had the charge of the whole world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 You will tell vs I know of Peters ordinarie power But in all antiquitie we finde no such difference And yet another testimonie of Chrysostome we haue cited to you els-where out of his Comment vpon the Acts affirming that Peter did nothing by way of authoritie in ordering Church-businesse What can be plainer § 25. As for Iames his beeing onely Bishop of Hierusalem as if that might disparage him in comparison of Peter it was not because his power was narrower then Peters for our Sauiour confined not Iames to Hierusalem but priuate election but to shew that S. Iames abode there as thinking his paines best employed in that place Peter in the meane while trauelling farther into the world In the 3. of ler. 17. v. one would thinke Hierusalem the higher seat thē Rome besides that it was our Sauiours prouince as I told you and so perhaps to be preferred in that respect So farre is Peter from any excellence aboue Iames. § 26. I might passe by your argument out of the 44. Psalme In stead of fathers thou shalt haue children whome thou maist make Princes in all lands Suppose first that this were Monarchicall princehood or a princehood of power of maiestie and of authoritie which is nothing lesse for Ite praedicate carries no such commission Yet then they were sent into all the world then they were made Princes in all lands But whatsoeuer it be what is this to Peter Is it not common to all does it not extend to all And not onely Peter is not designed to be he but no one Prince magnified before another though we should graunt the singularitie to be his if anies And shall all the Apostles now haue their successors shall all their authorities be conueied to after-commers I had thought Peters onely had beene permanent Yet here of all Pro patribus tuis nascentur filij euery Apostle hath his sonne his successor and euery ones sonne is made a Prince throughout all the world You will say perhaps it makes for temporall power in the Episcopall calling though not for Peters successors in speciall But to omit that Princehood here is regnare verbo and regnare praconio in which sense Virgil saies a diligent husbandman imperat aruis as a King at his worke and in his calling though homely You may remember that Chrysostome and Theodoret turne it another way to the Apostles succeeding the Patriarkes not to the Bishops succeeding the Apostles Though he that considers the tenure of the place and how the holy Ghost speakes to the Church there in the person of her husband the Lord Iesus will soone resolue it to beare this sense vnder correction that as young brides that are loath to leaue their parents yet for loue of their husband and hope of issue are content to abandon their owne natiue home c. So should shee Hespere qui coelo lucet crudelior ignis Qui natam poscas complexu avellere matris Yet this for Christs sake and for the great reward Therefore it followes Then shall the King haue pleasure in thy beautie and in stead of thy parents thou shalt haue children euen royall children whome thou maist make Princes in all lands Whome we may construe to be the faithfull and beleeuers in generall who are Kings Priests apoc 1. a royall priesthood S. Peter himselfe calling them so not the Apostles onely or their proper heires the Ministers And to recall you to a place Sir of your owne citing before Esa 32. Princeps digna Principe eogitabit a Prince will deuise of things worthie of a Prince Their princehood then beeing thus as I haue described you must looke they should content themselues therewith not moyle with temporall matters impertinent Whereunto euen that perswades which you touch vpon soone after in the same number viz. 43. that Dauid faies of them in the 19. Psalme Sonus eorum their sound is gone out into all worlds and their words as you read it into the boundes of the earth For by them they rule by words and by sound not by forcible engines Whereas happily if the Pope should domineer no farther then his voice were heard or his sound went out preaching especially not onely a bulls hide might measure out his territories as they say of Carthage but ere a taper were cleane burnt out wee might get forth of his cōfines with greater ease I suppose then Pius quintus his nephew did when his Vnkle once discharged him in such a sort vpon displeasure § 27. Nought remaines that I know of to be cleared in this Chapter but your doubtie collection vpon the Bishops words If the twelue had a head to preuent schisme as S. Hierome saies or if a head may be appointed ouer a competent number that he can conueniently prouide for and the same endued with a power proportionable as the Bishop graunts much more had we neede of one after the Church is so multiplied c. to exclude the disorders which are likelier to arise betweene many then few To which I answer That we are not so destitute of a Head as F. T. imagines nay of many subordinations of heads and gouernours not without reference to a Principall though we intertaine no Pope The Deacons to the Priests the Priests to the Bishop the Bishop must be subiect to Christ saies Ignatius euen as he is to his father and Pope he knowes none Dionysius also will shew you how the Church is raunged in his Epistle ad Demophilum where he makes the scala thus from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they call it or the last pitch is in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the coordinate faithfull not one but many So the prime in Christendome for we denie not a prime with his Synode of Bishops as the Councells both of Basil and Constance would haue it though the Iesuites repugne may serue for that vse in the Church of God not to call for Constantine which Peter emong the twelue Though Peter was the apter to be trusted with that place principium actionis
in the defect of Iudas And this was grex creditus which S. Peter so regarded not the Apostles his flocke as you would faine haue it as if he were their Tutor and they his pupills as you were wont to appoint our King his Tutor Nos tutores Regibus misimus right Romanes but the flocke which he regarded ioyntly with the Apostles was the Church in generall whose benefit he prouided for in calling the company together for the choice of an Apostle Iudas beeing remooued And S. Chrysost saies but so as your selfe English him How doth he euery where speake first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 2. c. 13. Not for any authoritie then but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for his vertues sake And what order can you imagine where many meete vnlesse one speake first then why not Peter he and yet not superiour to the rest As for Peters power to chuse an Apostle of his owne head it is maruaile it should so be since Bellarmine giues him not power to chuse the Deacons much lesse then the Apostles without consent of the multitude holding it to be enough that they were not chosen against his will nor without his assent de Pontif. Rom. l. 1. c. 16. In the chusing of Matthias we finde no lesse then an hundred and twenty to haue come together Act. 1. 15. whereof some were women v. 14. of the same and not Peter but the lott settled it vpon Matthias v. 26. What then saies Chrysostome whome you quote that Peter might haue done this alone and of his owne authority You quote him lamely which you obiect to the Bishop about Cyrill and Austen but how falsly we haue shewed The next words in Chrysost confute you plainly if you had durst to alleadge them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And besides saies he he had not yet receiued the holy Ghost Doe you thinke then that Peter might haue chose the Apostle by authoritie giuen him from our Sauiour Christ to whome Christ had not yet giuen the gift of discerning or the holy Ghost to direct him where is your axiome that you can braue vs with elsewhere Qui dat formam dat omnia consequentia formam or where doe you finde God to allow the ende without meanes sufficient to atchieue that ende We are therefore to vnderstand that if Chrysost say as he saies but at vncertaine that Peter might haue made the Apostle himselfe he might vpon presumption of the multitudes good will who would not haue contested with him in such a case likely as honouring him for his vertue c. In which regard he commends to vs the meeknes of those times for our imitation and as he saies that Peter did nothing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so he maruels that S. Iames would not interpose a word beeing at home as we would say and Bishop of Hierusalem where this assemblie was held Neither lastly doe I see how ius constituendi par omnibus habebat can so handsomly be drawne out of Chrysostomes text 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the commoner reading in the greeke copies and denies it rather Thus much of Chrysostome § 7. About the place of S. Austen serm 1. 24. de Temp. I haue touched before in a word or two your notable ignorances with no lesse malice which you bewray in the misconstruing of the Bishops words Componit salutem medicorum filij Etsi omnes non ego You complaine in your 10. Chap. of the obscurenesse of the Bishops style and he seemes to you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at noone day I beleeue it verily your apprehension is so good Senecaes foole said the house was dark after her selfe was fallen blind And S. Paul afore his conuersion was dazeled with the exceeding lightsomnesse as S. Chrysostome notes most excellently but soone after hee saw cleerest vpon his eye-sights taking from him An image of the Papists specially our English that are offended with nothing more then the abundance of that light that shines in their country at this day whom a little of the old darknes perhaps would reduce to their right mindes as mad folks are tamed they say with withdrawing of the light from them But omitting complaints quae ne tum quidem gratae tùm necessariae what say you to the answers to S. Austens place Three exceptions did the Bishop take vnto it First that it was cited out of a doubtfull worke Secondly that it mentioned but a crazed head and therefore not to be brought for honesty sake to prooue Peters primacie which another would disprooue it by rather Thirdly that S. Austen not in asermon de Tempore but in a lawfull Synod cures this head by confining him to his bounds and restraining appeales from beyond the sea which you brooke not The first of these is confirmed diuers wayes One that the title of those Sermons is not sincere neither giuen by S. Austen at the first nor yet knowne by that name diuerse hundreds of yeares after his death And if S. Austen wrote no Sermones de tempore why should we yeeld as to S. Austens authoritie to that which is quoted by the name of de Tempore Yet you say they are taken out of other his works Let those workes then bee quoted by their owne names let euery witnesse appeare in his owne likenesse The Emperour would not trust the man that had dyed his owne beard hee suspected salshood by such small tokens And where the name is counterfeit what credit can there be either in the man or in his verdict Does not such an one rather professe that he meanes craft Innominatus habetur pro nullo is the axiome of the law And why not then peruersè nominatus much more Besides you haue so chopt the number of these Sermons yea the substance too now adding then diminishing sometime amplifying and then againe withdrawing in your diuers editions that no Euripus more vncertaine to build faith vpon And yet these you bring forsooth to confute his MAIESTIE and to disprooue his challenge For where you say they were so called and culled out from the rest for the ease and commoditie of the Readers I see not what more ease can be in giuing them a false name then a true or what commoditie can arise from hence to the Reader vnlesse to be abused and deceiued be a commoditie Yet such are the commodities Egraunt that you Iesuites deale in when you set forth Authors But lastly the Sermon it selfe bewrayes it selfe to be none of S. Austens As what thinke you of that clause in the latter ende of it Agnouit enim sibi vt homini peccati irrepsisse perniciem quod totum hactenus vt memini diuinitùs procuratum est Haue you so lost your smell as not to difcerne betweene this and the true S. Austen I say nothing of that which followes which no wise man but would abiure for S. Austens Videte quemadmodum exiguae culpae
deny they say they cannot but the first authors of Christian relligion sprang from the East not from Rome neuertheles indignati sunt se posteriores ideâ—ferre quòd magnitudine ecclesiae superarentur idque cuÌ„ virtute pio viuendi instituto longè superiores essent they thought much that they should be set any whit behind the others because their Church was not so great or so ample as theirs specially when in vertue and godly life they farre excelled them Thus they I compare not now the opinions of Arians with Catholiques in that point of their dissention which the Scripture hath determined and right faith compounded but as for East and West you see what estimation one had of the other and how little our Grecians thought themselues short of Rome Therefore they are so confident a little after as to challenge Iulius for doing against the Councell and their owne definition Insimulà runt Iulium ceu transgredientem ecclesiae leges And whereas Iulius a little before had threatned them they threaten him againe and Sozomene calls the letter that they sent to Iulius plenam minarum atque ironiae full not onely of threates but mocks and taunts vnlesse you will otherwise construe it So miserably were they afraid of the Popes authoritie in those daies diuided from equity Pollicentur paceÌ„ communionem Iulio si approbaret abdicationem factam sin resisteret decretis eorum c. They promise Iulius to be of his communion if he will doe as they would haue him if not to leaue that is to disclaime him you would say to excommunicate him if it made for you And indeede in the 10. Chap. of Sozomene soone after they doe so in good earnest § 21. The next is Damasus In whom I must bee short What tell you vs of titles and tearmes and styles what though they called him most blessed Lord raised to the height of Apostolique dignitie holy father of fathers Damasus Pope c. Thinke you that the boyes would forbeare laughter hearing this argument That the Bishops of Africa call him Damasum Papam Pope Damasus c. therefore Damasus Pope might receiue appeales out of Africa If that be not in their style the rest is vulgar and nothing to the matter Who was not Papa in those dayes which you engrossing bewray your selues Yea but nothing might goe for currant concerning important affaires as deposition of Bishops say you nisi ad noticiam vestrae sedis delatum fuerit vnlesse your Sea knew of it To which I answer noticia is one thing consensus another Men may seek for resolution and yet not be subiect to authoritie vnlesse themselues please 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the soueraigne stroke in euery businesse should be the Metropolitanes of the Prouince the Councell of Nice determined verie cleerely Can. 4. of more authoritie then your Damasus his epistles or to Damasus § 22. But is not that a braue confuting of the Mileuitan Canon alleadged by the Bishop against appeales beyond the sea that S. Hierome sought to Damasus for his iudgement about Hypostasis This also may prooue an appeale in time when appeales grow scant It hath been answered by our Diuines ouer and ouer it is nothing to our question therfore I insist not vpon it Neither yet that of Ambrose if it be Ambrose who liuing within Italy that is Damasus his prouince saies Damasus gouerned the house of God the house no doubt wherein hee liued and wrote at that day But how if he had called it as it followes in S. Paul columnam firmamentum veritatis which S. Paul does Ephesus wherein Timothy liued yet neither Ephesus that infallible one that you imagine Rome to be for truth of doctrine nor Timothy a monarch or vniuersall Bishop § 23. That Peter of Alexandria was restored to his Bishopricke vpon Damasus his letters you shewe not they were mandatorie we thinke rather commendatorie Damasus certified good things of Peter and the people receiued him illis confisus trusting they might be true or they did what they desired and longed to doe vpon so good a hint The Pope gaue not Patriarkships in those dayes yea had any so challenged the Alexandrines would haue torne him in peices they were so violent § 24. Vitalis an heretique and an Antiochian was examined and censured by Pope Damasus But you dissemble not that Paulinus their Bishop permitted it The wonder had beene if Damasus had intermedied against his consent One Bishop may referre his Priest to be examined by another whome he will Things were not so well setled with Paulinus at this time in Antioch as it should seeme through intestine discords which long continued So Damasus might prescribe a forme of abiuration to Vitalis the heretique though otherwise prescribe is but an imperious word of your owne deuising and to draw him a forme which he meant should be vsed by him vpon his returne to Antioch had beene enough Your author whome you quote in Ep. 2. ad Cledon saies onely thus Damaso postulante edidit or literis consignauit fidem at Damasus his instaÌ„ce he pen'd a forme of his beleife not Damasus for him but he to Damasus Which Athanasius also did at the Emp. Iouians request not to purge suspicion but to instruct him in the truth Of prescribing to Paulinus I read nothing in that place In Damasus his Epistle I finde this qualification both that tuae voluntati tuo iudicto omnia derelinquimus we leaue all to your will and your iudgement and in the ende this Non quòd haec ipsa quae scribimus non potueris conuertentium susceptioni proponere sed quò noster consensus liberum in suscipiendo tibi tribuat exempluÌ„ Not that you could not of your owne selfe haue propounded these things to conuerts ere they were receiued but that our concurrence might yeeld you freedome of example to receiue them And if freedome how prescription § 25. It is a wonder how you dare mention the name of Flauianus who by the Emperors fauour kept his seat against so many Popes one after another striuing to vnhorse him and all in vaine The paines that Chrysostome and Theophilus tooke to make a peace betweene him and Damasus shewed their good care of the Churches vnity and worthily entitles them to the blessing of peacemakers But that which you call pardoning Flauianus offence and restoring him to the communion of the Church againe was no more then was vsuall in those dayes between Bishop and Bishop if they misliked one another to forbeare communicating mutually if satisfaction were giuen to returne to fellowship and communion againe which you perhaps to amplifie the Popes power would haue vs think to be excommunication and absolution Where you say that the people of Antioch were IN TIME REDVCED to concord and vnitie with Flavianus their Bishop through this act of Damasus it shewes it was rather the relenting of their mindes and appeasing their stomacks out of
Flavianus good demeanure and other such considerations then the Popes sentence or bare definition For then what neede long time to worke it Neither was that a signe of Damasus his supremacie that Flavianus sent his embassage to Rome For when two are to meete why should not the inferiour come to the superiour rather then otherwise I meane inferiour in order as Flavianus here to Damasus Antioch to Rome but not in authoritie Though the embassage was not intended so much to Damasus as to cleere the scandall that went of Flavian and to satisfie the whole Church of God in those parts that East and West might no longer continue in iealousie and alienation § 26. And now to come to his successor Syricius as your owne words are how doe you prooue his vniuersall iurisdiction I know it wrings you to be held to this point but there is no remedy to that you must speake Forsooth the Councell of Capua committed the hearing of Flauianus his cause to the Bishop of Alexandria and the Bishop of Egypt with this limitation as S. Ambrose witnesses I report your owne words that the approbation and confirmation of their sentence should be reserued to the Roman sea and the Bishop thereof who was then Syricius Suppose this were so how farre is it from arguing vniuersall iurisdiction For as the Councell might make choice of the Bishop of Alexandria and the Bishops of Egypt to take the first knowledge of Flavianus his cause into their hands so out of the same authoritie might it reserue the after iudgement and the vp shot of all to the Bishop of Rome it might doe this I say out of it owne libertie and for the personall worth of Syricius Pope not for any prerogatiue of his Sea And rather it shewes the preheminence of the Councell that might depute the Pope to such a busines as likewise the Bishop of Alexandria and Egypt The Eusebians made an offer witnes Athanasius in his Apologie to Iulius Pope of Rome to be their iudge if he thought good Iulio si vellet arbitrium causae detulerunt But if Iulius had no other hold it was a poore supremacie that might content him Yet Ambrose in the Epistle 78. which you quote saies not so much Rather of Theophilus somewhat magnificently Vt duobus istis tuae sanctitatis examen impartiretur confidentibus Aegyptijs that your Holines might haue the scanning of these mens cause while the Bishops of Egypt were your assessors And againe Sancta Synodus cognitionis ius unanimitati tuae caeterisque ex Aegypto consacerdotibus nostris commisit The holy Synod of Capua committed the power of iudging this matter to your agreement and the Egyptian Bishops What then of the Pope Sanè referendum arbitramur ad sanctum fratrem nostrum Romanae sacerdotem Ecclesiae Sure we are of the minde that it were good it were referred to our holy brother the Priest of Rome First brother then Priest of Rome lastly arbitramur The Synod belike not ordering so but Ambrose giuing his opinion thus And Quoniam praesumimus te ea iudicaturum quae etiam illi displicere nequeant because we presume you will resolue in such manner as shall not be displeasing to him See you how one of them is as free from error as the other in S. Ambrose minde And he is content that Syricius should haue the cognusance of the cause after Theophilus not that Theophilus errour might be corrected by Syricius but that ones concurrence might strengthen the other § 27. Doe you looke I should answer to Syricius Decretall sent to Himerius or does the conueying of it to France and Portugall prooue vniuersall iurisdiction exercised by the Popes in S. Austens time But with such baggage you make vp your measure Himerius askt and Syricius answers What then And Himerius was within the Romane Patriarchship caput corporis tai not caput corporis vniuersalis saies Syricius himselfe in the ende of his Rescript But proceede Optatus say you calls Peter principem nostrum our Prince Now he could not meane Peter to be that Prince for he was dead and gone and so nothing worth Therefore Siricius who then liued and was his successor in the Popedome Brauely shott and like a Sadducee Yet in the same booke Optatus calls Siricius in plaine tearmes not princeps noster but socius noster our frend and fellow as S. Ambrose a little before his brother and priest § 28. That in the African Councell Can. 35. the Fathers decreed that letters should be sent to their brethren and fellow-Bishops abroad but especially to Anastasius to informe them how necessary their latter decree was in fauour of the Donatists contradicting a former Canon made against them what is that to Anastasius his vniuersall iurisdiction Doe you see how you are choaked if you be but held to the point yet they sent to others no lesse then to Anastasius But to him especially you say It might be so for the eminencie of his Sea as we haue often told you And the Donatists beeing too strong for them as appeares by that decree which controules the former they were glad to take any aduantage I warrant you to countenance their proceedings Durum telum necessitas est § 29. That the Bishops of Africa requested Innocentius to vse his authoritie to the confirmation of their statutes against the Pelagian heretiques it was not because the ordinances of prouinciall Synods are not good in their precincts without the Pope as I thinke your selues will not denie but that the Pelagian heresie beeing farre spread throughout the world might be curbed within the places that Innocentius had to doe in as well as in Africk where the Councel was held Which taking so good effect as it seems it did S. Austen cries out that they were toto Christiano orbe damnati condemned ouer all the Christian world not that Innocentius authoritie was irrefragable but the concurrence of so many Pastors in the cause of Gods truth was of force at that time to rectifie the consciences of such as wauered before In this sense Possidius might well call it iudicium catholicae dei Ecclesie the iudgement of the Catholique Church of God when Innocentius Zoâ—â—mus accursed the Pelagians because it sprang from the consent of so many godly Fathers as incited those Popes to that act of iustice and lead them the way in this daunce of zeale as I may so call it Not that the Church stood in them two or as if they had the vniuersall iurisdiction that he talkes of or rather dares not talke of but captiously and crookedly inuolues onely in impertinent allegations § 30. I might spend time about S. Austens authoritie Epist 92. writing thus to Innocentius That the Lord hath placed thee in sede Apostolicâ And doth this prooue vniuersall iurisdiction or is there no Apostolique sea but the Romane By which reason wee shall haue many vniuersall iurisdictions Or that it were negligence to coÌ„ceale ought from his
them that shall receiue the inheritance of saluation And yet it followes againe a little after to refute Celsus his fonde distinction of satrapae aulici and satrapae coelestes or elementares which is the Papists distinction at this day and likewise their comparison of earthly fauourites in Princes Courts with celestiall spokesmen and mediators for vs in the kingdome of heauen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Looke you saies he how Celsus hath deuised his Satrapae and Consuls and Praefecti vnder-officers of the great God after the fashion of silly mortallmen c. But this beeing formerly refuted by Ambrose we shall need no longer to insist vpon it here Pag. 430. thus we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that is How much better is it to entrust our selues with the God which is aboue all things hee would haue trust to bee put in none but in God through Iesus Christ which hath taught vs this lesson and to craue of him all aide and preseruation euen that which the holy Angels and righteous spirits may afford vs that they may rescue vs from the naughtie deuills which hover about the earth are plunged in sensualitie c. The preseruation through Angels is to bee sought for from God not from Angels themselues What then shall we pray to them for if wee may not pray to them for that which themselues immediately and of themselues may afford But I will conclude for Origen and his opinion of this matter with that one famous sentence of his and reiection of Celsus which is extent in the foresaid booke pag. 432. of the Greeke Celsus therefore hauing endeauoured diuers manner of waies as is the fashion of all such to diuert the minde from her dependance vpon God alone insomuch as after he had sought to enfeoffe them to Angels at last hee was not ashamed to enthrall them to mightie Princes Potentates here in earth not caring which way so he discouraged pietie and decayed relligion like that vngodly Law-giuer which forbad Daniel and all his subiects to aske any thing of God for the space of certaine dayes but onely of himselfe To this subtill deuice of Celsus I say thus Origen replyes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that is Wee must endeauour to please onely God alone who is aboue all things AND VVEE MVST PRAY TO HIM ALONE THAT HE VVOVLD BE MERCIFVLL TO VS procuring his fauour with godly pietie and all manner vertue And yet if Celsus would needs haue vs to insinuate into the fauour of any more besides the most high and supreame God let him consider that as when the bodie is mooued the motion of the shadow doth infallibly accompanie it In like sort if Almightie God be but propitious vnto vs it followes that all his friends both Angels and spirits and soules of the righteous will be freindly to vs and take our parts For they are priuy vnto such as are thought worthy to finde fauour in the eies of Almightie God And not onely they meane well to such as are found worthy but they assist all such as are forward at the worshipping of God Almighty and they pray together with them and they entreat together with them and together with them they encline him to fauour Insomuch as wee may boldly say that with godly vertuous men praying to God an innumerable companie of heauenly powers pray together with them VNPRAYED VNTO or vnspoken to succouring with ioynt consent our mortall and fraile nature whom they see so many deuills to make head against and to seeke by all meanes to subuert their saluation specially such as haue committed themselues to God forsaking and abandoning all other created patronages Of Origen thus much Is there yet any more § 54. You say the Saints were neuer honoured in like manner as the heroes of the heathen Yet you may remember what Mantuan saith Vt Latij Martem sic nos te sancte Georgi And many such like testimonies out of your owne mouths might be alleadged to conuince your idolatries if we list to obserue them Or if the Saints are not honoured like the heroes of the heathen when as questionlesse they stand in like proportion to God in your opinion it must needs be because you are borne downe with that truth that none are to be honoured with relligious worship but onely GOD in what proportion or distance soeuer they stand vnto him Culius relligionis or the relligious worship is not to be giuen to any creature but to God onely saith S. Austen no meane Father and in no meane worke of his but another palmare if I may say it without offending you which the Bishop cannot doe of his de ciuit Dei but you will be euer touching vpon that string And I meane contr Faustum lib. 14. c. 11. Apostolus vetat culium relligionis exhiberi creaturae The Apostle forbids relligious worship to be giuen to the creature If the Apostles authoritie may mooue with you forbidding it let S. Austen be beleeued deliuering the message and telling you that he forbids it S. Chrysostome had said vpon Matth. 26. in the homily quoted not long before to the like purpose that when the Apostles disswaded our Sauiour from suffering he referred them to the Scriptures Else saith he how shall the Scriptures be fulfilled And so repugnantibus quamvis Apostolis vicit sententia Scripturarum But this is two in one that we bring you now not an Apostle without Scripture but an Apostle in his writing or the Apostolicke Scripture And for interpretation of it you haue the iudgement of S. Austen The Apostle quoth he forbids relligious worship to be giuen to the creature And there the Scripture preuailed against the Apostles to the destroying of our Sauiour How much more shall Scripture and Apostolicke Scripture preuaile against all such pitiful deponents as you rely vpon to the maintenance of Christs honour which is dearer to him then his life So as these things are more if they be laid together then arguments ab authoritate merè negatiuâ which you so scoff at numb 73. as if that were the only argument that the Bishop brought or not sufficient to beat you down as he vrges it And now to shew what a Clerke you are you charge the Bishop in the last place with false quoting of Athanasius You graunt that in his third oration contra Arianos he prooues the diuinitie of our Sauiour Christ from our adoration of him Of which it is consequent that no meere creatures are at all to be adored neither Saints nor Angels We take this grant of yours concerning Athanasius his authoritie As for your trifling distinctions wherewith you would elude it they haue beene huffed out before And yet more may be said in the next chapter where you shal heare your owne Doctor Dr. Gregor de Valent. to renounce this distinction and cleane wash his hands of it Meane while S. Austens testimonie so lately quoted is a choake-peare that you
right to heauen but for the promise whether Vasquez and Bellarmine sauour not of a rancker contagion then so that aduance vs to heauen and to the highest fauour of God out of the worth of what is within vs though his promise were no where though his pactum salis were cleane plowed downe Can there be any thing more contrarie then the aforesaid opinions are betweene themselues Or is not the Bishop most constant while the Iesuites are thus at oddes like the Armites among themselues One of them beeing so humble and so humbly conceiting of his owne sufficiencies as it seemes at least that you would thinke he might enter in euen through the needles eye the others so swelling as heauen it selfe large though it be is scarce able to containe them But if this be their speculation about infused righteousnes which is Gods entire worke what doe they thinke of their owne workes trow you which for certaine they will challenge more reward vnto because they are more voluntarie and of their freer concurrence And indeede the question was betweene the Bishop and the Cardinall about the merit of works not of habits These make habits and all to be meritorious one absolutely ex naturâ rei the other so as God cannot hinder condignitie though he denie pay Yet S. Paul not onely vilifies his habite of righteousnes Phil. 3. that I may be found in him not hauing mine owne righteousnes but his workes of righteousnes Tit. 3. and which is more then both these his sufferings for righteousnes Rom. 8. He had plaied the Auditour he had cast vp his accounts and his totall is what thinke you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. I find saies he by computation or by exact casting that the present sufferings of this transitorie life 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are so short they are not worthie of the glorie that shall be reuealed He keepes the word you see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are not worthie Yet Vasquez saies God cannot hinder their worthines no not onely by his ordinarie power but not by his absolute though he may denie the wages by the later of these two that is scarce iustly or very vniustly onely as I conceiue it But what saies Bellarmine The Apostle saies he meanes that the sufferings here are temporall the blisse to come eternall and that betweene them there is no proportion Now surely a worshipfull solution of an insoluble authoritie Whereas the Apostle does not say they are not proportionable ratione durationis but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they are not worthie which is the very question And was this a sentence worthie of S. Pauls wisdome to tell vs that there is no proportion betweene finite and infinite Who does not know that We may say vnto him as he does to Calvine in another place about the wisdome of Vlysses pronouncing for Monarchies Ad hoc certè pronunciandum non fuit opus sapientiâ vel Pauli vel Apostoli De Pontif. Rom. l. 1. c. 2. The very Centurion to whome the Iewes had giuen that testimonie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he is worthie yet he ouerthroweth it in the same place againe with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I did not count my selfe worthie Luc. 7. 7. They thought him worthie that Christ should come to him when he does not thinke himselfe worthie so much as to come to Christ And not to come to him in earth I say yet into heauen trow you to finde him out there too As he must if he meane to be saued by his works But so is merit and worthines euery way hissed out so is it one thing for the Iewes to ponder other bodies merits another thing for the conscience to weigh it selfe in vnpartiall ballance The builder of the Synagogue is modester then the Iewes that enioy his buildings § 17. Many things might be noted in the Adioynders discourse wherein he choakes himselfe though he indite the Bishop of preuarisation Num. 7. he saies the Bishop alludes to the pennie in the Gospells that was giuen to the labourers by which the Fathers as he confesseth vnderstand eternall life and saluation He quotes Hierome in Iovinian lib. 2. Aug. de Virgin c. 26. Greg. in Iob. l. 4. c. 31. also the Commentaries vpon S. Matth. cap. 20. But if this be so what more aduerse to himselfe For if the pennie be but one and all receiue that common pennie then are we not saued by our works which all that are saued are not furnished with alike but some more some lesse as is euident It comes therefore of the goodnes of Almightie God alone giuing mercedem diei horario operi awhole daies wages for an houres worke as the Bishop most godlily Can this be but of the free mercy of God without respect to our merits yea to our workes themselues though we entitle no merit to them § 18. Numb 11. he brings that for an example of meriting by workes Centuplum c. Matth. 19. a hundreth fold in this life And if God doe not giue vs an hundreth fold in this life I meane them that serue him in most deuout fashion doth he not reward merits or doth he therefore come short of paying the score Yet the Adioynder saies we merit the centuplum to be paid vs in this life because our Sauiour promiseth so Whereas how many depart this life daily without the receiuing of such a pay the hundreth fold pay in temporall commodities And are merits vnrewarded shall we say in all these What is this but to doe as the Apostle complaines Rom. 10. statuentes suam iusticiam iusticiae Dei non sunt subiecti Seeking by all meanes to establish their owne righteousnes they were not subiected to the righteousnes of God We slander God to flatter men and wrong his scale to aduance ours Saue that all is Centuplū I grant which we receiue here though neuer so little if we compare it with our merits Whether it be so then or not that the Centuplum is here paid merit is dasht § 19. In his 9. numb he brings that out of Rom. 4. To him that worketh the reward is imputed not according to grace but according to debt Why this Because the Bishop had answered his other authoritie of vnusquisque accipiet Euery one shall receiue reward according to his labour I say the Bishop had answered it most pithily and most properly According to his labour but not for his labour It is the square of the reward but not the formall cause whereby In genere comparatorum non efficientium as the worthy Bishop most worthily had explained By all which their inference of merit is confounded To this then he opposes that wages is of debt not of grace to him that worketh Rom. 4. 4. Yet they are wont to say both of grace and of debt as they haue many more such vntempered morterings and mungrel daubings Cornelius Muss in his Comment in 6. ad Rom. in the very end thus speaking of
of the Law the Law being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lex factorum the lawe of deedes as it is often called Can any flie ouer this not a mud wall but a wall of diamond with his wings of Counsels and voluntary obseruations though neuer so nimble and swift otherwise Gregorie Nazianzen is of the same minde to omit other Fathers Orat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Let no man beare himselfe more legall then the Law more lofty then the commaundement more straight then the leuell or rule it selfe Therefore let there be no Counsels as additaments to the Lawe No though vowes and Monkerie in suo totali were graunted in all the whole substance of it in pouerty chastitie and obedience For as here we heare all is comprehended vnder due whatsoeuer it be all is no more then our debt to the law Monkerie it selfe with the appertenances But againe many obserue chastitie pouerty and obedience without the Vow which perhaps makes Chrysostome finde Monasticall accuratenesse and strictnesse so often euen in populous Cities villages and townes This is not saies he one time a doctrine only for them that lodge abroad in the fields or in the toppes of hils and steep mountaines c. as the people supposed fondly crying out as the Adioynder doth here that such perfection as he exhorted them to in his Sermon was for Monks onely In another place Abraham had wife and children saies he yet perfecter then any Monke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more accurate of his wayes more exact in his courses then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they which at this day haue taken vp their lodging in the tops of the hils at this day saies he and yet we heard before how resplendent the Monks were in his time like Angels incarnate ex hom 8. in Matth. Of another manner of stampe I wisse then the Abby-coynes in Poperie I meane their Friers longè diuersi commatis of whom we read notwithstading that they had vera monetaria true mints to coyne money in Had Chrysostomes so or could this haue beene heard of without horror then Lastly that Monks may be without these three viz. pouertie chastitie and obedience I will not say as I might for that yours haue been so Famous for faction first so as Contention if she were lost must be found in the Monastery Ariosto'es deuice where was obedience all this while For pouertie so as you heard euen now insomuch as they had mints and are they for poore folkes As for chastity I will spare my pen and not triumph in your shame as I might at large nor vnkindly gall the Readers modestie suffice it that true Monkerie vnreprooueable Monkerie may bee without these not onely your counterfeit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the ensuing shew § 34. Athanasius ad Dracontium of his times Multi Monachi sunt parentes liberorum And Quisque vbi volet decertet That is Many Monks are fathers of children Let euery man trie masteries as his owne mind serues him Making it first free to professe Monkerie or no and in that profession allowing the libertie euen of getting children S. August de Haeres cap. 40. Catholica Ecclesia plurimos Monachos clericosque habet vtentes vxoribus that is more then eoniugatos that by the way I may note somewhat for Ministers marriages propria possidentes In English thus The Catholike Church hath many Monks and Clerks in it meaning Ministers that both vse their wiues and possesse goods in proper Of Chrysostome I told you before Hom. 8. in ad Hebr. that if marriage and Monkerie may not stand together all is spoild Therefore your Church hath spoild all or there is nothing left vn-spoild in your Church that hath diuided these As for the Canon that forbids Monks to marrie Calched Concil can 16. it is a great deale younger and we search truth by the originall times Besides how gently doth that Canon censure them And so likewise the Virgins that marrie after profession or dedicatiō 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is kept for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The libertie of courtesie or relaxation is reserued for the Bishop of the place So as still the Monke may keepe his wife and the Virgin her husband As for Pouertie Alvarus Pelagius de planctu Eccl. lib. 1. cap. 46. Abdication of proprietie is not essentiall to Monkerie For in Egypt and Palaestine the Monks there vsually both bought and sold Yea Paulus ille summus Monachus proprium habuit testamentum fecit Paul the Arch-Monke had somewhat proper and made a will This speakes Alvarus of the Monks of Egypt which were those whome Chrysostome so praised euen now and from whome Bellarmine would commend his owne And for Obedience which is the third Caietane makes such a diuorce betweene perfection and that in 2. 2. Quaest 86. art 5. that he preferres the Bishop there afore the Monke though the Monke liues in farre more obedience then the Bishop as we all know Finally cannot the Pope dispence with his owne selfe for continence pouertie and obedience Hostiensis will tell you so no man disagreeing from him Nay how rare a thing is it for the Pope to obey Yet you knowe the Pope cannot cast away the height of his Pontificall perfection by any meanes Yea he dispences with others too as well as with himselfe and you approoue the practise Therfore these are not linked in so neere a band as you would make folkes beleeue but are separable from one another the vowe from Monkerie aske but Salomon of this Ecclesiast 5. or Dauid Psal 119. and Monkery from the vowe and Perfection from them all while your Euangelicall Counsels appeare no where § 35. Which things beeing so why should you traduce our men so bitterly in your numb 26. for abandoning the Monasteries that coope of infamies and taking to them wiues May the Pope doe this out of the libertie of his fanci◠though materia voti be the same it was at first and shall not these be borne with whome the dangerousnes of the times and the reformation of their iudgements and the exigence of the cause acquireth from your slaunder Reade Theodoret l. 4. c. 26. Ecclesiast histor of Aphraates the Monke abandoning his cell and going abroad into the world to intend preaching Whose answer to the Emperour challenging him for it may be ours to your selfe in defence of those men whom you carpe so virulently But you alleadge Dionysius vnto vs de Ecclesiast Hierarch c. 10. and you say he liued in the Apostles times and boldly you call him S. Pauls disciple Thus you thinke you may perswade your schollers within the grate doubly captiued that haue neither mind to study nor opportunity to search nor yet iudgement to discerne that the doubtfull Dionysius is a man of such authoritie Who suppose he were most absolute and most authenticall what sayes he euen as you relate him That the Monks of
male pert or erroneous Reuel 18. 4. Ferer Lusti antè citat Apud Gelas Cyzic in Act. Concil Nicen. a The Adioynd confuted by his owne allegation out of the Acts of Parlament See pag. 100. huius b Register of the Templats and Order of S. Iohn of Hierusalem quoted by M. IV Cambden in his Britannia Cornavijs c He that hath licence for doing incurres no fault at all but the breach eueÌ„ of humane laws vndispensed is a sinne in conscience by the Papists doctrin Adioynd Num. 54. 55. 2. Sam. 15. 17. Rom. 13. Tit. 3. 1. Pet. 2. * Adioynd vbi priùs d Sauls guard refuse to doe a wicked act at their masters commaundement yet the Guard was not exempt from Sauls authoritie neither will the Adioynder haue it so This disobedience therefore prooues not but Saul was King as well ouer the Priests as others e Exod. 1. f Dauid represents the Priesthood not onely the Kingdome g One Doeg many Doegs h Doeg a figure of Iudas a The sword rewardes no lesse then punishes b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In burro panno purpureus animuâ— as Calvin him selfe most excellently notes whome they slaunder notwithstanding as vnkind to Kings Instit l. 3 c. 19. Sect 9. c Dio alis d The happines of Kingdomes is in obedience to Kings without contradiction Gerson c. Adioynd Num. 62. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Quoniam percepimus Ecclesiae relligionis nostrae tranquillitatens c. Iuram Scot. Edit an 1581. quoted by the Adioynder Though this be somewhat auncient to prooue the iudgement of these times by especially for one that takes notice of the Bishops iust exception Dies diem docuit c. See Adioynd Num. 68. b Vide Chrysost in fine huius Quanquam loquitur it à Synodus sexta Constantinop in Epist Concilij ad Iustinian Imper. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seiromaste c No more power then Defensiue yet Sanders saies the Sword is Avenger rather But these two numina Praemium Poena conteine the Church and consummate the Suprematie c Though S. Austen make heresies vicia carnis as the Apostle also doth Gal. 5. By how much more they shall belong to the Kings correction * Aug. Triumph p. 9. citat Chrys in Matth. in eandem sent d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paulo ante ex Concil 6. e De Merit remiss pecc initio lib. * Papa potest condere novuÌ„ Symbolum novos articulos c. Triumph Ancon p. 310. f Nec auro Pyrrhe tuo nec elephantis Fabricius apud Plut. Adioynd Num. 63. g The Adioynder addes further here out of Beza as it seemes that Kings cannot be exempted from the diuine domination of the Presbyterie c. Forsooth nor from Confession vnder a shauen Priest with the Papists But who knows not that we haue banished the Presbyterie here in England or rather neuer receiued it not onely in extention as it reflects vpon Kings but not so much as in single essence And yet in France which was Bezaes owne countrey Rex causam dixit aliquando in iudicio si vera Bodinus Was hee not therfore supreame So here perhaps h Of the licking the dust of the Churches feet see S. Hierome before pag. 519. It imports small subiection superioritie rather And yet here the Church doth not signifie the Clergie yea as some thinke it is no where so taken at all in Scripture Lastly if it were yee the word Church is not once named by the Prophet Esay but he directs his speech to them that are of the Church the beleeuers in generall Gen. 41. 43. Adioynd vbi priùs Bonavent in 4. Sentent Dist 18. quaest 3. Resp ad vltimum Sed praecipuè August de parcendo multitudini ne eradicetur triticum Totis tract contrà Donatist T. 7. Denique Epist Leodiens Apologet. ann 1106. apud Schard Pro M. Celio Paral. p. 383. and 384. * Which Flor. Rem saies he may call the Talmud or Alcoran of heretiques Franciscus Horantius saies he wrote it by the instinct not of man but some foule spirit c. Both shewing in what account they haue the worke though they abliorre from his opinion * Flor. Rem de Origine haeres l. 7. c. 10. Sect. 1. Calvinus in conclavi quodam Engolismae apud Tilium plus quatuor millibus librotum tum manuscriptorum tum typis excusoruÌ„ instructo ita se continuit triennio vt vel intimi amicorum aegrè ad ipsum admitterentur c. What maruell when Tullie saies de Arusp Resp led by the light of nature Nihil praclarius quà m eosdem relligionibus decrum immortalium summe Repub. praeesse voluisse maiores nostros Sub init Orat. Prefat lib. de clave David Acberat cum Constantinum delegantem Melciadi cum alijs Episcopis causam Caecilij Donati caput Ecclesiae vocat donat cum titulum homini non Christiano here Nondum enim baptizatus cum suit Constantinus vt patet ex Euseb alijsque Christianus verò esse non potest qui ChristuÌ„ quando potest per baptismum non induit Eia Pergite in maledicta Quid mirum iam si Rex Iacabus non Christianus Bellarmino quamvis baptizatus In the rest of the words that the Adioynder quotes out of Bishop Barlowe Sermon it seemes he saies that the Puritanes allow the King to be onely an honourable member of the Church And yet the Adioynder would perswade vs but a little before that the Papists goe as farre as the Puritanes about the Supremicie c. Whereas his owne argument is here against certaine Kings No members Therefore no heads But the Puritans acknowledge their King a member in the very words that he citeth out of B. Barlow and an honourable member that is happily Supreame He contradicts himselfe therefore As for their denying him to be Gouernour though it appeare not in their words yet either their meaning is he is not to gouerne after his owne lust and fancie against the booke of God put into his hands or Bishop Barlow describes the Puritans by their old Problemes which they disclaime daily as the Bishop of Ely exceeding well notes Though not so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by reuerence and humilitie but at another time Episcopus Episcoporum And Ego Episcopus sum etiam extrà Ecclesiaâ—â— i. vbique * And this is euen the worst that can be boulted out of those wordes of the B. so spightfully insisted vpon by the Adioynd Numb 67. that the Kings gouernment of the Church is externall so farre forth as it requires and admitteth and authoritie For so farre he is from extenuating the Kings Supremacie therby that his meaning is We are to looke for as much helpe and aid froÌ„ him and consequently to acknowledge as much authoritie in him as is humans that is incident to the power or place of any man whatsoeuer and therefore Supreame without question in his Kingdome Though he denies not but